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RIEBER  HALL  LIBRARY 


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THE 


HISTORY 


OF 


THE   DECLINE   AND    FALL 


OP  THE 


ROMAN  EMPIRE. 


By  EDWARD  GIBBON,  Esq. 


WITH    NOTES, 
By  the  Rev.  H.   H.  MILMAN, 

•  ItfiVENDAItY   OP    ST.  PETER's,  AND    RECTOR   OP   ST.  MARGARET'S,    WESTMINSTER, 


j>i.     JTew     ^DITION, 

TO  WHICH  IS  ADDED 

A   COMPLETE   INDEX   OF   THE  WHOLE  WORK. 

IN    SIX    VOLUMES. 
VOL.  I. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

J.  B.  LIPPINCOTT  &  CO., 

1880. 


Brtber  Hall, 

Sf?l£ 

sbU" 

•       Library 

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PREFACE 

BY    THE    EDITOR. 


The  great  work  of  Gibbon  is  indispensable  to  the 
student  of  history.  The  literature  of  Europe  offers 
no  substitute  for  "  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman 
Empire."  It  has  obtained  undisputed  possession,  as 
rightful  occupant,  of  the  vast  period  which  it  compre- 
hends. However  some  subjects,  which  it  embraces, 
may  have  undergone  more  complete  investigation,  on 
the  general  view  of  the  whole  period,  this  history  is 
the  sole  undisputed  authority  to  which  all  defer,  and 
from  which  few  appeal  to  the  original  writers,  or  to 
more  modern  compilers.  The  inherent  interest  of  the 
subject,  the  inexhaustible  labor  employed  upon  it;  the 
immense  condensation  of  matter;  the  luminous  ar- 
rangement; the  general  accuracy;  the  style,  which 
however  mouotonous  from  its  uniform  stateliness,  and 
sometimes  wearisome  from  its  elaborate  art,  is  through- 
out vigorous,  animated,  often  picturesque,  always  com- 
mands attention,  always  conveys  its  meaning  with 
emphatic  energy,  describes  with  singular  breadth  and 
fidelity,  and  generalizes  with  unrivalled  felicity  of 
expression ;  all  these  high  qualifications  have  secured, 


lU 


IV  PREFACE    BY   THE    EDITOR. 

and  seem  likely  to  secure,  its  permanent  place  m  his- 
toric literature. 

This  vast  design  of  Gibbon,  the  magnificent  whole 
into  which  he  has  cast  the  decay  and  ruin  of  thp 
ancient  civilization,  the  formation  and  birth  of  the 
new  order  of  things,  will  of  itself,  independent  of  the 
laborious  execution  of  his  immense  plan,  render  "  The 
Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  "  an  unap- 
proachable subject  to  the  future  historian :  *  in  the 
eloquent  language  of  his  recent  French  editor,  M. 
Guizot :  — 

"  The  gradual  decline  of  the  most  extraordinary 
dominion  which  has  ever  invaded  and  oppressed  the 
world ;  the  fall  of  that  immense  empire,  erected  on  the 
ruins  of  so  many  kingdoms,  republics,  and  states  both 
barbarous  and  civilized ;  and  forming  in  its  turn,  by 
its  dismemberment,  a  multitude  of  states,  republics, 
and  kingdoms ;  the  annihilation  of  the  religion  of 
Greece  and  Rome  ;  the  birth  and  the  progress  of  the 
two  new  religions  which  have  shared  the  most  beauti- 
ful regions  of  the  earth  ;  the  decrepitude  of  the  ancient 
world,  the  spectacle  of  its  expiring  glory  and  degen- 
erate manners ;  the  infancy  of  the  modern  world,  the 
picture  of  its  first  progress,  of  the  new  direction  given 
to  the  mind  and  character  of  man  —  such  a  subject 
must  necessarily  fix  the  attention  and  excite  the  inter- 
est of  men,  who  cannot  behold  with  indifference  those 
memorable  epochs,  during  which,  in  the  fine  language 
of  Corneille  — 

'  Un  grajid  dcstin  commence,  un  grand  destin  s'acheve.'  " 

This  extent  and  harmony  of  design  is  unqueslion* 

•  A  considerable   portion  of  this  prcfat'e  had  already  aptiewed 
before  tt*  public  in  tie  Qaarterly  Review, 


PREFACE    BY    THE    EDITOR.  V 

ably  lliat  which  distinguishes  the  work  of  Gibbon 
from  all  other  great  historical  compositions.  He  has 
first  bridged  the  abyss  between  ancient  and  modern 
times,  and  connected  together  the  two  great  worlds 
of  history.  The  great  advantage  which  the  classical 
historians  possess  over  those  of  modern  times  is  in 
unity  of  plan,  of  course  greatly  facilitated  by  the  nar- 
rower sphere  to  which  tiicir  researches  were  confined, 
fcixcept  Herodotus,  the  great  historians  of  Greece  — 
we  exclude  the  more  modern  compilers,  like  Diodorus 
Sicuius  —  limited  themselves  to  a  single  period,  or  at 
least  to  the  contracted  sphere  of  Grecian  atfairs.  As 
far  as  the  Barbarians  trespassed  within  the  Grecian 
boundary,  or  were  necessarily  mingled  up  with  Grecian 
politics,  they  were  admitted  into  the  pale  of  Grecian 
history  ;  but  to  Thucydides  and  to  Xenophon,  except- 
ing in  the  Persian  inroad  of  the  latter,  Greece  was  the 
world.  Natural  unity  confined  their  narrative  almost 
to  chronological  order,  the  episodes  were  of  rare  occiu- 
rence  and  extremely  brief.  To  the  Roman  historians 
the  course  was  equally  clear  and  defined.  Rome  was 
their  centre  of  unity  ;  and  the  uniformity  with  which 
the  circle  of  the  Roman  dominion  spread  around,  the 
regularity  with  which  their  civil  polity  expanded, 
torced,  as  it  were,  upon  the  Roman  historian  that  plan 
which  Polybius  announces  as  the  subject  of  his  his- 
tory, the  moans  and  the  manner  by  which  the  whole 
v/orld  became  subject  to  the  Roman  sway.  How  dif- 
tecent  the  complicated  politics  of  the  European  king- 
doms '  Ev^ery  national  history,  to  be  complete,  must. 
in  a  certain  sense,  be  the  history  of  Europe;  there  is 
uc-  Knowing  to  how  remote  a  quarter  it  may  be  neces* 


»1  PREFACE    BY    THE    EDITOR. 

sarj  to  trace  our  most  domestic  events ;  from  a  coun- 
try, how  apparently  disconnected,  may  originate  the 
impulse  which  gives  its  direction  to  the  whole  course 
of  affairs. 

In  imitation  of  his  classical  models,  Gibbon  places 
Rome  as  the  cardinal  point  from  which  his  intpiiries 
diverge,  and  to  which  they  bear  constant  reference ; 
yet  how  immeasurable  the  space  over  which  those 
inquiries  range  !  how  complicated,  how  confused,  how 
apparently  inextricable  the  causes  which  tend  to  the 
decline  of  the  Roman  empire !  how  countless  the 
nations  which  swarm  forth,  in  mingling  and  indistinct 
hordes,  constantly  changing  the  geographical  limits  — 
incessantly  confounding  the  natural  boundaries !  At 
first  sight,  the  whole  period,  the  whole  state  of  the 
world,  seems  to  offer  no  more  secure  footing  to  an 
historical  adventurer  than  the  chaos  of  Milton  —  to  be 
in  a  state  of  irreclaimable  disorder,  best  described  in 
the  language  of  the  poet :  — 

«  A  dark 


Illimitable  ocean,  without  bound, 

Without  dimension,  where  length,  breadth,  and  height, 

And  time,  and  place,  are  lost:  where  eldest  Night 

And  Chaos,  ancestors  of  Nature,  hold 

Eternal  anarchy,  amidst  the  noise 

Of  endless  wars,  and  by  confusion  stand." 

We  feel  that  the  unity  and  harmony  of  narrative, 
viiich  shall  comprehend  this  period  of  social  disor- 
ganization, must  be  ascribed  entirely  to  the  skill  and 
luminous  disposition  of  the  historian.  It  is  in  this 
•iiblime  Gothic  architecture  of  his  work,  in  which  the 


PREFACE    BY    THE    EDITOR  vh 

boundlesa  range,  the  infinite  variety,  the,  at  first  sight, 
incongruous  gorgeousness  of  the  separate  parts,  never- 
theless are  all  subordinate  to  one  main  and  predomi 
nant  idea,  that  Gibbon  is  unrivalled.  We  cannot  but 
admire  the  manner  in  which  he  masses  his  materials, 
end  arranges  his  facts  in  successive  groups,  not  accord- 
ing to  chronological  order,  but  to  their  moral  or  politi- 
cal connection ;  the  distinctness  with  which  he  marks 
his  periods  of  gradually  increasing  decay;  and  the 
skill  with  which,  though  advancing  on  separate  paral- 
lels of  history,  he  shows  the  common  tendency  of  the 
slower  or  more  rapid  religious  or  civil  innovations. 
However  these  principles  of  composition  may  demand 
more  than  ordinary  attention  on  the  part  of  the  reader, 
they  can  alone  impress  upon  the  memory  the  leal 
course,  and  the  relative  importance  of  the  events. 
Whoever  would  justly  appreciate  the  superiority  of 
Gibbon's  lucid  arrangement,  should  attempt  to  make 
his  way  through  the  regular  but  wearisome  annals  of 
Tillemont,  or  even  the  less  ponderous  volumes  of  Le 
Beau.  Both  these  writers  adhere,  almost  entirely,  to 
chronological  order ;  the  consequence  is,  that  we  are 
twenty  times  called  upon  to  break  off,  and  resume  the 
thread  of  six  or  eight  wars  in  different  parts  of  the 
empire;  to  suspend  the  operations  of  a  military  expe- 
dition for  a  court  intrigue;  to  hurry  away  from  a 
siege  to  a  council;  and  the  same  page  places  us  in  the 
middle  of  a  campaign  against  the  barbarians,  and  in 
the  depths  of  the  Monophysite  controversy.  In  Gib- 
bon it  is  not  always  easy  to  bear  in  mind  the  exact 
dates,  but  the  course  of  events  is  ever  clear  and 
distinct  ;    like    a    skilful    general,    though    his    troops 


fill  PREFACE    BY    THE    EDITOR. 

advance  from  the  most  remote  and  opposite  quarterSj 
they  are  constantly  bearing  down  and  concentratnig 
tliemselves  on  one  point  —  that  which  is  still  occnpied 
by  the  name,  and  by  the  waning  power  of  Rome. 
Whether  he  traces  the  progress  of  hostile  religions,  or 
leads  from  the  shores  of  the  Baltic,  or  the  verge  of  the 
Chinese  empire,  the  successive  hosts  of  barbarians  — 
though  one  wave  has  hardly  burst  and  discharged 
itself,  before  another  swells  up  and  approaches  —  all  is 
made  to  flow  in  the  same  direction,  and  the  impression 
which  each  makes  upon  the  tottering  fabric  of  the 
Roman  greatness,  connects  their  distant  movements, 
and  measures  the  relative  importance  assigned  to  them 
in  the  panoramic  history.  The  more  peaceful  and 
didatic  episodes  on  the  development  of  the  Roman 
laAV,  or  even  on  the  details  of  ecclesiastical  history, 
interpose  themselves  as  resting-places  or  divisions 
between  the  periods  of  barbaric  invasion.  In  short, 
though  distracted  first  by  the  two  capitals,  and  after- 
wards by  the  formal  partition  of  the  empire,  the  ex- 
traordinary felicity  of  arrangement  maintains  an  order 
and  a  regular  progression.  As  our  horizon  expands  to 
reveal  to  us  the  gathering  tempests  which  are  forming 
far  beyond  the  boundaries  of  the  civilized  world  —  as 
we  follo\y  their  successive  approach  to  the  trembling 
frontier  —  the  compressed  and  receding  line  is  stili 
distinctly  visible;  though  gradually  dismembered,  and 
the  broken  fragments  assuming  the  form  of  regular 
states  and  kingdoms,  the  leal  relation  of  those  king- 
doms to  the  empire  is  maintained  and  defined  ;  and 
even  when  the  Roman  dominion  has  shrunk  into  littla 
more  than  the  province  of  Thrace  —  wheii  the  name 


PRBFACE    BY    THE    LDITOR.  U 

of  Rome  is  confined,  in  Italy,  to  the  walls  cf  the  city 
—  yet  it  is  still  the  memory,  the  shade  of  the  Roman 
greatness,  which  extends  over  the  wide  sphere  inlc 
which  the  historian  expands  his  later  narrative;  the 
whole  blends  into  the  nnity,  and  is  manifestly  essen- 
tial to  the  double  catastrophe  of  his  tragic  drama. 

But  the  amplitude,  the  magnificence,  or  the  har- 
mony of  design,  are,  though  imposing,  yet  unworthy 
claims  on  our  admiration,  unless  the  details  are  filled 
up  with  correctness  and  accuracy.  No  writer  has 
been  more  severely  tried  on  this  point  than  Gibbon. 
He  has  undergone  the  triple  scrutiny  of  theological 
zeal  quickened  by  just  resentment,  of  literary  emula- 
tion, and  of  that  mean  and  invidious  vanity  which 
delights  in  detecting  errors  in  writers  of  established 
fame.  On  the  result  of  the  trial,  we  may  be  jiermitted 
to  summon  competent  witnesses  before  we  deliver  our 
own  judgment. 

M.  Guizot,  in  his  preface,  after  stating  that  ni 
France  and  Germany,  as  well  as  in  England,  in  the 
most  enlightened  countries  of  Europe,  Gibbon  is 
I'.onstantly  cited  as  an  authority,  thus  proceeds:  — 

"  I  have  had  occasion,  during  my  labors,  to  considt 
the  writings  of  philosophers,  who  have  treated  on  the 
finances  of  the  Roman  empire  ;  of  scholars,  who  have 
iiivostigated  the  chronology;  of  theologians,  who  have 
searched  the  deptlis  of  ecclesiastical  history  ;  of 
writers  on  law,  who  have  studied  with  care  the  ilmuan 
jurisprudence;  of  Orientalists,  who  have  occupied 
Ihcmselves  with  the  Arabians  and  the  Koran  ;  of 
modern  historians,  who  have  entered  upon  extensive 
lesearches  touching  the  crusades  and  iUniv  intluence  ; 
1* 


PREFAC  E    BY    THE    EDITOR. 


each  of  these  writers  has  remarked  and  pointed  out, 
in  the  '  History  of  the  DecUne  and  Fall  of  the  Roman 
Empire,'  some  negligences,  some  false  or  imperfect 
views,  some  omissions,  which  it  is  impossible  not  to 
suppose  volimtary  ;  they  have  rectified  some  facts, 
combated  with  advantage  some  assertions ;  but  in 
general  they  have  taken  the  researches  and  the  ideas 
of  Gibbon,  as  points  of  departure,  or  as  proofs  of  the 
researches  or  of  the  new  opinions  which  they  have 
advanced." 

M.  Guizot  goes  on  to  state  his  own  impressions  on 
reading  Gibbon's  history,  and  no  authority  will  have 
greater  weight  with  those  to  whom  the  extent  and 
accuracy  of  his  historical  researches  are  known  :  — 

'^  After  a  first  rapid  perusal,  which  allowed  me  to 

feel  nothing  but  the   interest   of  a  narrative,  always 

animated,   and,    notwithstanding    its    extent  and    the 

variety  of  objects  which  it  makes  to  pass  before  the 

view,  always  perspicuous,  I  entered  upon  a  minute 

examination  of  the  details  of  which  it  was  composed ; 

and  the  opinion  which   I  then  formed  was,  I  confess, 

singularly    severe.      I    discovered,  in  certain  chapters, 

errors  which   appeared   to    me    sufficiently    important 

and  numerous  to  make  me  believe  that  they  had  been 

written   with  extreme  negligence ;    in   others,    I   was 

strm^k  with  a  certain  tinge  of  partiality  and  prejudice, 

which   imparted    to   the   exposition   of  the   facts   tlial 

want  of  truth  and  justice,  which  the  English  ex|)r(!ss 

by  thfir  happy  term  misrepresentation.      Some  inijicr- 

fect   (tron<iidcs)  quotations  ;    some  passages,    ornilt^'rl 

unintentionally  or  designedly,  cast  a  suspicion   on   'he 

h')ncsty  {bonne  f(d)  o(  i\\e  author;   and  his  vio/atioi) 


PEEFACE    UY    THE    KDITOA.  XI 

ol  tlie  first  law  of  history  —  increased  to  my  eyes  by 
the  prolonged  attention  with  which  I  occupied  myself 
with  every  phrase,  every  note,  every  reflection  — 
caused  me  to  form  upon  the  whole  work,  a  judgment 
far  too  rigorous.  After  having  finished  my  labors,  1 
allowed  some  time  to  elapse  before  I  reviewed  the 
whole.  A  second  attentive  and  regular  perusal  of 
the  entire  work,  of  the  notes  of  the  author,  and  of 
those  which  I  had  thought  it  right  to  subjoin,  showed 
me  how  much  I  had  exaggerated  the  imj)ortance  of 
the  reproaches  which  Gibbon  really  deserved  ;  I  was 
struck  with  the  same  errors,  the  same  partiality  on 
certain  subjects ;  but  I  had  been  far  from  doing  ad- 
equate justice  to  the  immensity  of  his  researches,  the 
variety  of  his  knowledge,  and  above  all,  to  that  truly 
philosophical  discrimination  (jiistesse  d^esprit)  which 
judges  the  past  as  it  would  judge  tiie  present  ;  which 
does  not  permit  itself  to  be  blinded  by  the  clouds 
which  time  gathers  around  the  dead,  and  which  pre- 
vent us  from  seeing  that,  under  the  toga,  as  under  the 
modern  dress,  in  the  senate  as  in  our  councils,  men 
were  what  they  still  are,  and  that  events  took  place 
eighteen  centuries  ago,  as  they  take  place  in  our  days. 
1  then  felt  that  his  book,  in  spite  of  its  faults,  will 
always  be  a  noble  work — and  that  we  may  correct 
his  errors  and  combat  his  prejudices,  without  ceasing 
to  admit  that  few  men  have  combined,  if  we  are  not 
to  say  in  so  high  a  degree,  at  least  in  a  manner  so 
comjiletc,  and  so  well  regulated,  the  necessary  quali- 
fications for  a  writer  of  history.'' 

The  present  editor  has  followed  the  track  of  Gibbon 
thro'igli    many    parts  of  his    work  ;  he    has    read    his 


XU  PREFACE    BY    THE    EDITOR. 

authoniies  with  constant  reference  to  his  pages,  and 
must  pronounce  his  deliberate  judgment,  in  terms  of 
the  highest  admiration  as  to  his  general  accuracy. 
Many  of  his  seeming  errors  are  almost  inevitable  from 
tlie  close  condensation  of  his  matter.  From  the  mi- 
mense  range  of  his  history,  it  was  sometimes  necessary 
to  compress  into  a  single  sentence,  a  whole  vague  and 
diffuse  page  of  a  Byzantine  chronicler.  Perhaps 
something  of  importance  may  have  thus  escaped,  and 
his  expressions  may  not  quite  contain  the  whole  sub- 
^■tance  of  the  passage  from  which  they  are  taken.  His 
)imits,  at  times,  compel  him  to  sketch  ;  whce  that  is 
the  case,  it  is  not  fair  to  expect  the  full  details  of  the 
finished  picture.  At  times  he  can  only  deal  with  im- 
portant results  ;  and  in  his  account  of  a  v/ar,  it  some- 
times requires  great  attention  to  discover  that  the 
events,  which  seem  to  be  comprehended  in  a  single 
campaign,  occupy  several  years.  But  this  admirable 
skill  in  selecting  and  giving  prominence  to  the  points 
which  are  of  real  weight  and  importance — this  dis- 
tribution of  light  and  shade  —  though  perhaps  it  may 
occasionally  betray  him  into  vague  and  imperfect  state- 
ments, is  one  of  the  highest  excellencies  of  Gibbon's 
historic  manner.  It  is  the  more  striking,  when  we  pass 
from  the  works  of  his  chief  authorities,  where,  alter 
laboring  through  long,  minute,  and  wearisome  descrip- 
tions of  the  accessary  and  subordinate  circumstances,  c 
single  unmarked  and  undistinguished  sentence,  which 
we  may  overlook  from  tlie  inattention  of  fatigue, 
contains  the  great  moral  and  political  result. 

Gibbon's  method   of  arrangcinent.    though    on    the 
Wholr^  most  favorable  to  the  clear  comprehe/jsion  oi 


PREFACE    BY    THE    EDITOH.  xiii 

klic  events,  leads  likewise  to  apparent  inacci.racy. 
That  which  we  expect  to  find  in  one  part  is  reserved 
for  anotiier.  The  estimate  which  we  are  to  form, 
depends  on  the  accurate  balance  of  statements  in 
remote  parts  of  the  work  ;  and  we  have  sometimes  to 
correct  and  modify  opinions,  formed  from  one  chapter, 
by  those  of  another.  Yet,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is 
astonishing  how  rarely  we  detect  contradiction  ;  the 
mind  of  the  author  has  already  harmonized  the  whole 
result  to  truth  and  probability;  the  general  impression 
is  almost  invariably  the  same.  The  quotations  of 
Gibbon  have  likewise  been  called  in  question; — I 
have,  in  general^  been  more  inclined  to  admire  their 
exactitude;  than  to  complain  of  their  indistinctness,  or 
incompleteness.  Where  they  are  imperfect,  it  is  com- 
monly from  the  study  of  brevity,  and  rather  from  the 
desire  of  compressing  the  substance  of  his  notes  into 
pointed  and  emphatic  sentences,  than  from  dishonesty, 
or  uncandid  suppression  of  truth. 

These  observations  apply  more  particularly  to  the 
accuracy  and  fidelity  of  the  historian  as  to  his  facts; 
his  inferences,  of  course,  are  more  liable  to  exception. 
It  is  almost  'impossible  to  trace  the  line  between 
unfairness  and  unfaithfulness ;  between  intentional 
misrepresentation  and  undesigned  false  coloring.  The 
relative  magnitude  and  importance  of  events  must,  n\ 
some  respect,  depend  upon  the  mind  before  which 
they  are  presented  ;  the  estimate  of  character,  on  the 
habits  and  feelings  of  the  reader.  Christians,  like 
M.  Ciuizot  and  ourselves,  will  see  some  things,  and 
some  persons,  in  a  different  light  from  the  historian  of 
the  Decline  and  Fall.     We  may  deplore  the  bias  of 


KIV  PREFACE    BY    THE    EDITOR, 

his  mind  ;  we  may  ourselves  be  on  our  guard  againsl 
the  danger  of  being  misled,  and  be  anxious  to  warn 
less  wary  readers  against  the  same  perils ;  but  we 
must  not  confound  this  secret  and  unconscious  de- 
parture from  truth,  with  the  deliberate  violation  of 
that  veracity  which  is  the  only  title  of  an  historian  to 
our  confidence.  Gibbon,  it  may  be  fearlessly  asserted 
is  rarely  chargeable  even  with  the  suppression  of  any 
material  fact,  which  bears  upon  individual  character  ; 
he  may,  with  apparently  invidious  hostility,  enhance 
the  errors  and  crimes,  and  disparage  the  virtues  of 
Certain  persons ;  yet,  in  general,  he  leaves  us  the 
materials  for  forming  a  fairer  judgment ;  and  if  he 
is  not  exempt  from  his  own  prejudices,  perhaps  we 
might  write  passions,  yet  it  must  be  candidly  acknowl- 
edged, that  his  philosophical  bigotry  is  not  more  unjust 
than  the  theological  partialities  of  those  ecclesiastical 
writers  who  were  before  in  undisputed  possession  of 
this  province  of  history. 

We  are  thus  naturally  led  to  that  great  misrepre- 
sentation which  pervades  his  history  —  his  false  esti- 
mate of  the  nature  and  influence  of  Christianity. 

But  on  this  subject  some  preliminary  caution  is 
necessary,  lest  that  should  be  expected  from  a  new 
edition,  which  it  is  impossible  that  it  should  com- 
pletely accomplish.  We  must  first  be  prepared  with 
the  only  sound  preservative  against  the  false  impres- 
sion likely  to  be  produced  by  the  perusal  of  Gibbon  ; 
and  we  must  see  clearly  the  real  cause  of  that  false 
Jmpiession.  The  former  of  these  cautions  will  be 
briefly  suggested  in  its  proper  place,  but  it  may  be  aii 
woU  to  state  it,  here,  somewhat  more  at   ength.      Thf 


PREFACE    BY    THE    EDITOR.  Xt 

art  of  Gibbon,  or  at  least  the  unfair  impression  j  ro- 
duced  by  his  two  memorable  chapters,  consists  in  his 
confounding  together,  in  one  indistinguishable  mass, 
the  origin  and  apostolic  propagation  of  the  new  re- 
ligion, with  its  later  progress.  No  argument  for  the 
divine  authority  of  Christianity  has  been  urged  with 
greater  force,  or  traced  with  higher  eloquence,  than 
that  deduced  from  its  primary  development,  explica- 
ble on  no  other  hypothesis  than  a  heavenly  origin, 
and  from  its  rapid  extension  through  great  part  of 
the  Roman  empire.  But  this  argument  —  one,  when 
confined  within  reasonable  limits,  of  imanswerable 
force  —  becomes  more  feeble  and  disputable  in  propor- 
tion as  it  recedes  from  the  birthplace,  as  it  were,  of 
the  religion.  The  further  Christianity  advanced,  the 
more  causes  purely  human  were  enlisted  in  its  favor  ; 
nor  can  it  be  doubted  that  those  developed  with  such 
artful  exclusiveness  by  Gibbon  did  concur  most  essen- 
tially to  its  establishment.  It  is  in  the  Christian  dis- 
pengation,  as  in  the  material  world.  In  both  it  is  as 
the  great  First  Cause,  that  the  Deity  is  most  undenia- 
bly manifest.  When  once  launched  in  regular  motion 
upon  the  bosom  of  space,  and  endowed  with  all  their 
pioperties  and  relations  of  weight  and  mutual  at- 
traction, the  heavenly  bodies  appear  to  pursue  their 
courses  according  to  secondary  laws,  which  account 
for  all  their  sublime  regularity.  So  Christianity  pro- 
claims its  Divine  AiUhor  chiefly  in  its  first  oriijin  and 
ilevelopnient.  When  it  had  once  received  its  itnjiuisG 
from  above  —  when  it  had  once  been  infused  into  the 
minds  of  its  first  teachers  —  when  it  nad  gained  full 
possession  of  the  reason  and  affections  of  the  favored 


»V1  PREFACE    BY    THE    EDITOR. 

few  —  it  might  be — alid  to  the  Protestant,  the  rational 
(-'hristian,  it  is  impossible  to  define  when  it  really  was 

—  left  to  make  its  way  by  its  native  force,  under  the 
ordinary  secret  agencies  of  all-ruling  Providence.  The 
main  question,  the  divine  origin  of  the  religion,  was 
dexterously  eluded,  or  speciously  conceded  by  Gib- 
bon ;  his  plan  enabled  him  to  commence  his  account, 
in  most  parts,  beloio  the  apostolic  times ;  and  it  was 
only  by  the  strength  of  the  dark  coloring  with  which 
he  brought  out  the  failings  and  the  follies  of  the  suc- 
ceeding ages,  that  a  shadow  of  doubt  and  suspicion 
was  thrown  back  upon  the  primitive  period  of  Chris- 
tianity. 

"  The  theologian,"  says  Gibbon,  "  may  indulge  the 
pleasing  task  of  describing  religion  as  she  descended 
from  heaven,  arrayed  in  her  native  purity  ;  a  more 
melancholy  duty  is  imposed  upon  the  historian:  —  he 
must  discover  the  inevitable  mixture  of  error  and  cor- 
ruption which  she  contracted  in  a  long  residence 
upon  earth  among  a  weak  and  degenerate  race  of 
beings."  Divest  this  passage  of  the  latent  sarcasm 
betrayed  by  the  subsequent  tone  of  the  whole  disqui^ 
eition,  and  it  might  commence  a  Cliristian  history 
written  in  the  most  Christian  spirit  of  candor.  But  as 
the  historian,  by  seeming  to  respect,  yet  by  dexter- 
ously confounding  the  limits  of  the  sacred  land,  con- 
trived to  insinuate  that  it  was  an  Utopia  v/hicli  had 
iio  existence  but  in  the  invagination  of  the  theologian 

—  as  he  suggested  rather  than  alRrnied  that  the  days 
of  Christian  purity  were  a  kind  of  poetic  golden  aire; 

—  so  the  theologian,  by  venturing  too  far  into  the 
domain  of  the  historian,  has  bfcii  perpetually  obliged 


PREFACE    BY    THE    EDIT  3R  XTD 

to  contest  points  on  which  he  had  little  chance  of  vic- 
tory—  to  deny  facts  established  on  unshaken  evidence 
-and  thence,  to  retire,  if  not  with  the  shame  of 
defeat,  yet  with  but  doubtful  and  imperfect  success. 
Paley,  with  his  intuitive  sagacity,  saw  through  the 
difliculty  of  answering  Gibbon  by  the  ordinary  arts  of 
controversy  ;  his  emphatic  sentence,  "  Who  can  refute 
a  sneer  ?"  contains  as  much  truth  as  point.  But  full 
and  pregnant  as  this  phrase  is,  it  is  not  quite  the  whole 
truth  ;  it  is  the  tone  in  which  the  progress  of  Chris- 
tianity is  traced,  in  compariso7i  with  the  rest  of  the 
splendid  and  prodigally  ornamented  work,  which  is 
the  radical  defect  in  the  "Decline  and  Fall."  Chris- 
tianity alone  receives  no  embellishment  from  the 
magic  of  Gibbon's  language  ;  his  imagination  is  dead 
to  its  moral  dignity ;  it  is  kept  down  by  a  general 
tone  of  jealous  disparagement,  or  neutralized  by  a 
painfully  elaborate  exposition  of  its  darker  and  degen- 
erate periods.  There  are  occasions,  indeed,  when  its 
pure  and  exalted  humanity,  when  its  manifestly  ben- 
eficial influence,  can  compel  even  him,  as  it  were,  to 
fairness,  and  kindle  his  unguarded  eloquence  to  its 
usual  fervor ;  but,  in  general,  he  soon  relapses  into  a 
frigid  apathy  ;  affects  an  ostentatiously  severe  impar- 
tiality ;  notes  all  the  faults  of  Christians  in  every  ago 
with  bitter  and  almost  malignant  sarcasm;  reluctantly, 
and  with  exception  and  reservation,  admits  their  claim 
to  admiration.  This  inextricable  bias  appears  even 
to  mfluence  his  manner  of  composition.  While  all 
trie  other  assailants  of  the  Roman  empire,  whether 
wa-like  or  religious,  the  Goth,  the  Hun,  the  Arab, 
the  Tartar,  Alaric  and  Attila,  Mahomet,  and   Zengis. 


XVUl  PREFACE    BY   THE    EDITOR. 

and  Tamerlane,  are  each  introduced  upon  the  scene 
almost  with  dramatic  animation  —  their  progress  re- 
lated in  a  full,  complete,  and  mibroken  narrative  —  the 
triumph  of  Christianity  alone  takes  the  form  of  a  cold 
and  critical  disquisition.  The  successes  of  barbarous 
energy  and  brute  force  call  forth  all  the  consummate 
skill  of  composition ;  while  the  moral  triumphs  of 
Christian  benevolence: — the  tranquil  heroism  of  en- 
durance, the  blameless  purity,  the  contempt  of  guilty 
fame  and  of  honors  destructive  to  the  human  race, 
which,  had  they  assumed  the  proud  name  of  philoso- 
phy, would  have  been  blazoned  in  his  brightest  words, 
because  they  own  religion  as  their  principle  —  sink 
into  narrow  asceticism.  The  glories  of  Christianity, 
in  short,  touch  on  no  chord  in  the  heart  of  th«  writer; 
his  imagination  remains  unkindled ;  his  words,  though 
they  maintain  their  stately  and  measured  march,  have 
become  cool,  argumentative,  and  inanimate.  Who 
would  obscure  one  hue  of  that  gorgeous  coloring  in 
which  Gibbon  has  invested  the  dying  forms  of  Pagan- 
ism, or  darken  one  paragraph  in  his  splendid  view  of 
the  rise  and  progress  of  Mahometanism  ?  But  who 
would  not  have  wished  that  the  same  equal  justice 
had  been  done  to  Christianity ;  that  its  real  character 
and  deeply  penetrating  influence  had  been  traced  with 
the  same  philosophical  sagacity,  and  represented  with 
more  sober,  as  would  become  its  quiet  course,  an  1 
perhaps  less  picturesque,  but  still  with  lively  and 
attractive,  descriptiveness  ?  He  might  have  thrown 
aside,  with  the  same  scorn,  the  mass  of  ecck  siastical 
fiction  which  envelops  the  early  history  of  the  church, 
stripped  off  the  legendary  romance,  and  brought  out 


PREtACE    BY    THE    KDITOR.  Xll 

Ihe  facts  in  their  primitive  nakedness  and  simplicity  — 
if  he  had  bnt  allowed  those  facts  the  benefit  of  th« 
glowing  eloquence  which  he  denied  to  them  alone 
He  might  have  annihilated  the  whole  fabric  of  post- 
apostolic  miracles,  if  he  had  left  uninjured  by  sarcastic 
insinuation  those  of  the  New  Testam'ent  ;  he  might 
Iiave  cashiered,  with  Dodwell,  the  whole  host  of  mar- 
tyrs, which  owe  their  existence  to  the  prodigal  inven- 
tion of  later  days,  had  he  but  bestowed  fair  room,  and 
dwelt  with  his  ordinary  energy  on  the  sufferings  of 
the  genuine  witnesses  to  the  truth  of  Christianity,  the 
Polycarps,  or  the  martyrs  of  Vienne. 

And  indeed,  if,  after  all,  the  view  of  the  early  prog- 
ress of  Christianity  be  melancholy  and  humiliating, 
we  must  beware  lest  we  charge  the  whole  of  this  on 
the  infidelity  of  the  historian.  It  is  idle,  it  is  disin- 
genuous, to  deny  or  to  dissemble  the  early  deprava- 
tions of  Christianity,  its  gradual  but  rapid  departure 
from  its  primitive  simplicity  and  purity,  still  more, 
from  its  spirit  of  universal  love.  It  may  be  no  un- 
salutary  lesson  to  the  Christian  world,  that  this  silent, 
this  unavoidable,  perhaps,  yet  fatal  change  shall  have 
been  drawn  by  an  impartial,  or  even  an  hostile  ihand. 
The  Christianity  of  every  age  may  take  warning,  lest 
by  its  own  narrow  views,  its  want  of  wisdom,  and  its 
want  of  charity,  it  give  the  same  advantage  to  the 
future  unfriendly  historian,  and  disparage  the  cause  of 
true  religion. 

The  design  of  the  present  edition  is  partly  corroc- 
live,  partly  supplementary:  corrective,  by  notes,  which 
point  out  ''it  is  hoped,  in  a  perfectly  candid  and  dis- 
>assionate  spirit,  with  no  desire  but  to  est.'iblish  the 


tX  PREFACE    BY    THE    EDITOR. 

truth)  such  inaccuracies  or  misstatements  as  may 
have  keen  detected,  particularly  with  regard  to  Chns- 
lianity ;  and  which  thus,  with  the  previous  caution, 
may  counteract  to  a  considerable  extent  the  unf^iir 
and  unfavorable  impression  created  against  rational 
religion  :  supplementary,  by  adding  such  additional 
information  as  the  editor's  reading  may  have  been 
able  to  furnish,  from  original  documents  or  books,  not 
accessible  at  the  time  when  Gibbon  wrote. 

The  work  originated  in  the  editor's  habit  of  noting 
on  the  margin  of  his  copy  of  Gibbon  references  to 
such  authors  as  had  discovered  errors,  or  thrown  new 
light  on  the  subjects  treated  by  Gibbon.  These  had 
grown  to  some  extent,  and  seemed  to  him  likely  to  be 
of  use  to  others.  The  annotations  of  M.  Guizot  also 
appeared  to  him  worthy  of  being  better  known  to  the 
English  public  than  they  were  likely  to  be,  as  append 
ed  to  the  French  translation. 

The  chief  works  from  which  the  editor  has  derived 
his  materials  are,  I.  The  French  translation,  with 
notes  by  M.  Guizot;  2d  edition,  Paris,  1828.  The 
editor  has  translated  almost  all  the  notes  of  M.  Guizot. 
Where  he  has  not  altogether  agreed  with  him,  his 
respect  for  the  learning  and  judgment  of  that  writer 
has,  in  general,  induced  him  to  retain  the  statement 
from  v/hich  he  has  ventured  to  differ,  with  the 
grounds  on  which  he  formed  his  own  opinion.  In 
the  notes  on  Christianity,  he  has  retained  all  those 
of  M.  Guizot,  with  his  own,  from  the  conviction,  that 
on  such  a  subject,  to  many,  the  authority  of  a  French 
statesman  a  Protestant,  and  a  rational  and  sincere 
Christian,    -vould   appear  more    independent    and    un- 


PREFACE    BY    THE    EDITOR-  XXI 

biassed,  and  therefore  be  more  commanding,  than  thai 
of  an  English  clergyman. 

The  editor  has  not  scrupled  to  transfer  the  notes  of 
M.  Guizot  to  the  present  work.  The  well-known 
zeal  for  knowledge,  displayed  in  all  the  writings  of 
that  distinguished  historian,  has  led  to  the  natural 
inference,  that  he  would  not  be  displeased  at  the 
attempt  to  make  them  of  use  to  the  English  readers 
of  Gibbon.  The  notes  of  M.  Guizot  are  signed  with 
the  letter  G. 

II.  The  German  translation,  with  the  notes  of 
Wenck.  Unfortunately,  this  learned  translator  died, 
after  having  completed  only  the  first  volume ;  the  rest 
of  the  work  was  executed  by  a  very  inferior  hand. 

The  notes  of  Wenck  are  extremely  valuable  ;  many 
of  them  have  been  adopted  by  M.  Guizot ;  they  are 
distinguished  by  the  letter  W.* 

III.  The  new  edition  of  Le  Beau's  "  Histoire  du 
Bas  Empire,  with  notes  by  M.  St.  Martin,  and  M. 
Brosset."  That  distinguished  Armenian  scholar,  M. 
St.  Martin  (now,  unhappily,  deceased)  had  added 
much  information  from  Oriental  writers,  particularly 
from  those  of  Armenia,  as  well  as  from  more  general 
sources.  Many  of  his  observations  have  been  found 
is  applicable  to  the  work  of  Gibbon  as  to  that  of  Le 
Beau. 

IV.  The  editor  has  consulted  the  various  answers 
made  to  Gibbon  on  the  first  appearance  of  his  work  ; 

•  The  editor  regrets  that  he  has  not  been  able  to  find  the  Italian 
translation,  mentioned  by  Gibbon  himself  with  some  respect.  It  i« 
not  in  our  great  libraries,  the  Museum  or  the  Bodleian  ;  and  he  h«a 
a«fver  found  any  boOksoUer  in  Load  on  who  has  seen  it. 


XXII  PREFACE    BY   THE    EDITO*. 

he  must  confess,  with  little  profit.  They  were,  iii 
general,  hastily  compiled  by  inferior  and  now  forgotten 
writers,  with  the  exception  of  Bishop  Watson,  whose 
able  apology  is  rather  a  general  argument,  than  an 
examination  of .  misstatements.  The  name  of  Milner 
Brands  higher  with  a  certain  class  of  readers,  but  will 
not  carry  much  weight  with  the  severe  investigator 
«f  history. 

V.  Some  few  classical  works  and  fragments  have 
come  to  light,  since  the  appearance  of  Gibbon's  His- 
tory, and  have  been  noticed  in  their  respective  places ; 
and  much  use  has  been  made,  in  the  later  volumes 
particularly,  of  the  increase  to  our  stores  of  Oriental 
iterature.  The  editor  cannot,  indeed,  pretend  to  have 
followed  his  author,  in  these  gleanings,  over  the  whole 
vast  field  of  his  inquiries ;  he  may  have  overlooked  or 
may  not  have  been  able  to  command  some  works, 
which  might  have  thrown  still  further  light  on  these 
subjects ;  but  he  trusts  that  what  he  has  adduced  will 
be  of  use  to  the  student  of  historic  truth. 

The  editor  would  further  observe,  that  with  regard  to 
some  other  objectionable  passages,  which  do  not  in- 
volve misstatement  or  inaccuracy,  he  has  intentionally 
abstained  from  directing  particular  attention  towards 
them  by  any  special  protest. 

The  editor's  notes  are  marked  M. 

A  considerable  part  of  the  quotations  (some  of 
which  in  the  later  editions  had  fallen  into  great  confu- 
sion) have  been  verified,  and  have  been  corrected  by 
the  latest  and  best  editions  of  the  authors. 


preface  by  the  editob  xxiu 

June,   1845. 

In  this  new  edition,  the  text  and  the  notes  have 
be3n  carefully  revised,  the  latter  by  the  editor. 

Some  additional  notes  have  been  subjoined,  distin- 
guished by  the  signature  M.  1845. 


\ 


PREFACE 

OF    THE    AUTHOR 


It  is  not  my  intention  to  detain  the  reader  by  expa 
tiating  on  the  variety  or  the  importance  of  the  subject 
which  I  have  undertaken  to  treat ;  since  the  merit  of 
the  choice  would  serve  to  render  the  weakness  of  the 
execution  still  more  apparent,  and  still  less  excusable 
But  as  I  have  presumed  to  lay  before  the  public  a  firs] 
volume  only  ^  of  the  History  of  the  Decline  and  Fall 
of  the  Roman   Empire,  it  will,  perhaps,  be  expected 
that  I  should  explain,  in  a  few  words,  the  nature  and 
limits  of  my  general  plan. 

The  memorable  series  of  revolutions,  which  in  the 
course  of  about  thirteen  centuries  gradually  under- 
mined, and  at  length  destroyed,  the  solid  fabric  of 
himian  greatness,  may,  with  some  propriety,  be  divided 
into  the  three  following  periods : 

I.  The  first  of  these  periods  may  be  tiaced  from 
the  age  of  Trajan  and  the  Antonines,  when  the  Ro- 
man monarchy,  having  attained  its  full  strength  and 
Diaturity,  began  to  verge  towards  its  decline ;  and  will 

*  The  first  volume  of  the  quarto,  which  contained  the  sixteen  fir»t 
oliApters. 

2 

\ 


XXVi  AUTHOK  S    PREFACE. 

extend  to  the  subversion  of  the  Western  Empre,  by 
(he  barbarians  of  Germany  ana  Scythia,  the  rude 
ancestors  of  the  most  polished  nations  of  modern 
Europe.  This  extraordinary  revohition,  which  sub- 
jected Rome  to  the  power  of  a  (Jothic  conqueror, 
was  completed  about  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury. 

II.  The  second  period  of  the  Decline  and  Fall  of 
Rome  may  be  supposed  to  commence  with  the  reign  of 
Justinian,  who,  by  his  laws,  as  well  as  by  his  victories, 
restored  a  transient  splendor  to  the  Eastern  Empire. 
It  will  comprehend  the  invasion  of  Italy  by  the  Lom- 
bards ;  the  conquest  of  the  Asiatic  and  African  prov- 
mces  by  the  Arabs,  who  embraced  the  religion  of 
Mahomet ;  the  revolt  of  the  Roman  people  against  tho 
feeble  princes  of  Constantinople  ;  and  the  elevation  of 
Charlemagne,  who,  in  the  year  eight  hundred,  pstab- 
lished  the  second,  or  German  Empire  of  the  West. 

III.  The  last  and  longest  of  these  periods  mcludes 
about  six  centuries  and  a  half ;  from  the  revival  of  the 
Western  Empire,  till  the  taking  of  Constantniople  by 
the  Turks,  and  the  extinction  of  a  degenerate  race  of 
princes,  who  continued  to  assume  the  titles  of  Caesar 
and  Augustus,  after  their  dominions  were  contracted 
to  the  limits  of  a  single  city ;  in  which  the  language, 
as  well  as  manners,  of  the  ancient  Romans,  had  been 
long  since  forgotten.  The  writer  who  should  under- 
take to  relate  the  events  of  this  period,  would  find 
himself  obliged  to  enter  into  the  general  history  of 
the  Crusades,  as  far  as  they  contributed  to  the  ruin  of 
the  Greek  Empire  ;  and  he  would  scarcely  be  able  to 
restrain  his  curiosity  from   making  some  inquiry  into 


AUTHOR'S    *REFACB.  XXril 

Ihe  stale  of  the  city  of  Rome,  during  the  darkness  and 
confusion  of  the  middle  ages. 

As  I  have  ventured,  perhaps  too  hastily,  to  commit 
to  the  press  a  work  which  in  every  sense  of  the 
word,  deserves  the  epithet  of  imperfect,  I  consider 
myself  as  contracting  an  engagement  to  finish,  most 
probably  in  a  second  volume,^  the  first  of  these  mem- 
orable periods;  and  to  deliver  to  the  Public  the  com- 
plete History  of  the  Decline  and  Fall  of  Rome,  from 
the  age  of  the  Antonines  to  the  subversion  of  the 
Western  Empire.  With  regard  to  the  subsequent 
periods,  though  I  may  entertain  some  hopes.  I  dare 
not  presume  to  give  any  assurances.  The  execution 
of  the  extensive  plan  which  I  have  described,  would 
connect  the  ancient  and  modern  history  of  the  world  ; 
but  it  would  require  many  years  of  health,  of  leisure 
and  of  perseverance. 

Bentinck  Street,  February  1,  1776. 


P.  S.  The  entire  History,  which  is  now  published, 
of  the  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  in  the 
West,  abundantly  discharges  my  engagements  with 
the  Public.  Perhaps  their  favorable  opinion  may 
encourage  me  to  prosecute  a  work,  which,  however 
laborious  it  may  seem,  is  the  most  agreeable  occupa- 
tion of  my  leisure  hours. 

Bejctinck  Street,  March  1,  1781. 

-   - 

•  The  Author,  as  it  frequently  happens,  took  an  inadequate  meas- 
ure of  his  growing  work.  The  remainder  of  the  first  period  has  filled 
fi«>  volumes  in  quarto,  being  the  third  fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth  toI- 
Mme«  of  the  octavo  edition. 


xxviii  author's  preface. 

An  Author  easily  persuades  himself  that  the  public 
opinion  is  still  favorable  to  his  labors ;  and  I  have 
now  embraced  the  serious  resolution  of  proceeding  to 
the  last  period  of  my  original  design,  and  of  the 
Roman  Empire,  the  taking  of  Constantinople  by  the 
Turks,  in  the  year  one  thousand  four  hundred  and 
fifty-three.  The  most  patient  Reader,  who  computes 
that  three  ponderous  ^  volumes  have  been  already  em- 
ployed on  the  events  of  four  centuries,  may,  perhaps, 
be  alarmed  at  the  long  prospect  of  nine  hundred  years. 
But  it  is  not  my  intention  to  expatiate  with  the  same 
minuteness  on  the  whole  series  of  the  Byzantine  his- 
tory. At  our  entrance  into  this  period,  the  reign  of 
Justinian,  and  the  conquests  of  the  Mahometans,  will 
deserve  and  detain  our  attention,  and  the  last  age  of 
Constantinople  (the  Crusades  and  the  Turks)  is  con- 
nected with  the  revolutions  of  Modern  Europe.  From 
the  seventh  to  the  eleventh  century,  the  obscure  inter- 
val will  be  supplied  by  a  concise  narrative  of  such 
facts  as  may  still  appear  either  interesting  or  impor- 
tant. 
BEifTiNCK  Street,  Manh  1,  1782. 

'  The  flnt  aix  rolumea  of  Hhe  octavo  edition. 


PREFACE 

TO    THE    FIRST    VOLUME. 


DiLioBNCE  and  accuracy  are  the  only  merits  winch 
an  historical  writer  may  ascribe  to  himself;  it  any 
merit,  indeed,  can  be  assumed  from  the  performanctr 
of  an  indispensable  duty.  I  may  therefore  be  allowed 
to  say,  that  I  have  carefully  examined  all  the  original 
materials  that  could  illustrate  the  subject  which  I  had 
undertaken  to  treat.  Should  I  ever  complete  the 
extensive  design  which  has  been  sketched  out  in  the 
Preface,  I  might  perhaps  conclude  it  with  a  critical 
account  of  the  authors  consulted  during  the  progress 
of  the  whole  work  ;  and  however  such  an  attempt 
might  incur  the  censure  of  ostentation,  1  am  persuaded 
that  it  would  be  susceptible  of  entertainment,  as  well 
ELS  information. 

At  present  1  shall  content  myself  with  a  single 
observation.  The  biographers,  who,  under  the  reigns 
of  Diocletian  and  Constantine,  composed,  or  rather 
compiled,  the  lives  of  the  Emperors,  from  Hadrian  to 
the  sons  of  Cams,  are  usually  mentioned  under  the 
names  of  Ji^lius  Spartianus,  Julius  Capitolinus,  JElius 
Lampridius,   Vulcatius    Gallicanus,   Trebellius    Pollio, 


XXX  PREFACE    TO    THE    FIRST    VOLUME. 

and  Flavius  Vopisciis.  But  there  is  so  much  perplex- 
ity in  the  titles  of  the  MSS.,  and  so  many  disputes 
have  arisen  among  the  critics  (see  Fabricius,  Biblioth. 
Latin.  1.  iii.  c.  6)  concerning  their  number,  their 
names,  and  their  respective  propjrty,  that  for  the  most 
part  I  have  quoted  them  without  distinction,  under 
tlie  genenil  and  well-known  title  of  th«»  Augustan 
History. 


PREFACE 


TO   THE 


FOURTH    VOLLME    OF    TIIK   ORIGINAL   QUARTO    EDITION. 


1  Nvyw  discharge  my  promise,  and  complete  my  de- 
sign, of  writing  the  History  of  the  Decline  and  Fall 
of  the  Roman  Empire,  both  in  the  West  and  the  East. 
The  whole  period  extends  from  the  age  of  Trajan  and 
the  Antonines,  to  the  taking  of  Constantinople  by 
Mahomet  the  Second  ;  and  inclndes  a  review  of  the 
Crnsades,  and  the  state  of  Rome  during  the  middle 
ages.  Since  the  publication  of  the  first  volume,  twelve 
years  have  elapsed  ;  twelve  years,  according  to  my 
wish,  "of  health,  of  leisure,  and  of  perseverance."  I 
may  now  congratulate  my  deliverance  from  a  long  and 
laborious  service,  and  my  satisfaction  will  be  pure  and 
perfect,  if  the  public  favor  sliould  be  extended  to  the 
conclusion  of  my  work. 

It  was  my  first  intention  to  have  collected,  under 
one  view,  the  nutnerous  authors,  of  every  age  and 
language,  from  whom  I  have  derived  the  materials  of 
this  history;  and  I  am  still  convinced  that  the  appar- 
ent ostentation  would  be  more  than  compensated  by 
■eal  use.  if  I  have  renounced  this  idea,  if  1  have 
declined    an     undertaking    which    had    obtained    the 


XXXll  PREFACE. 

approbation  of  a  master-artist,*  my  excuse  may  be 
found  in  the  extreme  difficulty  of  assigning  a  proper 
measure  to  such  a  catalogue.  A  naked  list  of  names 
and  editions  would  not  be  satisfactory  either  to  myself 
or  my  readers :  the  characters  of  the  principal  Authors 
of  the  Roman  and  Byzantine  History  have  been 
occasionally  connected  with  the  events  which  they 
describe ;  a  more  copious  and  critical  inquiry  might 
indeed  deserve,  but  it  would  demand,  an  elaborate 
volume,  which  might  swell  by  degrees  into  a  general 
library  of  historical  writers.  For  the  present,  I  shall 
content  myself  with  renewing  my  serious  protestation, 
that  I  have  always  endeavored  to  draw  from  the  foun- 
tain-head ;  that  my  curiosity,  as  well  as  a  sense  of 
duty,  has  always  urged  me  to  study  the  originals ;  and 
that,  if  they  have  sometimes  eluded  my  search,  I  have 
carefully  marked  the  secondary  evidence,  on  whose 
faith  a  passage  or  a  fact  were  reduced  to  depend. 

I  shall  soon  revisit  the  banks  of  the  Lake  of  Lau- 
sanne, a  country  which  I  have  known  and  loved  from 
my  early  youth,  i  Under  a  mild  government,  amidst  a 
beauteous  landscape,  in  a  life  of  leisure  and  independ- 
ence, and  among  a  people  of  easy  and  elegant  man- 
ners, I  have  enjoyed,  and  may  again  hope  to  enjoy^ 
the  varied  pleasures  of  retirement  and  society.  But  I 
shall  ever  glory  in  the  name  and  character  of  an  Eng- 
lishman :  I  am  proud  of  my  birth  in  a  free  and  enlight- 
ened country ;  and  the  approbation  of  that  country 
is  the  best  and  most  honorable  reward  of  my  laborsj 
Were  I  ambitious  of  any  other  Patron  than  the  Public, 
I  would  inscribe  this  work  to  a  Statesman,  who,  in  » 

•  Se«  P''.  Robertson's  Preface  to  his  History  of  America. 


PR£rACE.  XXXlli 

long,  a  stormy,  and  at  length  an  unfortunate  adminis- 
tration, had  many  political  opponents,  almost  without 
R  personal  enemy ;  who  has  retained,  in  his  fall  from 
power,  many  faithful  and  disinterested  friends;  and 
who,  under  the  pressure  of  severe  infirmity,  enjoys 
the  lively  vigor  of  his  mind,  and  the  felicity  of  his 
incomparable  temper.  Lord  North  will  permit  me 
to  express  the  feelings  of  friendship  in  the  language 
of  truth  :  but  even  truth  and  friendship  should  be 
silent,  if  he  still  dispensed  the  favors  of  the  crown. 

In  a  remote  solitude,  vanity  may  still  whisper  in  my 
ear,  that  my  readers,  perhaps,  may  inquire  whether,  in 
the  conclusion  of  the  present  work,  I  am  now  taking 
an  everlasting  farewell.  They  shall  hear  all  that  I 
know  myself,  and  all  that  I  could  reveal  to  the  most 
intimate  friend.  The  motives  of  action  or  silence  are 
now  equally  balanced  ;  nor  can  I  pronounce,  in  my 
most  secret  thoughts,  on  which  side  the  scale  will 
preponderate.  I  caimot  dissemble  that  six  ample 
quartos  must  have  tried,  and  may  have  exhausted,  the 
indulgence  of  the  Public  ;  that,  in  the  repetition  of 
similar  attempts,  a  successful  Author  has  much  more 
to  lose  than  he  can  hope  to  gain  ;  that  I  am  now 
descending  into  the  vale  of  years ;  and  that  the  most 
respectable  of  my  countrymen,  the  men  whom  I  aspire 
to  imitate,  have  resigned  the  pen  of  history  about  the 
same  period  of  their  lives.  Yet  I  consider  that  the 
annals  of  ancient  and  modern  times  may  alford  many 
rich  and  interesting  subjects;  that  I  am  still  possessed 
of  health  and  leisure  ;  that  by  the  practice  of  writing 
some  skill  and  facility  must  be  accpiired  ;  and  that,  in 
the  ardent  pursuit  of  truth  and  knowledge,  I  am  iiol 
2* 


XXXIV  PREFACE. 

conscious  of  decay.  To  an  active  mind  indolence  is 
more  painful  than  labor ;  and  the  first  months  of  my 
liberty  will  be  occupied  and  amused  in  the  excursions 
of  curiosity  and  taste.  By  such  temptations,  I  have 
been  sometimes  seduced  from  the  rigid  duty  even  of 
a  pleasing  and  voluntary  task  :  but  my  time  will  now 
be  my  own ;  and  in  the  use  or  abuse  of  independence, 
I  shall  no  longer  fear  my  own  reproaches  or  those  of 
my  friends.  I  am  fairly  entitled  to  a  year  of  jubilee  • 
next  summer  and  the  following  winter  will  rapidly  pass 
away ;  and  experience  only  can  determine  whether 
I  shall  still  preter  the  freedom  and  variety  of  study  to 
the  design  and  composition  of  a  regular  work,  which 
animates,  while  it  confines,  the  daily  application  of 
the  Author.  Caprice  and  accident  may  influence  my 
choice ;  but  the  dexterity  of  self-love  will  contrive  to 
applaud  either  active  industry  or  philosophic  repose. 

DowNiNO  Street,  May  1,  1788. 


P.  S.  I  shall  embrace  this  opportunity  of  intro- 
ducing two  verbal  remarks,  which  have  not  conve- 
niently offered  themselves  to  my  notice.  1.  As  often 
as  I  use  the  definitions  of  beyond  the  Alps,  the  Rhins, 
the  Danube,  (fcc,  I  generally  suppose  myself  at  Rome, 
ahi  afterwards  at  Constantinople;  without  observing 
whether  this  relative  geography  may  agree  with  the 
local,  but  variable,  situation  of  the  reader,  or  the  histo- 
rian. 2.  In  proper  names  of  foreign,  and  especially 
of  Orienta/    origin,  it   should    be   always   our  ann   to 


FREFACE.  XXXV 

ftxpress,  in  our  English  version,  a  faithful  copy  of  the 
original/  But  this  rule,  which  is  founded  on  a  just 
regard  to  uniformity  and  truth,  must  often  be  relaxed; 
and  the  exceptions  will  be  limited  or  enlarged  by  the 
custom  of  the  language  and  the  taste  of  the  interpreter. 
Our  alphabets  may  be  often  defective ;  a  harsh  sound, 
an  uncouth  spelling,  might  offend  the  ear  or  the  eye 
of  our  countrymen  ;  and  some  words,  notoriously  cor- 
rupt, are  fixed,  and,  as  it  were,  naturalized  in  tiie  vulgai 
tongue.  The  prophet  Mohamvied  can  no  longer  be 
stripped  of  the  famous,  though  improper,  appellation 
of  Mahomet :  the  well-known  cities  of  Aleppo,  Da- 
mascus, and  Cairo,  would  almost  be  lost  in  the  strange 
descriptions  of  HaUb,  Demaslik,  and  Al  Caliira:  the 
titles  and  offices  of  the  Ottoman  empire  are  fashioned 
by  the  practice  of  three  hundred  years ;  and  we  are 
pleased  to  blend  the  three  Chinese  monosyllables, 
Con-fu-tzee^  in  the  respectable  name  of  Confucius,  oi 
even  to  adopt  the  Portuguese  corruption  of  Mandarin. 
But  I  would  vary  the  use  of  Zoroaster  and  ^erdusht, 
as  I  drew  my  information  from  Greece  or  Persia :  since 
our  c  )nnection  with  India,  the  genuii.e  Timour  is 
restored  to  the  throne  of  Tamerlane :  our  most  correct 
writers  have  retrenched  the  Al,  the  superfluous  article. 
from  the  Koran  ;  and  we  escape  an  ambiguous  termi- 
nation, by  adopting  Moslem  instead  of  Musulman,  in 
the  plural  number.  In  these,  and  in  a  thousand  exam- 
ples, the  shades  of  distinction  are  often  minute  ;  and  I 
can  feel,  where  I  cannot  explain,  the  motives  of  my 
choice. 

•  ,•  At  rl  e  end  of  the  History,  the  reader  will  find  a  Gererol  InJei 
to  the  -\tinle  Work,  which  has  been  drawn  up  by  a  person  ficquenUy 
employed  in  works  ot  thia  nature. 


CONTENTS 


OF    THE    FIRST    VOLUME. 


CHAPTER   I. 


IHB    IXTENT    AND    MILITARY    FORCE    OF    THE     EMPIRE,    IN    THE    AGE  OF 

THE    ANTONINES. 
A.  D.  PAOK 

Introduction, 1 

Moderation  of  Augustus, 3 

Imitated  by  his  Successors, 3 

Conquest  of  Britain,  the  first  Exception  to  it, 4 

Conquest  of  Dae ia,  the  second  Exception  to  it 5 

Conquests  of  Trajan  in  the  East 7 

Resigned  by  his  Successor,  Hadrian, 8 

Contrast  of  Hadrian  and  Antoninus  Pius 8 

Pacific  System  of  Hadrian  and  the  two  Antonines, i 

Defensive  Wars  of  Marcus  Antoninus, K 

Military  Establishment  of  the  Roman  Emperors, 10 

Discipline 11 

Exercises, 12 

The  Legions  under  the  Emperors, 14 

Arms, , 15 

Cavalry, 15 

Auxiliaries, 17 

Artillery,   17 

Encampment, 18 

March, 19 

Number  and  Disposition  of  the  Legions, 19 

Navy 20 

Amount  of  the  whole  Establishment, 21 

View  of  the  Provinces  of  the  Roman  Empire 21 

Spain 21 

Gaul 22 

BriUuii... 2J 


iXXVl  CONTENTS. 

*    •  *Aam 

Itely 25 

The  Danube  and  111}  rian  Frontier ?4 

Rhetia, ^i 

Koricum  and  P&auonia, 2S 

Dalmatia 26 

Ma-sia  and  Dacia 20 

Thr^ice,  Macedonia,  and  Greece, •••  ^3 

Asia  Minor, 26 

Syria,  Phoenicia,  and  Palestine '^7 

Egypt 30 

Africa, c.C 

The  Mediterranean,  with  its  Islands, 81 

General  Idea  of  the  Roman  Empire 32 


CHAPTER    II. 

•t    THE    UNION    AND    INTERNAL   PROSPERITY    OF    THE   ROMAN    l!MHIRB    IV 

THE   AGE    OF   THE  ANTONINES. 

Principles  of  Government, 33 

Universal  Spirit  of  Toleration, 33 

or  the  People 34 

Of  Philosophers S.") 

Of  the  Magistrates, 3( 

In  the  Provinces, 37 

At  Home, '3F 

Freedom  of  Rome, 39 

Italy 41 

The  Provinces 42 

Colonies  and  Municipal  Towns, 42 

Division  of  the  "Latin  and  the  Greek  Provinces 44 

General  Use  of  both  the  Greek  and  Latin  Languages, 46 

Slaves 47 

Their  Treatment, 47 

Enfranchisement, 60 

Numbers, 51 

Populousness  of  the  Roman  Empire, 62 

Obedience  and  Union, 64 

Bcman  Monuments, 65 

Many  of  them  erected  at  private  Expense, 66 

Example  of  II erodes  Atticus, 6^ 

H is  Reputation 67 

Most  of  the  Roman  Monuments  for  public  Use, ^fi 

Twiples,  Theatres,  A(|ucdiicts 6k 

Number  and  O-eatness  of  the  Cities  of  the  Empir* W 


CONTENTS.  XXXV 11 

In  Italy 60 

Oaul  and  Spain, 61 

Africa 61 

Asia 62 

Roman  lioads 63 

Posts 64 

JSavigation, M 

Improvement  of  Agriculture  iu   the  Western   Countries  of  the 

Empire, 65 

Introduction  of  Fruits,  &c., 6-5 

The  Vine 6-i 

The  Olive 66 

Flax, 66 

Artificial  Grass 67 

General  Plenty, 67 

Arts  of  Luxury, 68 

Foreign  Trade, 68 

Gold  and  Silver '69 

General  Felicity, 70 

Decline  of  Courage, 70 

Decline  of  Genius, 71 

Degeneracy, - 72 


CHAPTER    III. 

Ot    TBE     CONSTITUTION     OF    THR    ROMAN     EUFIUB    IN    TUB    AQK    OF    TUB 

ANT0NINK8. 

Idea  of  a  Monarchy 73 

Situation  of  Augustus, 73 

He  reforms  the  Senate 74 

Resigns  hi:«  usurped  Power, 7o 

Is  prevailed  upon  to  resume  it  under  the  Title  of  Emperor,  or 

General 7'^ 

Power  of  the  Roman  Generals, 76 

Lieutenants  of  the  Emperor, 7" 

Division  of  the  Provinces  between  the  Emperor  and  the  Senate,  78 
The  former  preserves    his  military   Command,    and   Guards,   in 

Rome  itself, 79 

Consular  and  Tribunitiun  Powers, 79 

Imperial  Prerogatives, 80 

The  Magistrates, 81 

The  Senate 82 

General  Idea  of  the  Imperial  System, 83 

Court  of  the  Eniperors, 8>! 


CXXVIU  CONTENTS. 

*•  D.  fAas. 

Deification   84 

Titles  of  Auffustiis  and  Ceesar 85 

Character  and  Policy  of  Augustus, 86 

Image  of  Liberty  for  the  People, 87 

Attempts  of  the  Senate  after  the  Death  of  Caligula, 87 

Image  of  Government  for  the  Armies, 89 

Their  Obedience, 89 

Designation  of  a  Successor, &0 

Of  Tiberius, 90 

Of  Titus, 90 

The  Race  of  the  Ctesars,  and  Flavian  Family, 90 

96     Adoption  and  Character  of  Trajan, 91 

117      Of  Hadrian 92 

Adoption  of  the  elder  and  younger  Verus 92 

i3S — ISO.     Adoption  of  the  two  An tonines, 93 

Character  and  Reign  of  Pius, 94 

Character  and  Reign  of  Marcus, 94 

Happiness  of  the  Romans, 95 

Its  precarious  Nature, 95 

Memo'y  of  Tiberius,  Caligula,  Nero,  and  Domitian, 9fi 

Peculiar  Misery  of  the  Romans  under  their  Tyrants, 96 

Insensibility  of  the  Orientals, 97 

Knowledge  and  free  Spirit  of  the  Romans 98 

Extent  of  their  Empire  left  them  no  Place  of  Refuge 99 


«  CHAPTER    IV. 

THE  CHUELTY,  FOLLIES,  AND  MURDER  OF  C0MM0DU8.  —  ELECTION  OP 
PERTINAX. —  HIS  ATTEMPTS  TO  REFORM  THE  SIATE.  —  HIS  ASSASSIN- 
ATION   BY    THE    PR^TORIAN    GUARDS. 

Indulgence  of  Marcus, ••••• 101 

To  his  Wife,  Faustina 101 

To  his  Son  Commodus, 102 

180.     Accession  of  the  Emperor  Ccmmodus, 102 

Character  of  Commodus, 103 

His  Return  to  Rome, 103 

183.     Is  wounded  by  an  Assassin 104 

Hatred  and  Cruelty  of  Commodus  towards  the  Senate, 105 

The  Quintilian  Brothers, 105 

186.     The  Minister  Perennis, 106 

Revolt  of  Maternus, 107 

The  Minister  Oleander, 107 

His  Avarice  and  Cruelty, 108 

18P      Sedition  and  Death  of  Cleande- lOb 


CONTENTS.  ZXXIX 

*.  ».  rioa. 

Dissolute  Pleasures  of  Comraodus, « Ill 

His  Ignorance  and  low  Sports, Ill 

Hunting  of  wild  Beasts, Ill 

Commudus  displays  his  Skill  in  the  Amphitheatre, 112 

Acts  as  a  Gladiator, 113 

His  Infamy  and   Extravagance, lib 

Conspiracy  of  his  Domestics, 115 

»92.    Death  of  Commodus, 116 

Choice  of  Pertinax  for  Emperor, 116 

He  is  acknowledged  by  the  Praetorian  Guards, 117 

193.    And  by  the  Senate 117 

The  Memory  of  Commodus  declared  infamous, 118 

Legal  Jurisdiction  of  the  Senate  over  the  Eniperors, 118 

Virtues  of  Pertinax, 119 

He  endeavors  to  reform  the  State 120 

His  Regulations,  , 120 

His  Popularity 121 

Discontent  of  the  Prnetorians, 121 

A  Conspiracy  prevented, 122 

193.     Murder  of  Pertinax  by  the  Praetorians, 122 


CHAPTER    V. 

PUBLIC  SALE  OP  T'lE  EMPIRE  TO  DIDIU8  JULIANU8  BY  THE  PR.'ETO- 
EIAN  GUARDS.  —  CL0DIU8  ALHINUS  IN  BRITAIN,  PESCENNIl'S  NIGER 
IN  SYRIA,  AND  8EPTIMIUS  8EVERU8  IN  PANNONIA,  DECLARE  AOA1N8T 
THE  MURDERERS  OF  PERTINAX.  —  CIVIL  WARS  AND  VICTORY  OF  SEA'E- 
HU8  OVER  HIS  THREE  RIVALS.  —  RELAXATION  OF  DISCIPLINE.  —  NEW 
MAXIMS    OF   GOVERNMENT. 

Proportion  of  the  Military  Force  to  the  Number  of  the  People,  124 

The  Pnetorian  Guards 124 

Their  Institution 12'5 

Their  Camp 12.5 

Strength  and  Confidence, I'io 

Their  specious  Claims, 126 

They  offer  the  Empire  to  Sale 127 

193.    It  is  purchased  by  Julian, 127 

Julian  is  acknowledged  by  the  Senate, 128 

Takes  Possession  of  the  Palace, 128 

The  public  Discontent 129 

Ihe   Armies   of  Britain,  Syria,  and  Pannonia  declare  against 

Julian 129 

Clodius  Albinus  in  Britain, 130 

Pescennius  Niger  in  Syria 131 


f]  CONTENTS. 

*    r  -  *-■ 

Paur.onia  and  Dalmatia, 13'-< 

19«      Septimius  Severus 133 

Declared  Emperor  by  the   raunonian  Legions, 134 

Marches  into  Italy 134 

Advances  towards  Rome, 134 

Distress  of  Julian, 135 

His  uncertain  Conduct, 136 

Is  deserted  by  the  Praetorians, 136 

Is  condemned  and  executed  by  Order  of  the  Senate, 130 

Disgrace  of  the  Prajtorian  Guards, 13J 

Funeral  and  Apotheosis  of  Pertinax, 137 

19S— 197.     Success  of  Severus  against  Niger  and  against  Albinus,  ...    137 

Conduct  of  the  two  Civil  Wars, 138 

Arts  of  Severus, 138 

Towards  Niger, 139 

Towards  Albinus 140 

Event  of  the  Civil  Wars 141 

Decided  by  one  or  two  Battles, 141 

Siege  of  Byzantium 142 

Death  of  Niger  and  Albinus, 143 

Cruel  Consequences  of  the  Civil  Wars, 143 

Animosity  of  Severus  against  the  Senate, 144 

The  Wisdom  and  Justice  of  his  Government 144 

General  Peace  and  Prosperity 145 

Relaxation  of  military  Discipline, 145 

New  Establishment  of  the  PriEtorian  Guards, 146 

The  Office  of  Pra;torian  Prefect, 147 

The  Senate  oppressed  by  military  Despotism, 148 

■^ew  Maxims  of  the  Imperial  Prerogative 149 


CHAPTER     VI. 

THE   DEATH    OF  8KVEUVS. — TYRANNY   OF    CAHACALI.A.  —    VSIKPATION  <jr 
MAC1UNU8.  —  FOl.LIF.S    OF     ELA0ABALU8.  —  VIKTIKS     OF     ALEXANDER 

BEVElU-8.  —  LICENTIOl'SNESS     OF     THE    AKMY.  —  OES /RAL     STATE  OF 
1  HE    ROMAN    FINANCES. 

Greatness  and  Discontent  of  Severus, 15C 

His  Wife,  the  Empress  Julia 150 

Vheir  two  Sons,  Caracalla  and  Geta, 151 

Their  mutual  Aversion  to  each  other, 151 

Three  Emperors, ^•^* 

20H.    The  Calodonieni  War l'^2 

Finijal  and  hts  Ilorocs lo2 

Contrast  of  Ihe  Caledonian!,  and  the  Romans ^' 


CONTENTS.  Xli 

k.  r  »*o" 

Ambition  of  Caracalla l-^J 

211      Death  of  Severus,  and  Accession  of  his  two  Sons, 164 

Jealousy  and  Hatred  of  the  two  Emperors, 155 

Fruitless  Negotiation  for  dividing  the  Empire  between  there,  ..  155 

212.    Murder  of  Geta 15^ 

Remorse  and  Cruelty  of  Caracalla 157 

Death  of  Papinian 1^9 

213     Ilis  Tyranny  extended  over  the  whole  Empire, 160 

Relaxation  of  Discipline, 161 

217.  Murder  of  Caracalla 162 

Imitation  of  Alexander, 163 

Election  and  Character  of  Macrinus, 163 

Discontent  of  the  Senate, 164 

Discontent  of  the  Army, 165 

Macrinus  attempts  a  Reformation  of  the  Army, 165 

Death  of  the  Empress  Julia, 166 

Education,   Pretensions,  and  Revolt   of   Elagabalus,  called  at 

first  Bassianus  and  Antoninus 167 

218.  Defeat  and  Death  of  Macrinus, 168 

Elagabalus  writes  to  the  Senate, • 169 

219.  Picture  of  Elagabalus, 170 

His  Superstition 171 

His  profligate  and  effeminate  Luxury, 171 

Contempt  of  Decency,  which  distinguished  the  Roman  Tyrants,  173 

Discontents  of  the  Army, 173 

221.  Alexander  Severus  declared  Caesar, 174 

222.  Sedition  of  the  Guards,  and  Murder  of  Elagabalus, 174 

Accession  of  Alexander  Severus, 175 

Power  of  his  Mother  Mamaea, 176 

His  wise  and  moderate  Administration, 177 

Education  and  virtuous  Temper  of  Alexander, 177 

Journal  of  his  ordinary  Life 178 

222—  235.     General  Happiness  of  the  Roman  World, 179 

Alexander  refuses  the  Name  of  Antoninus 180 

He  attempts  to  reform  the  Array, I8t 

Seditions  of  the  Pra-torian  Guards,  and  Murder  of  Ulpian,  ....  181 

Danger  of  Dion  Cassius, 182 

Tumults  of  the   Legions, 183 

Firmness  of  the  Emperor 183 

Defects  of  his  Reign  and  Character, 181 

Digression  on  the  Finances  of  the  Empire, 185 

Establishment  of  the  Tribute  on  Roman  Citizens, 185 

Abolition  of  the  Tribute, 186 

Tributes  of  the  Provinces, 187 

Of  Asia,  Egypt,  and  Gaul, 187 

Of  Africa  and  Spain 18** 

Of  the  Isle  of  Gvarus, 188 


Xin  CONTENTS 

•    •  p»oi 

Amount  of  the  Revenue, 189 

Taxes  on  Roman  Citizens  instituted  by  Augustus, 189 

I.   The  Customs, 190 

II.    The  Excise 191 

III.   Tax  on  Legacies  and  Inheritances 191 

Suited  to  the  Laws  and  Manners, 192 

Regulations  of  the  Emperors, 193 

Edict  of  Caracalla 193 

The  Freedom  of  the  City  given  to  all  Provincials  for  the  Pur- 
pose of  Taxation, 194 

Temporary  Reduction  of  the  Tribute, 194 

Consequences  of  the  universal  Freedom  of  Rome, 195 


CHAPTER    VII. 

rH«  ELEVATION  AND  TYRANNY  OF  MAXIMIN.  — REBELLION  IN  AFRICA 
AND  ITALY,  UNDER  THE  AUTHORITY  OF  THE  SENATE.  —  CIVIL  WARS 
AND  SEDITIONS.  —  VIOLENT  DEATHS  OF  MAXIMIN  AND  HIS  SON,  OP 
MAXIMUS  AND  BALBINUS,  AND  OF  THE  THREE  G0RDIAN8.  —  USURPA- 
TION   AND  SECULAR   GAMES    OF   PHILIP. 

The  apparent  Ridicule  and  solid  Advantages  of  hereditary  Suc- 
cession,     196 

Want  of  it  in  the  Roman   Empire  productive  of  the  greatest 

Calamities, 197 

Birth  and  Fortunes  of  Maximin, 197 

His  Military  Service  and  Honors, 198 

235     Conspiracy  of  Maximin, 199 

Murder  of  Alexander  Severus, 199 

Tyranny  of  Maximin, 200 

Oppression  of  the  Provinces, 201 

237     Revolt  in  Africa, 203 

Character  and  Elevation  of  the  two  Gordians, 204 

They  solicit  the  Confirmation  of  their  Authority *-•  205 

The  Senate  ratifies  the  Election  of  the  Gordians, 206 

Declares  Maximin  a  public  Enemy, 207 

Assumes  the  Command  of  Rome  and  Italy, 207 

t'repares  for  a  civil  War, 207 

237     Defeat  and  Death  of  the  two  Gordians, 208 

Election  of  Maximus  and  Balbinus  by  the  Senate, 208 

Their  Characters, 205> 

Tumult  at  Rome, 210 

TVie  younger  Gordian  is  decl'jed  Csesar 211 

Maximin  prepares  to  attack  the  Senate  and  their  Emperors,  ...  211 

238.    Marches  into  Italy, 213 


CONTENTS.  Xliil 

•     D  PAOB 

Siege  of  Aquileia, 213 

Conduct  of  Maximus, 214 

238     Murder  of  Maximin  and  his  Son, 214 

His  Portrait, 21A 

Joy  of  the  Roman  World 21(1 

Sedition  at  Rome, 216 

Discontent  of  the  Prsetorian  Guards, • 217 

238.    Massacre  of  Maximus  and  Balbinus .«*. 21S 

The  third  Gordian  remains  sole  Emperor, 220 

Innocence  and  Virtues  of  Gordian, 220 

240.    Administration  of  Misitheus 221 

242.    The  Persian  War, 221 

243     The  Arts  of  Philip, 221 

244.    Murder  of  Gordian 222 

Form  of  a  military  Republic, 222 

Reign  of  Philip 223 

248.    Secular  Games, 224 

Decline  of  the  Roman  Empire, • 224 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

or  THB  STATE   OF   PEKSIA   AFTER  THE   RESTORATION    OP  THE   MONABCHT 

BY   ARTAXERXES. 

The  Barbarians  of  the  East  and  of  the  North, 228 

Revolutions  of  Asia, 226 

The  Persian  Monarchy  restored  by  Artaxerxes, 228 

Reformation  of  the  Magian  Religion 229 

Persian  Theology,  two  Principles, 231 

Religious  Worship, 233 

Ceremonies  and  moral  Precepts, 234 

Encouragement  of  Agriculture, 234 

Power  of  the  Magi 23/= 

Spirit  of  Persecution 237 

Establishment  of  the  Royal  Authority  in  the  Provinces, 237 

Extent  and  Population  of  Persia, 239 

Recapitulation  of  the  War  between  the  Parthian  and  Roman 

Empires, 246 

W5,    Cities  of  Selcucia  and  Ctesiphon, 241 

213.    Conquest  of  Osrhoene  by  the  Romans, 242 

230.    Artaxerxes   claims   the  Provinces  of  Asia,   and  declares   War 

against  the  Romans, 243 

233     Pretended  Victory  of  Alexander  Severus, 244 

More  probable  Account  of  the  War, 245 

240     Charactei  and  Majums  of  Artaxerxes, * 246 


tliv  CONTENTS. 

»  ■•  fAoa 

Military  Power  of  the  Persians, •        247 

Their  Infantry  contemptible, W 

Their  Cavalry  excellent, 24* 


CHAPTER.    IX. 

THE   BTATB   OT  GERMANY   TILL    THE    INVASION    OP   THB    BARBARIAX8,  IM 
THE   TIME   OF   THE    EMPEROR   DECIU8. 

Extent  of  Germany, 249 

Climate, 253 

Its  Effects  on  the  Natives, 254 

Origin  of  the  Germans 255 

Fables  and  Conjectures, 255 

The  Germans  ignorant  of  Letters, 257 

The  Germans  ignorant  of  Arts  and  Agricnltxire 258 

The  Germans  ignorant  of  the  Use  of  Metals, 259 

Their  Indolence, 260 

Their  Taste  for  strong  Liquors, 261 

State  of  Population, 262 

German  Freedom, 263 

Assemblies  of  the  People, 264 

Authority  of  the  Princes  and  Magistrates, 265 

More  absolute  over  the  Property  than  over  the  Persons  of  the 

Germans, 266 

Voluntary  Engagements, 266 

German  Chastity, 267 

Its  probable  Causes • 268 

Religion, 269 

Its  Effects  in  Peace, 270 

Its  Effects  in  War 271 

The  Bards • 271 

Causes  which  checked  the  Progress  of  the  Germans, 272 

Want  of  Arms, 272 

Want  of  Discipline, 273 

Civil  Dissensions  of  Germany, 274 

Fomented  by  the  Policy  of  Rome 275 

Transient  Union  against  Marcus  Antoninus 27S 

Diitinctjon  of  the  German  Tribe, 277 

JUnrobers *»" 


CONTENTS.  in 


CHAPTER    X. 

TBI  EMPZRORfl  DKCirS,  0ALLU8,  ^.MILIANUS,  TALERIAM  AND  0\LLIB* 
HU8. — THE  GENERAL  IRRUPTION  OF  THE  BARBARIANS.  —  THE  THIB* 
TT  TYRANTS. 

A.  B  »»«■• 

248—268.     The  Nature  of  the  Subject, 27» 

The  Emperor  Philip 279 

249.  Services,  Revolt,  Victory,  and  Reign  of  the  Emperor  Decius,..  280 
2.J0     lie  marches  against  the  Goths, 281 

Origin  of  the  Goths  from  Scandinavia 281 

Religion  of  the  Goths 283 

Institutions  and  Death  of  Odin 283 

Agreeable,  but  uncertain.  Hypothesis  concerning  Odin, 284 

Emigration  of  the  Goths  from  Scandinavia  into  Prussia, 285 

Emigration  from  Prussia  to  the  Ukraine, 286 

The  Gothic  Nation  increases  in  its  March 287 

Distinction  of  the  Germans  and  Sarmatians, ••  288 

Description  of  the  Ukraine, 288 

The  Goths  invade  the  Roman  Provinces 289 

250.  Various  Effects  of  the  Gothic  War 290 

251.  Decius  revives  the  Office  of  Censor  in  the  Person  of  Valerius,..  291 

The  Design  impracticable  and  without  Effect, 293 

Defeat  and  Death  of  Decius  and  his  Son, 293 

251.    Election  of  Gallus 295 

262.  Retreat  of  the  Goths 295 

Gallus  purchases  Peace  by  the  Payment  of  an  annual  Tribute,.  295 

Popular  Discontent, 296 

263.  Victory  and  Revolt  of  ^milianus, 296 

Gallus  abandoned  and  slain, 297 

Valerian  revenges  the  Death  of  Gallus, 297 

Valerian  is  acknowledged  Emperor 297 

Character  of  Valerian, 298 

863-268.     General  Misfortunes  of  the  Reigns  of  Valerian  and  Oal- 

lienus, 298 

Inroads  of  the  Barbarians, 299 

Origin  and  Confederacy  of  the  Franks 299 

They  invade  Gaul, , 3U0 

Ravage  Spain , 301 

Pass  over  into  Africa, 302 

Origin  and  Renown  of  the  Suevi, 302 

A  mixed  Body  of  Suevi  assume  the  Name  of  Alemanni, 302 

Invade  Gaul  and  Italy 303 

Are  repulsed  from  Rome  by  the  Senate  and  People, 3031 

The  Senators  excluded  by  Gallienus  from  the  Military  Service,  304 


«lvi  CONTENTS. 

•    o  nam 

O&Uienus  contracts  an  Alliance  with  the  Alemanni,    30< 

Inroads  of  the  Goths 30fi 

Conquest  of  the  Bosphorus  by  the  Goths, 30<> 

The  Goths  acquire  a  Naval  Force 307 

First  Naval  Expedition  of  the  Goths, 307 

The  Goths  besiege  and  take  Trebizond, 308 

The  Second  Expedition  of  the  Goths 308 

They  plunder  the  Cities  of  Bithynia, 310 

Retreat  of  the  Goths, 310 

Third  Naval  Expedition  of  the  Goths, 310 

They  pass  the  Bosphorus  and  the  Hellespont, 311 

Ravage  Greece  and  threaten  Italy, 312 

Their  Divisions  and  Retreat, 313 

Ruin  of  the  Temple  of  Ephesus, 313 

Conduct  of  the  Goths  at  Athens -...  314 

Conquest  of  Armenia  by  the  Persians, 314 

Valerian  marches  into  the  East, 316 

880.    Is  defeated  and  taken  Prisoner  by  Sapor,  King  of  Persia, 315 

Sapor  overruns  Syria,  Cilicia,  and  Cappadocia 316 

Boldness  and  Success  of  Odenathus  against  Sapor, 318 

Treatment  of  Valerian, 318 

Character  and  Administration  of  Gallienus, 320 

The  Thirty  Tyrants, 321 

Their  real  Number  not  more  than  Nineteen, 322 

Character  and  Merit  of  the  Tyrants, 322 

Their  obscure  Birth, 323 

The  Causes  of  their  Rebellion, S23 

Their  violent  Deaths, 324 

Fatal  Consequences  of  these  Usurpations, 325 

Disorders  of  Sicily, 326 

Tumults  of  Alexandria 326 

Rebellion  of  the  Isaurians,..!..... «>27 

Famine  and  Pestilence, 328 

Diminution  of  the  Human  Species 329 


CHAPTER    XI. 

BalON    OF    CLAUDIUS. — DEFEAT   OP    THE   OOTH8.  —  TICTOKIE8,   TRIUMPH, 
AND  DEATH  OP    AURELIAN. 

368.    Anreolus  invades  Italy,  is  defeated  and  besieged  at  Milan 330 

Death  of  Gallienus '■^■^^ 

Character  and  Elevation  of  the  Emperor  Claudius, 3.'52 

K8     Death  of  Aureolas 333 


CONTENTS.  Xlvii 

••   »  tkOK 

Clemency  and  Justice  of  Claudius 33> 

He  undertakes  the  Reformation  of  the  Army, 33i 

S69.    The  Goths  invade  the  Empire 33>5 

Distress  and  Firmness  of  Claudius 33A 

His  Victory  over  the  Ooths, 336 

370     Death  of  the  Emperor,  who  recommends  Aurelian  for  his  Suc> 

cesspr, 338 

The  Attempt  and  Fall  of  Quintilius, 338 

Origin  and  Services  of  Aurelian 339 

Aurelian's  successful  Reign, 340 

His  severe  Discipline 340 

He  concludes  a  Treaty  with  the  Goths, 341 

He  resigns  to  them  the  Province  of  Dacia, 341 

270     The  Alemannic  War 342 

The  Alemanni  invade  Italy, 344 

They  are  at  last  vanquished  by  Aurelian, 344 

371.    Superstitious  Ceremonies, 345 

Fortifications  of  Rome, 346 

271.    Aurelian  suppresses  the  two  Usurpers, 347 

Succession  of  Usurpers  in  Gaul, 348 

271.  The  Reign  and  Defeat  of  Tetricus, 348 

272.  Character  of  Zenobia, 349 

Her  Beauty  and  Learning, 349 

Her  Valor, 349 

She  revenges  her  Husband's  Death, 351 

She  reigns  over  the  East  and  Egypt, 352 

J72.    The  Expedition  of  Aurelian, 353 

The  Emperor  defeats  the  Palmyrenians  in  the  Battles  of  An- 

tioch  Emesa, 354 

The  State  of  Palmyra, 354 

It  is  besieged  by  Aurelian, 355 

S73.    Aurelian  becomes  Master  of  Zenobia,  and  of  the  City, 355 

Behavior  of  Zenobia, 356 

Rebellion  and  Ruin  of  Palmyra, 3<57 

Aurelian  suppresses  the  Rebellion  of  Finnus  in  Egypt 358 

174     Triumph  of  Aurelian, 359 

His  Treatment  of  Tetricus  and  Zenobia, 360 

His  Magnificence  and  Devotion 361 

He  suppresses  a  Sedition  at  Rome 361 

Observations  upon  it, 362 

Cruelty  of  Aurelian ^ 363 

276.    He  marches  into   he  £a  it,  and  is  assassinated  SOI 

8 


XlVlii  CONTENXS- 


CHAPTER    XII. 

CONDUCT  or  THE   ARMY  AND   SENATE   AFTER    THE    DEATH   0¥  AUREL1A3I 
—  KEIGNS    OF  TACITUS,    PROBUS,    CARUS,   AND   HIS   SONS. 

A.  o.  rAoa 

Extraordinary  Contest  between  the  Army  and  the  Senate  for  the 

Choice  of  an  Emperor 366 

275.  A  peaceful  Interregnum  of  eight  Months, 367 

The  Consul  assembles  the  Senate, 368 

Character  of  Tacitus, 369 

He  is  elected  Emperor, 370 

He  accepts  the  Purple, 370 

Authority  of  the  Senate, 371 

Their  Joy  and  Confidence, - 372 

276.  Tacitus  is  acknowledged  by  the  Army, 372 

The  Alani  invade  Asia,  and  are  repulsed  by  Tacitus, 373 

276.    Death  of  the  Emperor  Tacitus, 373 

Usurpation  and  Death  of  his  Brother  Florianus, 374 

Their  Family  subsists  in  Obscurity,   375 

Character  and  Elevation  of  the  Emperor  Probus, 375 

His  respectful  Conduct  towards  the  Senate, 376 

Victories  of  Probus  over  the  Barbarians, 377 

277-    He  delivers  Gaul  from  the  Invasion  of  the  Germans, 378 

He  carries  his  Arms  into  Germany, 380 

He  builds  a  Wall  from  the  Rhine  to  the  Danube, 381 

Introduction  and  Settlement  of  the  Barbarians, 383 

Daring  Enterprise  of  the  Franks, 384 

279.  Revolt  of  Saturninus  in  the  East,  384 

280.  Revolt  of  Bonosus  and  Froculus  in  Gaul,.... 385 

281.  Triumphof  the  Emperor  Probus , 386 

His  Discipline, 386 

282.  His  Death, 387 

Election  and  Character  of  Carus, 388 

The  Sentiments  of  the  Senate  and  People, 389 

Carus  defeats  the  Sarmatians,  and  marches  into  the  East 389 

283.  He  gives  Audience  to  the  Persian  Ambassadors, 390 

283.  His  Victories,  and  extraordinary  Death, 39(? 

He  is  succeeded  by  his  two  Sons,  Carinus  and  Numerian, 392 

284.  Vices  of  Carinus, 393 

He  celebrates  the  Roman  Games 394 

Spectacles  of  Rome, 395 

The  Amphitheatre 396 

Return  of  Numerian  with  the  Army  from  Persia 398 

Death  of  Numerian 399 

284.    Election  of  the  Emperor  Diocletian, 40C 

280.    Defeat  and  Death  of  Carinus, 40) 


coN'paNTs.  xlw 


CIIAI'TER   Xlil. 

fBB  HEIGN  OF  DIOCLETIAN  AND  HIS  THBEE  ASSOCIATES,  MAXIMIAN, 
OALEKIU8,  AND  CONSTANTIUS.  —  GENERAL  RBESTABH8HMENT  OF  OB- 
DER  AND  TRANOaiLLITY.  —  THE  PERSIAN  WAR,  VICTORY,  AND  TRI- 
UMPH.—  THE  NEW  FORM  OP  ADMINISTRATION.  —  ABDICATION  AND 
RETIREMENT   OP   DIOCLETIAN    AND   MAXIMIAN. 

».   D.  '*«■ 

fcj.    Elevation  and  Character  of  Diocletian 402 

His  Clemency  in  Victory, 403 

286.  Association  and  Character  of  Maximian 404 

292.    Association  of  two  Caesars,  Galerius  and  Constantius, 406 

Departments  and  Harmony  of  the  four  Princes, 406 

Series  of  Events, 407 

287.  State  of  the  Peasants  of  Gaul 407 

Their  Rebellion, 408 

And  Chastisement, 408 

287.    Revolt  of  Carausius  in  Britain, 409 

Importance  of  Britain 410 

Power  of  Carausius, 410 

289.    Acknowledged  by  the  other  Emperors 411 

294.    His  Death, 412 

296.    Recovery  of  Britain  by  Constantius, 412 

Defence'of  the  Frontiers, 413 

Fortifications, 413 

Dissensions  of  the  Barbarians, 413 

Conduct  of  the  Emperors, 414 

Valor  of  the  Caesars, 414 

Treatment  of  the  Barbarians, 415 

Wars  of  Africa  and  Egypt, 415 

296.    Conduct  of  Diocletian  in  Egypt, 416 

,         He  suppresses  Books  of  Alchemy, 417 

Novelty  and  Progress  of  that  Art, 418 

The  Persian  War 419 

282.    Tiridatesthe  Armenian, 419 

286.    His  Restoration  to  the  Throne  of  Armenia, 419 

State  of  the  Country, 420 

Revolt  of  the  People  and  Nobles 420 

Story  of  Mamgo, 421 

The  Persians  recover  Armenia 422 

396.    War  between  the  Persians  and  the  Romans, 423 

Defeat  of  Galerius, 423 

His  Reception  by  Diocletian, 424 

2U7.    Second  Campaign  of  Galerius, ■  .  421 

His  Victory, 42iS 

His  Behavior  to  his  Royal  Captives 426 


I  CONTENTS. 

Negotiation  for  Peace, 426 

Speech  of  the  Persian  Ambassador, 427 

Answer  of  Galerius, 427 

Moderation  of  Diocletian, 427 

Conclusion  of  a  Treaty  of  Peace, 427 

Articles  of  the  Treaty, 427 

The  Aboras  fixed  as  the  Limits  between  the  Empires, 428 

Cession  of  five  Provinces  beyond  the  Tigris 428 

Armenia, 429 

Iberia, , 43C 

803     Triumph  of  Diocletian  and  Maximian, 431 

Long  Absence  of  the  Emperors  from  Rome, 432 

Their  Residence  at  Milan, 433 

Their  Residence  at  Nicomedia, 434 

Debasement  of  Rome  and  of  the  Senate 434 

New  Bodies  of  Guards,  Jovians  and  Herculians, 435 

Civil  Magistracies  laid  aside, 435 

Imperial  Dignity  and  Titles, 436 

Diocletian  assumes  the  Diadem,  and  introduces  the  Persian  Cer- 
emonial   437 

New  Form  of  Administration,  two  Augusti  and  two  Caesars 438 

Increase  of  Taxes, 439 

Abdication  of  Diocletian  and  Maximian, 441 

Resemblance  to  Charles  the  Fifth, '. .  441 

iOi.    Long  Illness  of  Diocletian, 442 

His  Prudence, 442 

Compliance  of  Maximian, 443 

Retirement  of  Diocletian  at  Salona, 444 

His  Philosophy, 444 

813.    His  Death, 445 

Description  of  Solona  and  the  adjacent  Country, 445 

Of  Diocletian's  Palace, 448 

Decline  of  the  Arts, 447 

Decline  of  Letters, - 449 

The  New  Platonists 449 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

TROUBLES  AFTER  THE  ABniCATION  OF  DIOCLETIAN.  —  DEATH  OF  C0N8TAK 
TIU8.  —  ELEVATION    OF   CONSTANTINE  AND    MAXENTIU8. — 9TT    EMI'EB- 
0R3  AT  THE  SAME  TIME.  — DEATH  OF  MAXIMIAN  AND  OALERirS.  — TIO- 
TOE.IES    OF  CONSTANTINE  OVER  MAXENTIUS  AND    LICINIUS. —  REUNION 
OF  THE    EMPIRE    UNDEli   THE    AUTHORITY    OF    CONSTANTINE. 

305—^3.    Period  of  Civil  Wars  and  Confusion, 451 

Ckaraetirr  and  Situation  of  CdnBtantiuB 441 


rONTENTS.  h 

Of  U&ieriu? 4.^3 

The  two  Caesars,  Scverus  and  Mazimin, 4<53 

Ambition  ofGalerius  disappointed  by  two  lie  volutions, 4o4 

274.    Birth,  Education,  and  £scape  of  Constantine, 455 

S06.     Death  of  Constantius,  and  Elevation  of  Constantine, 457 

He  is  acknowledged  by  Oalerius,  who  gives  him  only  the  title  of 

Cxsar,  and  that  of  Augustus  tu  Severus, 468 

The  Brothers  and  Sisters  of  Constantine 458 

Discontent  of  the  Komans  at  the  Apprehension  of  Taxes, 459 

3u6.    Maxcntius  declared  Emperor  at  Rome, 460 

Maximian  reassumes  the  Purple, 461 

807.  Defeat  and  Death  of  Severus, 462 

Maximian  gives  his  Daughter  Fausta,  and  the  title  of  Augustus, 

to  Constantine, 463 

Oalerius   invades    Italy 463 

His  Retreat 46.5 

307.    Elevation  of  Licinius  to  the  Rank  of  Augustus, 46-5 

Elevation  of  Maximin 466 

808.  Six  Emperors 466 

Misfortunes  of  Maximian, 467 

310.  His  Death 469 

311.  Death  of  Oalerius, 469 

His  Dominion  shared  between  Maximin  and  Licinius, 470 

308—312.    Administration  of  Constantine  in  Oaul, 471 

Tyranny  of  Maxentius  in  Italy  and  Africa 471 

312.  Civil  War  between  Constantine  and  Maxentius 473 

Preparations, 474 

Constantine  passes  the  Alps, 47o 

Battle  of  Turin 475 

Siege  and  Battle  of  Verona 477 

Indolence  and  Fears  of  Maxentius, 479 

812.  "Victory  of  Constantine  near  Rome, 480 

His  Reception, • 482 

His  Conduct   at  Rome, 484 

813.  His  Alliance  with   Licinius, 485 

War  between  Maximin  and  Licinius, 485 

The  Defeat  of  Maximin, 486 

His  Death 4bo 

Cruelty  of  Licinius, 486 

Unfortunate  Fate  of  the  Empress  Valeria  and  her  Mother 487 

?14     Quarrel  between  Constantine  and  Licinius 489 

First  Civil  War  between  them, 490 

314.    Battle  of  Cybalis, 491 

Battle  of  Mardia, 491 

Treaty   of  Peace 492 

315 — 323.    General  Peace  and  Laws  of  Constantine, 493 

522.    The  Gothic  War 496 


lii  CONTENTS. 

<k   !>•  ekom 

i)Lu.    Secunil  Cinl  War  between  Constantine  and  Licinlus 4J7 

Battle  of  Hadrianople, 4!)9 

Siege  of  Byzantium,  and  Naval  Victory  of  Crispus, 500 

Battle  of  Chrysopolis, 501 

Submission  and  Death  of  Licinius, 502 

SSL    Beuuioa  of  the  Empire 603 


CHAPTER    XV. 

THE  PROORESS  OP  THE  CHRISTIAN  RELIGION,  AND  THE  SENTIMENTS,  MAN- 
NERS, NUMBERS,  AND  CONDITION  OF  THE   PRIMITIVE  CHRISTIANS. 

Importance  of  the  Inquiry 504 

Its  Difficulties, 504 

Five  Causes  of  the  Growth  of  Christianity, 505 

I.  The  First  Cause.    Zeal  of  the  Jews, 505 

Its  gradual  Increase 509 

Their  Religion  better  suited  to  Defence  than  to  Conquest, 510 

More  liberal  Zeal  of  Christianity, 512 

Obstinacy  and  Reasons  of  the  believing  Jews 513 

The  Nazarene  Church  of  Jerusalem, 514 

TheEbionites 516 

The  Gnostics, 518 

Their  Sects,  Progress,  and  Influence, 520 

The  Daemons  considered  as  the  Gods  of  Antiquity 522 

Abhorrence  of  the  Christians  for  Idolatry, 523 

Ceremonies 524 

Arts, 525 

Festivals 526 

Zeal  for  Christianity, 627 

II.  The  Second  Cause.    The  Doctrine  of  the  Immortality  of  the 

Soul  among  the  Philosophers, 528 

Among  the  Pagans  of  Greece  and  Rome, 528 

Among  the  Barbarians  and  the  Jews, 530 

Among  the  Christians, 532 

Approaching  End  of  the  World, 632 

Doctrine  of  the  Millennium, 533 

Conflagration  of  Rome  and  of  the  World, 536 

The  Pagans  devoted  to  eternal  Punishment, 537 

Were  often  converted  by  their  Fears, 638 

III.  The  Third  Cause.     Miraculous  Powers  of  the  Primitive 

Church 539 

Their  Truth  contested 641 

Oui  Perplexity  in  defining  the  Miraculous  Period 642 

Dae  nf  the  primitive  Miracles,    •'•  "4^ 


CONTENTS, 


liii 


IV.  The  Fourth  Cause.  Virtues  of  the  first  Christians, 643 

Etfects  of  their  Repentance, 645 

Care  of  their  Reputation 646 

Morality  of  the  Fathers 647 

Principles  of  Human  Nature, 647 

The  primitive  Christians  condemn  Pleasure  and  Luxury,  648 

Their  Sentiments  concerning  Marriage  and  Chastity,   649 

Their  Aversion  to  the  Business  of  War  and  Government, 651 

V.  The  Fifth  Cause.    The  Christians  active  iu  the  Govern- 

ment of  the  Church, ^3 

Its  primitive  Freedom  and  Kquality 654 

Institutions  of  Bishops  as  Presidents  of  the  College  of  Presby- 
ters,   > 556 

Prov-incial  Councils, 668 

Union  of  the  Church, 659 

Progress  of  Episcopal  Authority '^•59 

PreJ'minence  of  the  Metropolitan  Churches, 660 

Ambition  of  the  Roman  Pontiff, 561 

Laity  and  Clergy, 562 

Oblations  and  Revenue  of  the  Church, 663 

Distribution  of  the  Revenue, 566 

Excommunication, 56, 

Public  Penance,    568 

The  Dignity  of  Episcopal  Government, 669 

Recapitulation  of  the  Five  Causes, 571 

Weakness  of  Polytheism, 572 

The  Scepticism  of  the  Pagan  World  proved  favorable  to  the  new 

Religion, 572 

And  to  the  Peace  and  Union  of  the  Roman  Empire, 573 

Historical  View  of  the  Progress  of  Christianity 673 

In  the  East, 675 

The  Church  of  Antioch, 676 

In  Egypt 577 

In  Rome, 57S 

In  Africa  and  the  Western  Provinces 680 

Beyond  the  Limits  of  the  Roman  Empire 582 

General  Proportion  of  Christians  and  Pagans, 683 

Whether  the  first  Christians  were  mean  and  ignorant, 584 

Some  Exceptions  with  regard  to  Learning, 684 

With  regard  to  Rank  and  Fortune, 585 

Christianity  most  favorably  received  by  the  Poor  and  Simple,. .  • .  685 
Rejected  by  some  eminent  Men  of  the  first  and  second  Centuries,  586 

Their  Neglect  of  Prophecy, 587 

Their  Neglect  of  Miracles, 688 

Oeixeral  Silence  concerning  the  Darkness  of  the  Passion, 589 


THE  HISTORY 


or 


THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 


OF    THE 


ROMAN  EMPIRE. 


CHAPTER  I. 

INTRODUCTION.  —  THE    EXTENT    AND     MILITARY    FORCE    OF    THB 
EMPIRE   IN   THE   AGE   OF   TUE   ANTONINES. 

In  the  second  century  of  the  Christian  JEra,  the  ennpire  of 
Rome  comprehended  the  fairest  part  of  the  earth,  and  the 
most  civilized  portion  of  mankind.  The  frontiers  of  thai 
extensive  monarchy  were  guarded  by  ancient  renown  and 
disciplined  valor.  The  gentle  but  powerful  influence  of  laws 
and  manners  had  gradually  cemented  the  union  of  tho 
provinces.  Their  peaceful  inhabitants  enjoyed  and  abused 
the  advantages  of  wealth  and  luxury.  The  image  of  a  free 
constitution  was  preserved  with  decent  reverence  :  the  Roman 
senate  appeared  to  possess  the  sovereign  authority,  and 
devolved  on  the  emperors  all  the  executive  powers  of  gov- 
ernment. During  a  happy  period  of  more  than  fourscore 
years,  the  public  administration  was  conducted  by  the  virtue 
And  abilities  of  Nerva,  Trajan,  Hadrian,  and  the  two  Anto- 
riines.  It  is  the  design  of  this,  and  of  the  two  succeeding  chap- 
ters, to  describe  the  prosperous  condition  of  their  empire  ; 
and  afterwards,  from  the  death  of  Marcus  Antoninus,  to  deduce 
the  most  important  circumstances  of  its  decline  and  fall  ;  a 
revolution  which  will  ever  be  remembered,  and  is  still  felt  by 
the  nations  of  tho  earth. 

The   principal   conquests  of  the    Romans  were  achievei 


V  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

under  the  republic  ;  and  the  emperors,  for  the  most  part, 
were  satisfied  with  preserving  those  dominions  which  had 
oeen  acquired  by  the  policy  of  the  senate,  the  active  emula- 
"ion  of  the  consuls,  and  the  martial  enthusiasm  of  the  people. 
The  seven  first  centuries  were  filled  with  a  rapid  succession 
of  triumphs  ;  but  it  was  reserved  for  Augustus  to  relinquish 
the  ambitious  design  of  subduing  the  whole  earth,  and  to  in- 
trod  ice  a  spirit  of  moderation  into  the  public  councils.  In* 
cliiied  to  peace  by  his  temper  and  situation,  it  was  easj  for 
him  to  discover  that  Rome,  in  her  present  exalted  situation, 
had  much  less  to  hope  than  to  fear  from  the  chance  of  arms ; 
and  that,  in  the  prosecution  of  remote  wars,  the  undertaking 
became  every  day  more  difficult,  the  event  more  doubtful, 
and  the  possession  more  precarious,  and  less  beneficial.  Th« 
experience  of  Augustus  added  weight  to  these  salutary  re- 
flections, and  effectually  convinced  him  that,  by  the  prudent 
vigor  of  his  counsels,  it  would  be  easy  to  secure  every  con- 
cession which  the  safety  or  the  dignity  of  Rome  might  require 
from  the  most  formidable  barbarians.  Instead  tff  exposing 
his  person  and  his  legions  to  the  arrows  of  the  Parthians.  he 
obtained,  by  an  honorable  treaty,  the  restitution  of  the  stan- 
dards and  prisoners  which  had  been  taken  in  the  defeat  of 
Crassus.i 

His  generals,  in  the  early  part  of  his  reign,  attempted  the 
reduction  of  Ethiopia  and  Arabia  Felix.  They  marched  near 
a  thousand  miles  to  the  south  of  the  tropic  ;  but  the  heat  of 
the  climate  soon  repelled  the  invaders,  and  protected  the  un- 
warlike  natives  of  those  sequestered  regions.^     The  northern 

'  Dion  Cassius,  (1.  liv.  p.  736,)  with  the  annotations  of  Roimar, 
who  has  collected  all  that  Roman  vanity  has  left  upon  the  subject. 
The  marble  of  Ancyra,  on  which  Augustus  recorded  his  own  ex- 
ploits, asserts  that  he  compelled  the  Parthians  to  restore  the  ensigns  of 
Crassus. 

"  Strabo,  (1.  xvi.  p.  780,)  Tliny  the  elder,  (Hist.  Natur.  1 
vi.  •5.  32,  35,  [28,  29,]  and  Dion  Cassius,  (1.  liii.  p.  72;i,  and  1. 
liv  p.  734,)  have  left  us/- '  '^ry  curious  details  concerning  thc^f 
wars.  The  Romans  made  t.  olves  masters  of  Mariaba,  or  Mcrati, 
a  ciry  of  Arabia  Felix,  well  known  to  the  Orientals.  (See  Abul.eda 
aui   the  Nubian  geography,  p.  52.)*      They   were   ai-rived  within 


•  It  is  this  city  of  Merab  that  the  Arabs  say  was  the  residence  of  Brlkis 
qtveen  of  Saba,  who  desired  to  see  Solomon.  A  dam,  by  wluch  the  waters 
roUected  in  its  neif^liborhood  were  kept  back,  haviiij;  beer,  swept  awiiy,  the 
Buddeii  inundation  destroyed  this  city,  of  which,  nevertheless,  vestii;;cs 
remain.  It  bordered  on  a  country  called  Adramout.  w!  ere  a  particidai 
ttiunijtic  plant  grows  ;  it  is  for  this  reason  that  we  read,  .n  the  history  «f , 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  3 

countries  of  Europe  scarcely  deserved  the  expense  and  labor 
of  conquest.  The  forests  and  morasses  of  Germany  wenf 
filled  with  a  hardy  race  of  barbarians,  who  despised  life  when 
it  was  separated  from  freedom  ;  and  though,  on  the  first  attack, 
they  seemed  to  yield  to  the  weight  of  the  Roman  power,  they 
soon,  by  a  signal  act  of  despair,  regained  their  independence 
and  reminded  Augustus  of  the  vicissitude  of  fortune."*  On 
the  death  of  that  emperor,  his  testament  was  publicly  read  in 
the  senate.  lie  bequeathed,  as  a  valuable  legacy  to  his  suc- 
cessors, the  advice  of  confining  the  empire  within  those  limita 
which  nature  seemed  to  have  placed  as  its  permanent  bulwarka 
and  boundaries  :  on  the  west,  the  Atlantic  Ocean ;  the  Rhine 
and  Danube  on  the  north ;  the  Euphrates  on  the  east ;  and 
towards  the  south,  the  sandy  deserts  of  Arabia  and  Africa."* 

Happily  for  the  repose  of  mankind,  the  moderate  system 
recommended  by  the  wisdom  of  Augustus,  was  adopted  by 
the  fears  and  vices  of  his  immediate  successors.  Engaged  in 
the  pursuit  of  pleasure,  or  in  the  exercise  of  tyranny,  the  first 
Cajsars  seldom  showed  themselves  to  the  armies,  or  to  the 
provinces  ;  nor  were  they  disposed  to  suffer,  that  those  tri- 
umphs which  their  indolence  neglected,  should  be  usurped  by 
the  conduct  and  valor  of  their  lieutenants.     The  military  fame 

three  days'  *  journey  of  the  spice  country,  the  rich  object  of  theit 
invasion. 

^  By  the  slaughter  of  Varus  and  his  three  legions.  See  the  first 
book  of  the  Annals  of  Tacitus.  Sueton.  in  August,  c.  2.J,  and  Velle- 
ius  Patcrculus,  1.  ii.  e.  117,  &c.  Augustus  did  not  receive  the  melan- 
choly news  with  all  the  temper  and  firmness  that  might  have  been 
•ixpccted  from  his  character. 

*  Tacit.  Annal.  1.  ii.  Dion  Cassius,  1.  Ivi.  p.  833,  and  the  speech 
of  Augustus  himself,  in  Julian's  Ctesars.  It  receives  great  light  from 
the  learned  notes  of  his  French  translator,  M.  Spanheira. 


the  Roman  expedition,  that  they  were'  arrived  within  three  days'  joumey 
of  the  spice  country.  —  G.     Compare  Malte-Jinoi,  Geoqr.  Eng.  trans,  vol 
ii.  p.  215.     The  period  of  this  flood  has  been  copiously  discussed  byReiske 

iVroi/rain.  de  vetustd  Epoclut  Arahum,  niptura  cataracta;  Mcrabensis.)    Add 
oliainison,  Hist.  Yvman<e,  p.  262.     Bonn    "<28 ;  and  see  Gibbon,  note  l(j 
to  Chap.  L.  —  M. 

*  Two,  according  to  Strabo.  The  detailed  account  of  Stiabo  makes  the 
invaders  fail  bet'ure  Marsuabaj  :  this  cannot  be  the  same  place  as  Mariaba. 
Ukert  observes,  that  ylilius  Galliis  would  not  have  failed  for  want  of  water 
before  Marialia.  (See  M  Guizxjt's  note  above.)  "  Either,  therefore,  they 
Vifere  ditfcrcnt  places,  or  Strabo  is  mistaken."  (Ukert,  Geo(/rtip/ue  net 
irr'tcchen  tind  Rimer,  vol.  i.  p.  ISl.)  Strabo,  indeed,  mentions  Mariaba 
distinct  from  Marsuabne.  Gibbon  has  followed  Pliny  in  reckonini;  Mariaba 
tmiing  the  conquests  of  Gallus.  Thcie  can  be  little  doubt  that  he  id 
wron^,  as  Gallus  did  not  approach  the  capital  of  S  »ba;a.  Compare  the 
Bot<  of  the  Oxford  editor  of  Strnbo.  —  M. 


4  THE   DECLINE   AND   FALL 

of  a  subject  was  considered  as  an  insolent  \n\  asion  cf  the  Im 
perial  prerogative  ;  and  it  became  the  duty,  as  well  as  interest 
of  every  Roman  general,  to  guard  the  frontiers  intrusted  to 
his  care,  without  aspiring  to  conquests  which  might  have  proved 
no  less  fatal  to  himself  than  to  the  vanquished  barbarians.^ 

The  only  accession  which  the  Roman  empire  received, 
during  the  first  century  of  the  Christian  iEra,  was  the  province 
of  Britain.  In  this  single  instance,  the  successors  of  Ca«ar 
and  Augustus  were  persuaded  to  follow  the  example  of  the 
former,  rather  than  the  precept  of  the  latter.  The  proximity 
of  its  situation  to  the  coast  of  Gaul  seemed  to  invite  their 
arms  ;  the  pleasing  though  doubtful  intelligence  of  a  pearl 
fishery,  attracted  their  avarice ;  ^  and  as  Britain  was  viewed 
in  the  light  of  a  distinct  and  insulated  world,  the  conquest 
scarcely  formed  any  exception  to  the  general  system  of  con- 
tinental measures.  After  a  war  of  about  forty  years,  under- 
taken by  the  most  stupid,'  maintained  by  the  most  dissolute, 
and  terminated  by  the  most  timid  of  all  the  emperors,  the  far 
greater  part  of  the  island  submitted  to  the  Roman  yoke.^ 
The  various  tribes  of  Britons  possessed  valor  without  conduct, 
and  the  love  of  freedom  without  the  spirit  of  union.  They 
took  up  arms  with  savage  fierceness  ;  they  laid  them  down 
or  turned  them  against  each  other,  with  wild  inconstancy  •, 
and  while  they  fought  singly,  they  were  successively  subdued. 
Neither  the  fortitude  of  Caractacus,  nor  the  despair  of  Boa- 
dicea,  nor  the  fanaticism  of  the  Druids,  coulo  avert  the  slavery 
of  their  country,  or  resist  the  steady  progress  of  the  Imperial 
generals,  who  maintained  the  national  glory,  when  the  throne 

*  Germanicus,  Suetonius  Paulinus,  and  Agricola  were  checked 
and  recalled  in  the  course  of  their  victories.  Corbulo  was  put  to 
death.  Military  merit,  as  it  is  admirably  expressed  by  Tacitus,  was, 
In  the  strictest  sense  of  the  word,  imperatoria  virtus. 

*  Caesar  himself  conceals  that  ignoble  motive  ;  but  it  is  mentioned 
oy  Suetonius,  c.  47.  The  British  pcarb  proved,  however,  of  little 
ralue,  on  account  of  their  dark  and  livid  color.  Tacitus  observes, 
with  reason,  (in  Agricola,  c.  12,)  that  it  was  an  inherent  defect 
"  Ego  fai-iaus  crediderim,  naturam  margaritis  deesse  quam  nobii 
ivaritiam." 

'  Claudius,  Nero,  and  Domitian.  A  hope  is  expressed  by  Pompu- 
«ius  Mela,  1.  iii.  c.  6,  (he  wrote  under  Claudius,)  that,  by  the  suceests 
of  the  Roman  arms,  the  island  and  its  savage  inhabitants  would 
noon  be  better  known.  It  is  amusing  enough  to  peruse  such  passages 
m  the  midst  of  London. 

*  See  the  admirable  abridgment  given  by  Tacitus,  in  the  life  of 
Agricola,  and  copiously,  though  perhaps  not  completely,  iliustiated 
by  our  own  antiquarians,  Camden  and  Horsley. 


OF    THE    ROMA.N    EMPlKli.  O 

wviH  disgraced  by  the  tveakesl,  or  the  most  vicious  of  mau- 
kind.  At  the  very  time  when  Domitian,  confined  to  his  pal- 
ace, felt  the  terrors  which  he  inspired,  his  legions,  under  the 
command  of  the  virtuous  Agricola,  defeated  the  collected 
force  of  the  Caledonians,  at  the  fool  of  the  Grampian  Hills ; 
and  his  fleets,  "onturing  to  explore  an  unknown  and  danger- 
ous navigation,  displayed  the  Roman  arms  round  every  part 
of  the  island.  The  conquest  of  Britain  was  considered  as 
already  achieved  ;  and  it  was  the  design  of  Agricola  to  com- 
plete  and  insure  his  success,  by  the  easy  reduction  of  Ireland, 
for  which,  in  his  opinion,  one  legion  and  a  few  auxiliaries  were 
sufficient.^  The  western  isle  might  be  improved  into  a  valu- 
able possession,  and  the  Britons  would  wear  their  chains  with 
the  less  reluctance,  if  the  prospect  and  example  of  freedom 
were  on  every  side  removed  from  before  their  eyes. 

But  the  superior  merit  of  Agricola  soon  occasioned  his 
removal  from  the  government  of  Britain  ;  and  forever  dis- 
appointed this  rational,  though  extensive,  scheme  of  conquest. 
Before  his  departure,  the  prudent  general  had  provided  for 
security  as  well  as  for  dominion.  He  hud  observed,  that  the 
island  is  almost  divided  into  two  unequal  parts  by  the  opposite 
gulfs,  or,  as  they  are  now  called,  the  Friths  of  Scotland 
Across  the  narrow  interval  of  about  forty  miles,  he  had  drawn 
a  line  of  military  stations,  which  was  afterwards  fortified,  in 
the  reign  of  Antoninus  Pius,  by  a  turf  rampart,  erected  on 
foundations  of  stone.^"  This  wall  of  Antoninus,  at  a  small 
distance  beyond  the  modern  cities  of  Edinburgh  and  Glas- 
gow, was  fixed  as  the  limit  of  the  Roman  province.  The 
native  Caledonians  preserved,  in  the  northern  extremity  of 
the  island,  their  wild  independence,  for  which  they  were  not 


*  The  Irish  writers,  jealous  of  their  national  honor,  are  extremely 
provoked  on  this  occasion,  both  with  Tacitus  and  with  Agricola. 
'"  See  Horslcy's  Britannia  Roinana,  1.  i.  c.  10.* 


*  Agricola  fortified  the  line  from  Dumbarton  to  Edinburgh,  consequently 
within  Scotland.  The  emperor  Hadrian,  during  his  residence  in  Britain 
about  the  year  121,  caused  a  rampart  of  earth  to  be  raised  between  New 
oastle  and  Carlisle.  Antoninus  Pius,  having  gained  new  victories  over  the 
Caledonians,  by  the  ability  of  his  general,  Lollius  Urbicus,  caused  a  new 
rampart  of  earth  to  be  constructed  between  Edinburgh  and  Dumbarton. 
Lastly,  Septimius  8everus  caused  a  wall  of  stone  to  be  built  parallel  to  th« 
rampart  of  Hadrip.n,  and  on  the  same  locality.  See  John  Warburton'a 
Vallum  Romanum,  or  the  History  and  Antiquities  of  the  Roman  Wall. 
London,  1754,  4to.  —  W.  See  likewise  a  good  note  on  the  Reman  Wall  ia 
Litgard's  Historv  of  England,  vol.  i.  p.  40,  4to  edit.  — M. 


6 


THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 


less  indebted  to  their  poverty  than  to  their  valor.  Their  in- 
cursions were  freqiently  repelled  and  chastised  ;  but  theil 
country  was  never  subdued.' '  The  masters  of  the  fairest 
and  most  wealthy  climates  of  the  globe  turned  with  contempt 
from  gloomy  hills,  assailed  by  the  winter  tempest,  from  lakes 
concealed  in  a  blue  mist,  and  from  cold  and  lonely  heaths, 
over  which  the  deer  of  the  forest  were  chased  by  a  troop  of 
naked  barbarians. i^ 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  Roman  frontiers,  and  such  tha 
maxims  of  Imperial  policy,  from  the  death  of  Augustus  to 
(he  accession  of  Trajan.  That  virtuous  and  active  prince  had 
received  the  education  of  a  soldier  and  possessed  the  talents 
of  a  general. '3  The  peaceful  system  of  his  predecessors 
vvas  interrupted  by  scenes  of  war  and  conquest ;  and  the 
legions,  after  a  long  interval,  beheld  a  military  emperor  at 
their  head.  The  first  exploits  of  Trajan  were  against  the 
i')acians,  the  most  warlike  of  men,  who  dwelt  beyond  the 
Danube,  and  who,  during  the  reign  of  Domitian,  had  insulted, 
with  impunity,  the  Majesty  of  Rome.'^  To  the  strength  and 
fierceness  of  barbarians  they  added  a  contempt  for  life,  which 
was  derived  from  a  warm  persuasion  of  the  immortality  and 
transmigration  of  the  soul.'^  Decebalus,  the  Dacian  king, 
approved  himself  a  rival  not  unworthy  of  Trajan  ;  nor  did  he 
despair  of  his  own  and  the  public  fortune,  till,  by  the  confes- 
sion of  his  enemies,  he  had  exhausted  every  resource  both  of 
valor  and  policy.'^  This  memorable  war,  with  a  very  short 
suspension  of  hostilities,  lasted  five  years  ;  and  as  the  em- 
peror could  exert,  without  control,  the  whole  force  of  the 
state,  it  was  terminated  by  an  absolute  submission  of  the  bar- 
barians.''     The   new  province   of    D?  cia,   which    formed    a 

'•  The  poet  Buchanan  celebrates  with  elegance  and  spirit  (see  his 
Sylvae,  v.)  the  unviolated  independence  of  his  native  country.  But, 
if  the  single  testimony  of  Richard  of  Cirencester  was  sulRcient  to 
create  a  Roman  province  of  Vespasiana  to  the  north  of  the  wall,  that 
independence  would  be  reduced  within  very  narrow  limits. 

'"  See  A])pian  (in  Proccm.)  and  the  uniform  imagery  of  Ossiau's 
Poems,  which,  accordmg  to  every  hypothesis,  were  composed  by  a 
Dative  Caledonian. 

'^  See  riiny's  I'ancgyric,  which  seems  founded  on  facts. 

■''  Dion  C^assiua,  1.  Ixvii. 

'*  Herodotus,  1.  iv.  c.  94.  JuUan  in  the  Caesars,  with  Spaiiheiin'i 
Dbservations.  ' 

'*  l*lin.  Epist.  viii.  9. 

"  Dion  Cassius,  1.  Ixviii.  p.  1123,  11.31.  Julian  in  Cirsaribus 
Eutropius,  viii.  2,  6.     Aureliua  Victor  in  Ej'itonie. 


OF   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  7 

second  exception  to  the  precept  of  Augustus,  was  aoctit  thir- 
teen hundred  miles  in  circumference.  Its  natural  boundariei 
were  the  Niesier,  the  Teyss  or  TibJscus,  the  Lower  Danube, 
and  the  Euxine  Sea.  The  vestiges  of  a  miHtary  road  may 
still  be  traced  from  the  banks  of  the  Danube  to  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Bender,  a  place  famous  in  modern  history,  and  .he 
actual  frontuer  of  the  Turkish  and  Russian  empires. ^^ 
VTrajan  was  ambitious  of  fame  ;  and  as  long  as  mankind 
shall  continue  to  bestow  more  liberal  applause  on  their  de- 
stroyers than  on  their  benefactors,  the  thirst  of  military  glory 
will  ever  be  the  vice  of  the  most  exalted  characters.  The 
praises  of  Alexander,  transmitted  by  a  succession  of  poets 
and  historians,  had  kindled  a  dangerous  emulation  in  the  luind 
of  Trajan.  Like  him,  the  Roman  emperor  undertook  an 
expedition  against  the  nations  of  the  East ;  but  he  lamented 
with  a  sigh,  that  his  advanced  age  scarcely  left  him  any  hopes 
of  equalling  the  renown  of  the  son  of  Philip. ^^  Yet  the  suc- 
cess of  Trajan,  however  transient,  was  rapid  and  specious. 
The  degenerate  Parthians,  broken  by  intestine  discord,  fled 
before  his  arms.  He  descended  the  River  Tigris  in  triumph, 
from  the  mountains  of  Armenia  to  the  Persian  Gulf.  He  en- 
'oyed  the  honor  of  being  the  first,  as  he  was  the  last,  of  the 
Roman  generals,  who  ever  navigateo  that  remote  sea.  His 
fleets  ravaged  the  coasts  of  Arabia ;  and  Trajan  vainly  flat- 
tered himself  that  he  was  approaching  towards  the  confines 
of  India.'^*^  Every  day  the  astonished  senate  received  the 
intelliirence  of  new  names  and  new  nations,  that  acknowl- 
edged  his  sway.  They  were  informed  that  the  kings  of  Bos- 
phorus,  Colchos,  Iberia,  Albania,  Osrhoene,  and  even  the  Par- 
thian monarch  himself,  had  accepted  their  diadems  from  the 
hands  of  the  emperor  ;  that  the  independent  tribes  of  the 
Median  and  Carduchian  hills  had  implored  his  protection ; 
and  that  the  rich  countries  of  Armenia,  Mesopotamia,  and 
Assyria,  were  reduced  into  the  state  of  provinces.^i  But  the 
death  of  Trajan  soon  clouded  the  splendid  prospect ;  and  it 

'"  See  a  Memoir  of  M.  d'An^'ille,  on  the  Pro-^ince  of  D.icia,  in  th« 
Acad^mie  des  Inscriptions,  torn,  xxviii.  p.  444 — 468. 

'*  Trajan's  sentiments  are  represented  in  a  very  just  and  lively 
manner  in  the  Caesars  of  Julian. 

*"  Eutropius  and  Sextus  Kufus  have  cndeavc-ed  to  perjietuate 
\he  illusion.  See  a  very  sensible  dissertation  of  M.  Freret  iu  th« 
A.caderaie  dcs  Inscriptions,  torn.  xxi.  p.  o5. 

"  Dion  Cassms,  1.  bcviii.  ;  and  tl>e  Ahl^rpyiators. 


8  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

was  justly  to  be  dreadei,  that  so  many  distant  nations  would 
throw  off  the  unaccustomed  yoke,  when  they  were  no  longer 
restrained  by  the  powerful  hand  which  had  imposed  it. 

it  was  an   ancient    tradition,   that  when    the  Capitcl    waa 
founded    by    one    of  the    Roman    kings,  the  god    Terminus 
(who  presided  over  boundaries,  and  was  represented,  accord- 
ing to  the  fashion  of  that  age,  by  a  large  stone)  alone,  among 
all  the  inferior  deities,  refused  to  yield  his  place  to  Jupiter 
himself.     A  favorable  inference  was   drawn  from  his  obsti- 
nacy, which  was  interpreted  by  the  augurs  as  a  sure  presage 
that  the  boundaries  of  the  Roman  power  would  never  recede.^a 
During  many  ages,  the  prediction,  as  it  is  usual,  contributed  to 
its  own  accomplishment.     But  though  Terminus  had  resisted 
the  Majesty  of  Jupiter,  he  submitted   to  the  authority  of  tht 
emperor  Hadrian.23     The  resignation  of  all  the  eastern  con 
quests  of  Trajan   was  the   first   measure  of  his  reign.     He 
restored  to  the  Parthians  the  election  of  an  independent  sover- 
eign ;  withdrew  the  Roman  garrisons  from  the  provinces  of 
Armenia,  Mesopotamia,  and  Assyria  ;  and,  in  compliance  wi;h 
the  precept  of  Augustus,  once  more  established  the  Euphrates 
as  the  frontier  of  the  empire.^^     Censure,  which  arraigns  the 
public  actions  and  the  private  motives  of  princes,  has  ascribed 
to  envy,  a  conduct  which  might  be  attributed  to  the  prudence 
and   moderation  of  Hadrian.     The  various  character  of  that 
emperor,  capable,  by  turns,  of  the  meanest  and  the  most  gen- 
erous sentiments,  may  afford  some  color  to  the  suspicion.     It 
was,  however,  scarcely  in  his  power  to  place  the  superiority 
of  his  predecessor  in  a  more  conspicuous  light,  than  by  thus 
confessing  himself  unequal  to  the  task  of  defending  the  con- 
quests of  Trajan. 

The  martial  and  ambitious  spirit  of  Trajan  formed  a  very 
singular  contrast  with  the  moderation  of  his  successor.  The 
restless  activity   of   Hadrian  was  not  less  remarkable  when 

"  Ovid.  Fast.  1.  ii.  ver.  667.  See  Livy,  and  Dionysius  of  Ilallcor- 
aassus,  under  the  reign  of  Tarquin. 

«*  St.  Augustin  is  higlily  delighted  with  the  proof  of  the  weak- 
0088  of  Terminus,  and  the  vanity  of  the  Augurs.  See  De  Civitate 
Dei,  iv.  29.*  ,     ,,     v, 

^  See  the  Augustan  History,  p.  5,  Jerome's  Chronicle,  and  all  the 
Epitomizers.  It  is  somewhat  surprising,  that  this  memorable  eveul 
ihould  be  omitted  by  Dion,  or  rather  by  Xiphilin. 


•   The  turn  of  Gibbon's  sentence  is   Augustin's:    "  Plus  Hadrianum 
'Cgein  homiiium,  quara  regem  Ueoruiu  tiniuissc  vidcatrr. '  — M. 


/ 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE  tf 

compared  with  the  gentle  repose  of  Antoninus  Pius.  The 
life  of  the  former  was  almost  a  perpetual  journey ;  and  as  h& 
possessed  the  various  talents  of  the  soldier,  the  statesman,  and 
the  scholar,  he  gratified  his  curiosity  in  the  discharge  of  his 
J^/^duty.  Careless  of  the  difference  of  seasons  and  of  climates, 
Uie  marched  on  foot,  and  hare-headed,  over  the  snows  of  Cal- 
edonia, and  the  sultry  plains  of  the  Upper  Egypt  ;  nor  was 
there  a  province  of  the  empire  which,  in  the  course  of  hia 
reign,  was  not  honored  with  the  presence  of  the  monarch.^^ 
But  the  tranquil  life  of  Antoninus  Pius  was  spent  in  the  bosom 
of  Italy;  and,  during  the  twenty-three  years  that  he  directed 
the  public  administration,  the  longest  journeys  of  that  amiable 
prince  extended  no  farther  than  from  his  palace  in  Rome  to 
the  retirement  of  his  Lanuvian  villa.26 

Notwithstanding  this  difference  in  their  personal  conduct, 
the  general  system  of  Augustus  was  equally  adopted  and  uni- 
formly pursued  by  Hadrian  and  by  the  two  Antonines.  They 
persisted  in  the  design  of  maintaining  the  dignity  of  the 
empire,  without  attempting  to  enlarge  its  limits.  By  every 
honorable  expedient  they  invited  the  friendship  of  the  bar- 
barians ;  and  endeavored  to  convince  mankind  that  the  Roman 
power,  raised  above  the  temptation  of  conquest,  was  actuated 
only  by  the  love  of  order  and  justice.  During  a  long  period 
of  forty-three  years,  their  virtuous  labors  were  crowned  with 
success  ;  and  if  we  except  a  few  slight  hostilities,  that  served 
to  exercise  the  legions  of  the  frontier,  the  reigns  of  Hadrian 
and  Antoninus  Pius  ofTer  the  fair  prospect  of  universal 
peace.27  The  Roman  name  was  revered  among  the  most 
remote  nations  of  the  earth.  The  fiercest  barbarians  fre- 
quently submitted  their  differences  to  the  arbitration  of  the 

^  Dion,  1.  Ixix.  p.  1158.  Hist.  August,  p.  5,  8.  If  all  our  histo- 
rians were  lost,  medals,  inscriptions,  and  other  monuments,  would  be 
sufficient  to  record  the  travels  of  Hadrian.* 

**  See  the  Augustan  History  and  the  Epitomes. 

"  We  must,  however,  remember,  that  in  the  time  of  Hadrian,  * 
rebellion  of  the  Jews  raged  with  religious  fury,  though  only  in  a 
single  province.  Pausanias  (1.  viii.  c.  43)  mentions  twu  neceasarj 
and  successful  wars,  conducted  by  the  generals  of  Pius :  1st. 
A.gainst  the  wandering  Moors  who  were  driven  into  the  solitudes  of 
Atlas.  2d.  Against  the  Brigantcs  of  Britain,  who  had  invaded  the 
Roman  province.  Botli  these  wars  (with  several  other  Lostilitics)  are 
mentioned  in  the  August '\n  History,  p.  19. 


♦  The  journeys  of  Hadrian  are  traced  in  a  note  on  Soluet's  trs.nslation 
of  Hegewisch,  Essai  sur  TEpoque  de  Histoire  Romaine  la  plus  heureusa 
pour  le  Genre  llumain.     Paris,  1834,  p.  123.  —  M. 


10  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

emjeror  ,  anci  we  are  informed  by  a  contemporary  historian, 
that  \te.  had  seen  ambassadors  who  were  refused  l!je  honor 
which  they  came  to  sohcit,  of  being  admitted  into  the  rank  of 
siibjects.^^ 

The  terror  of  the  Roman  arms  added  weight  and  dignity  to 
the  moderation  of  the  emperors.  They  preserved  peace  by 
a  constant  preparation  for  war ;  and  while  justice  regulated 
their  conduct,  they  announced  to  the  nations  on  their  confines, 
that  they  were  as  little  disposed  to  endure,  as  to  offer  an 
injury.  The  military  strength,  which  it  had  been  sufficient 
for  Hadrian  and  the  elder  Antoninus  to  display,  was  exerted 
against  the  Parthians  and  the  Germans  by  the  emperor  Mar- 
cus. The  hostilities  of  the  barbarians  provoked  the  resent- 
ment of  that  philosophic  monarch,  and,  in  the  prosecution  of 
a  just  defence,  Marcus  and  his  generals  obtained  many  signal 
victories,  both  on  the  Euphrates  and  on  the  Danube.-^  The 
military  establishment  of  the  Roman  empire,  which  thus 
assured  either  its  tranquillity  or  success,  will  now  become  the 
proppr  and  important  object  of  our  attention. 

In  the  purer  ages  of  the  commonwealth,  the  use  of  arms 
was  r<;served  for  those  ranks  of  citizens  who  had  a  country  to 
love,  a  property  to  defend,  and  some  share  in  enacting  those 
laws,  which  it  wa^  their  interest  as  well  as  duty  to  maintain. 
But  in  proportion  as  the  public  freedom  was  lost  in  extent  of 
conquest,  war  was  gradually  improved  into  an  art,  and  de- 
graded into  a  trade.-'o  The  leoions  themselves,  even  at  the 
time  when  they  were  recruited  in  the  most  distant  provinces, 

^^  Appian  of  Alexandria,  in  the  preface  to  his  History  of  the 
Roman  Wars. 

"*  Dion,  1.  Ixxi,  Hist.  Angust.  in  Marco.  The  Parthian  victories 
gave  birth  to  a  crowd  of  contemptible  historians,  whose  memory  has 
been  rescued  from  oblivion  and  exposed  to  ridicule,  in  a  very  lively 
piece  of  criticism  of  Lucian. 

'"  The  poorest  rank  of  soldiers  possessed  above  forty  pounds  ster- 
ling, (Dionys.  Halicarn.  iv.  17,)  a  very  high  qualification  at  a  time 
when  money  was  so  scarce,  that  an  ounce  of  silver  was  cijuivalcat  to 
seventy  pounds  weight  of  brass.*  The  populace,  excluded  by  the 
ancient  constitution,  were  indiscriminately  admitted  by  Marias.  Sec 
Sallust.  de  BeU.  Jugurth.  c.  91. 


•  On  the  uncertainty  of  all  these  estimates,  and  the  difficulty  of  fixing 
the  relative  value  of  brass  and  silver,  compare  Niebuhr,  vol.  i.  p.  473,  A'c. 
Eng.  trans,  p.  4.52.  According  to  Niebuhr,  the  relative  disproportion  in 
value,  between  the  two  metals,  arose,  in  a  great  degree,  from  the  abundance 
of  brass  or  copper. — M.  Compare  also  Bureau  de  la  Malle  Economie 
Polit  que  dcs  Romains,  especially  L.  I.  c.  ix.  —  M.  Ib45. 


OF    THL    nOMAN    EMPIRE.  II 

were  supposed  lo  consist  of  Roman  citizens.  That  distinc- 
tion was  generally  considered,  either  as  a  legal  qualification 
or  as  a  proper  recompense  for  the  soldier;  but  a  more  serious 
regard  was  paid  to  the  essential  merit  of  age,  strength,  and 
military  stature.^'  Ir  all  levies,  a  just  preference  was  given 
to  the  climates  of  tlr;  North  over  those  of  the  South  :  the  race 
of  men  born  to  thd  exercise  of  arms  was  sought  for  in  the 
roimt;y  rather  tha'i  in  cities  ;  and  it  was  very  reasonably  pre- 
fcumfil.  ihai  liie  liunly  occipations  of  smiths,  carpenters,  and 
huntsmen,  would  siipjily  more  vigor  and  resolution  than  the 
sedentary  trades  which  are  employed  in  the  service  of  Uix« 
ury.3-  After  every  qualification  of  property  had  been  laid 
aside,  the  armies  of  the  Roman  emperors  were  still  com- 
manded, for  the  most  part,  by  officers  of  liberal  birth  and 
education  ;  but  the  common  soldiers,  like  the  mercenary 
troops  of  modern  Europe,  were  drawn  from  the  meanest, 
and  very  frequently  from  the  most  profligate,  of  mankind. 

That  public  virtue,  which  among  the  ancients  was  denomi- 
nated patriotism,  is  derived  from  a  strong  sense  of  our  own 
interest  in  the  preservation  and  prosperity  of  the  free  govern- 
ment of  which  we  are  members.  Such  a  sentiment,  which 
had  rendered  the  legions  of  the  republic  almost  invincible, 
could  make  but  a  very  feeble  impression  on  the  mercenary 
servants  of  a  despotic  prince  ;  and  it  became  necessary  to 
supply  that  defect  by  other  motives,  of  a  different,  but  not 
less  forcible  nature  —  honor  and  religion.  The  peasant,  or 
mechanic,  imbibed  the  useful  prejudice  that  he  was  advanced 
to  the  more  dignified  profession  of  arms,  in  which  his  rank 
and  reputation  would  depend  on  his  own  valor ;  and  that, 
although  the  prowess  of  a  private  soldier  must  often  escape 
the  notice  of  fame,  his  own  behavior  might  sometimes  confer 
glory  or  disgrace  on  the  company,  the  legion,  or  even  the 
army  to  whose  honors  he  was  associated.  On  his  first  en- 
trance into  the  service,  an  oath  was  administered  to  him  with 
every  circumstance  of  solemnity.  He  promised  never  to 
desert  his  standard,  to  submit  his  own  will  to  the  commands 
of  his  leaders,  and  to  sacrifice  his  life  for  the  safety  of  the 
emperor  and  the  empire.-^-^     The  attachment  of  the   Roman 

^'  Caesar  formed  his  legion  Alaiida  of  Gauls  and  strangers :  but  it 
was  during  the  license  of  civil  war ;  and  after  Uie  victoiy,  he  gava 
t^em  the  freedom  of  the  city  foi  their  reward. 

'*  See  Vcgetius,  dc  He  MUitari,  1.  i.  c.  2 — 7. 

^  The  oath  of  ser\'ice  and  fidelity  to  the  emperor  was  annually 
rene^red  by  the  tro'^Ds  c  the  first  of  January. 


12  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

troops  to  their  standards  was  inspired  by  *hc  united  inuuence 
of  religion  and  of  honor.  The  golden  eagle,  which  glittered 
m  the  front  of  the  legion,  was  the  object  of  their  fondest  de- 
votion ;  nor  was  it  esteemed  less  impious  than  it  was  igno- 
minious, to  abandon  that  sacred  ensign  in  the  hour  of  dan- 
ger.^'*  These  motives,  which  derived  their  strength  from  the 
imagination,  were  enforced  by  fears  and  hopes  of  a  more 
substantial  kind.  Regular  pay,  occasional  donatives,  and  a 
stated  recompense,  after  the  appointed  time  of  service,  alle- 
\iated  the  hardships  of  the  military  life,^^  whilst,  on  the  other 
hand,  it  was  impossible  for  cowardice  or  disobedience  to  es- 
cape the  severest  punishment.  The  centurions  were  author- 
ized to  chastise  with  blows,  the  generals  had  a  right  to  punish 
with  death  ;  and  it  was  an  inflexible  maxim  of  Roman  disci- 
pline, that  a  good  soldier  should  dread  his  ofiicers  far  more 
than  the  enemy.  From  such  laudable  arts  did  the  valor  of 
the  Imperial  troops  receive  a  degree  of  firmness  and  docility, 
unattainable  by  the  impetuous  and  irregular  passions  of  bar- 
barians. 

And  yet  so  sensible  were  the  Romans  of  the  imperfection 
of  valor  without  skill  and  practice,  that,  in  their  language, 
the  name  of  an  army  was  borrowed  from  the  word  which 
signified  exercise.^^     Military   exercises  were  the    important 

^*  Tacitus  calls  the  Roman  eagles,  Bellorum  Deos.  They  wore 
placed  in  a  chapel  in  the  camp,  and  with  the  other  deities  received 
the  religious  worship  of  the  troops.* 

^*  See  Gronovius  de  Pecunia  vetere,  1.  iii.  p.  120,  &c.  The  empe- 
ror Domitian  raised  the  annual  stipend  of  the  legionaries  to  twelve 
pieces  of  gold,  which,  in  his  time,  was  equivalent  to  about  ten  of 
our  guineas.  This  pay,  somewhat  higher  than  our  own,  had  been, 
and  was  afterwards,  gradually  increased,  according  to  the  progress  of 
wealth  and  military  government.  After  twenty  years'  service,  the 
veteran  received  three  thousand  denarii,  (about  one  hundred  pounds 
■terling,)  or  a  proportionable  allowance  of  land.  The  pay  and  ad- 
vantages of  the  guards  were,  in  general,  about  double  those  of  the 
legions. 

^  Exercitua  ab  exercitando,  Varro  de  Lingua  LatinS,  1.  iv.  Cicero 
m  Tusculan.  1.  ii.  37,  [15.]  There  is  room  for  a  very  interesting 
work,  which  should  lay  open  the  connection  between  the  languages 
und  manners  of  nations.t 


♦  See  also  Dio.  Cass.  xl.  c.  IS.  —  M. 

T  I  am  not  aware  of  the  existence,  at  present,  of  such  a  work ;  but  the 
profound  observations  of  the  late  William  von  Humboldt,  in  the  introduc- 
tion to  his  posthumously  published  Essay  on  the  Language  of  the  Island 
ot  Java,  ((iber  die  Kawi-sprache,  Berlin,  1836,)  may  cause  regret  that  thii 
task  was  «  jt  completed  by  that  accomplished  and  universal  scholar. —  M 


OF    THK    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  13 

and  iinremit'ed  object  of  their  discipline.  The  lecruita 
and  young  soldiers  were  constantly  trained,  both  in  liie 
morning  and  in  the  evening,  nor  was  age  or  kno\vle<ige 
allowed  to  excuse  the  veterans  from  the  daily  repetition  of 
what  they  nad  completely  learnt.  Large  sheds  were  erected 
tn  the  winter-quarters  of  the  troops,  that  their  useful  labors 
might  not  receive  any  interruption  from  the  most  tempestuous 
weather;  and  it  was  carefully  observed,  that  the  arms 
destined  to  this  imitation  of  war,  should  be  of  double  the 
weight  which  was  required  in  real  action.^''  It  is  not  tho 
purpose  of  this  work  to  enter  into  any  minute  description 
of  the  Roman  exercises.  We  shall  only  remark,  that  the}- 
comprehended  whatever  could  add  strength  to  the  body 
activity  to  the  limbs,  or  grace  to  the  motions.  The  soldiers 
were  diligently  instructed  to  march,  to  run,  to  leap,  to  swim, 
to  carry  heavy  burdens,  to  handle  every  species  of  arms  that 
was  used  either  for  offence  or  for  defence,  either  in  distant 
engagement  or  in  a  closer  onset;  to  form  a  variety  of  evolu- 
tions ;  and  to  move  to  the  sound  of  flutes  in  the  Pyrrhic 
or  martial  dance.38  In  the  midst  of  peace,  the  Roman 
troops  familiarized  themselves  with  the  practice  of  war; 
and  it  is  prettily  remarked  by  an  ancient  historian  who 
had  fought  against  them,  that  the  effusion  of  blood  was  the 
only  circumstance  which  distinguished  a  field  of  battle  from 
a  field  of  exercise.39  It  was  the  policy  of  the  ablest 
generals,  and  even  of  the  emperors  themselves,  to  encourage 
these  military  studies  by  their  presence  and  example  ;  and 
we  are  informed  that  Hadrian,  as  well  as  Trajan,  frequently 
condescended  to  instruct  the  unexperienced  soldiers,  to 
reward  the  diligent,  and  sometimes  to  dispute  with  them 
the  prize  of  superior  strength  or  dexterity.'"^  Under  the 
reigns  of  those  princes,  the  science  of  tactics  wis  cultivated 
with  success;  and  as  long  as  the  empire  retailed  any  vigor, 
their  military  instructions  were  respected  as  the  most  perfect 
model  of  Roman  discipline. 

"  Vegctius,  1.  ii.  and  the  rest  of  his  first  book. 

'*  The  Pyrrhic  dance  is  extremely  well  illustrated  by  M.  le  Beaa, 
in  the  Academic  des  Inscriptions,  tom.  xxxv.  p.  262,  &c.  That  learned 
Bcademician,  in  a  series  of  memoirs,  has  collected  all  the  i:assaj5e3  of 
lie  ancients  that  relate  to  the  Roman  legion. 

'"  Joseph,  de  Bell.  Judaico,  1.  iii.  c.  6.  We  are  indebted  to  tliia 
Jew  for  some  very  curious  details  of  Roman  discipline. 

*^  Plin.  Poncgyr.  c.  13.  Life  of  Hadrian,  in  the  Augustan 
Qi'atory^.- 


J4  THE  decl:>j£  and  fall 

Nine  centuries  of  war  had  gradually  introd  iced  into  the 
service  many  alterations  and  improvements.  The  legions^ 
as  lliey  are  described  by  Polybius,'*^  in  the  time  of  the 
Punic  wars,  differed  very  materially  from  those  which 
achieved  the  victories  of  Casar,  or  defended  the  monarchy 
of  Hadrian  and  the  Antonines.  The  constitution  of  the 
Imperial  legion  may  be  described  in  a  few  words.^^  The 
!ieavy-armed  infantry,  which  composed  its  principal  strength,^^ 
was  divided  into  ten  cohorts,  and  fifty-five  companies,  under 
the  orders  of  a  correspondent  number  of  tribunes  and  cen- 
turions. The  first  cohort,  which  always  claimed  the  post  of 
honor  and  the  custody  of  the  eagle,  was  formed  of  eleven 
hundred  and  five  soldiers,  the  most  approved  for  valor  and 
fidelity.  The  remaining  nine  cohorts  consisted  each  of  five 
hundred  and  fifty-five  ;  and  the  whole  body  of  legionary 
infantry  amounted  to  six  thousand  one  hundred  men.  Their 
arms  were  uniform,  and  admirably  adapted  to  the  nature  of 
their  service  :  an  open  helmet,  with  a  lofty  crest  ;  a  breast- 
plate or  coat  of  mail  ;  greaves  on  their  legs,  and  an  ample 
buckler  on  their  left  arm.  The  buckler  was  of  an  oblong 
and  concave  figure,  four  feet  in  length,  and  two  and  a  half  in 
breadth,  framed  of  a  light  wood,  covered  with  a  bulPs  hide, 
and  strongly  guarded  with  plates  of  brass.  Besides  a  lighter 
spear,  the  legionary  soldier  grasped  in  his  right  hand  the 
formidable  pilum,  a  ponderous  javelin,  whose  utmost  length 
was  about  six  feet,  and  which  was  terminated  by  a  massy 
triangular  point  of  steel  of  eighteen  inches.'*'*  This  instru- 
ment was  indeed  much  inferior  to  our  modern  fire-arms  ; 
F.ince  it  was  exhausted  by  a  single  discharge,  at  the  distance 
of  only  ten  or  twelve  paces.     Yet  when  it  was  launched  by 

*'  See  an  admirable  digression  on  the  Roman  discipline,  in  the 
sixth  book  of  his  History. 

**  Vegetius  de  Ke  MiUtari,  1.  ii.  c.  4,  &c.  Considerable  part  of  his 
very  perplexed  abridgment  was  taken  from  the  regulations  of  Trajan 
and  Hadxian ;  and  the  legion,  as  he  describes  it,  cannot  suit  any  other 
aje  of  the  Roman  empire. 

*^  Vegetius  de  Re  Militari,  1.  ii.  c.  1.  In  the  purer  age  nf  Caesar 
and  Cicero,  the  word  miles  was  almost  confined  to  the  infantry. 
Under  the  J  Dwer  empire,  and  in  the  times  of  chivalry,  it  was  app  o- 
priated  almost  as  exclusively  to  the  men  at  arms,  who  fought  on 
horseback. 

**  In  the  time  of  Polyblus  and  Dionysius  of  IIaricarnas3U3,(l.  v.  c 
46,)  the  steel  point  of  the  pUuiti  seems  to  have  1/cen  much  longer. 
hi  the  time  of  Vegetius,  it  was  reduced  to  a  foot,  or  even  oiiie  inche* 
I  have  chodea  a  medium. 


OF    THE    ROi'tfAN    EMPIRE.  15 

a  firm  and  skilful  hand,  there  was  not  any  cavalry  that 
durst  venture  within  its  reach,  nor  any  shield  or  corselet  that 
could  sustain  the  impetuosity  of  its  weight.  As  soon  as  the 
Koman  had  darted  his  pilwii,  he  drew  his  sword,  ind 
rushed  forwards  to  close  with  the  enemy.  His  sword  was 
b  sliDrt  well-tempered  Spanish  blade,  that  carried  a  double 
eJt;e,  and  was  alike  suited  to  the  purpose  of  striking  or  of 
pushing;  but  the  soldiei  was  always  instructed  to  prefer  the 
Imter  use  of  his  weapon,  as  his  own  body  remained  less 
exposed,  whilst  he  inflicted  a  more  dangerous  wound  on  his 
adversary."*^  The  legion  was  usually  drawn  up  eight  deep  ; 
and  the  regular  distance  of  three  feet  was  left  between  the 
hies  as  well  as  ranks.''^  A  body  of  troops,  habituated  to  pre- 
serve thl'i  open  order,  in  a  long  front  and  a  rapid  charge, 
found  themselves  prepared  to  execute  every  disposition  which 
the  circumstances  of  war,  or  the  skill  of  their  leader,  might 
Suggest.  The  soldier  possessed  a  free  space  for  his  arms  and 
motions,  and  sufficient  intervals  were  allowed,  through  vvhirli 
seasonable  reenforcements  might  be  introduced  to  the  relief  of 
the  exhausted  combatants.'*'  The  tactics  of  the  Greeks  and 
Macedonians  were  formed  on  very  different  principles.  The 
strength  of  the  phalanx  depended  on  sixteen  ranks  of  long 
pikes,  wedged  together  in  the  closest  array."**^  But  it  wa* 
soon  discovered  by  reflection,  as  well  as  by  the  event,  that  the 
strength  of  the  phalanx  was  unable  to  contend  with  the  activity 
of  the  legion.''^ 

The  cavalry,  without  which  the  force  of  the  legion  would 
have  remained  imperfect,  was  divided  into  ten  troops  oi 
squadrons;  the  first,  as  the  companion  of  the  first  cohort, 
consisted  of  a  hundred  and  thirty-two  men  ;  whilst  each  of 
the  other  nine  amounted  only  to  sLxty-six.  The  entire  estab- 
lishment formed  a  regiment,  if  we  may  use  the  modern 
expression,  of  seven  hundred  and  twenty-six  horse,  naturally 
connected  with  its  respective  legion,  but  occasionally  separated 

**  For  the  legionary  arms,  see  Lipsius  de  Militia  Romanii,  1.  iii 
c.  2—7. 

*'  See  the  beautiful  comparison  of  Virgil,  Georgic  ii.  v.  279. 

♦'  M.  Guichard,  M6moii-es  Militaires,  torn.  i.  c.  4,  and  Nouveaux 
Memoires,  torn.  i.  j).  293 — 311,  has  treated  the  subject  hke  a  scholar 
and  an  othcer. 

**  See  Arrian's  Tactics.  "^Vith  the  true  partiality  of  a  Greek, 
AjTian  rather  chose  to  describe  the  phalanx,  of  which  he  had  re^wl, 
tLan  the  legions  which  he  had  commanded. 

•^  Polyb    1    xvii.  'win  9.' 


16  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

to  act  ui  the  line,  and  to  compose  a  part  of  the  wings  of  the 
army.^'^  The  cavalry  of  the  emperors  was  no  longer  com- 
posed, like  that  of  the  ancient  republic,  of  the  noblest  youths 
of  Rome  and  Italy,  who,  by  performing  their  military  service 
on  horseback,  prepared  themselves  for  the  offices  of  senator 
and  consul ;  and  solicited,  by  deeds  of  valor,  the  future 
suffrages  of  their  countrymen.^*  Since  the  alteration  of  man- 
ners and  government,  the  most  wealthy  of  the  equestrian 
order  were  engaged  in  the  administration  of  justice,  and  of 
tiie  revenue  ;^-  and  whenever  they  embraced  the  profession 
of  arms,  they  were  immediately  intrusted  with  a  troop  of 
horse,  or  a  cohort  of  foot.^-^     Trajan  and  Hadrian  formed  their 

*o  Veget.  de  He  Militari,  1.  ii.  c.  6.  His  positive  testimony, 
which  might  be  supported  by  circumstantial  evidence,  ought  surely 
to  silence  those  critics  who  refuse  the  Imperial  legion  its  proper  body 
of  cavalry.* 

*'  See  Livy  almost  throughout,  particularly  xlii.  61. 

**  Plin.  Hist.  Natur.  xxxiii.  2.  The  true  sense  of  that  very  curi- 
ous passage  was  first  discovered  and  illustrated  by  M.  de  Beaufort, 
RepubUque  Koraaine,  1.  ii.  c.  2. 

*'  As  in  the  instance  of  Horace  and  Agricola.     This  appears  to 
have  been  a  defect  in  the  Roman  discipline ;  which  Hadrian  endeav 
ored  to  remedy  by  ascertaining  the  legal  age  of  a  tribune. t 


•  See  also  Joseph.  B.  J.  iii.  vi.  2.  — M. 

t  These  details  are  not  altogether  accurate.  Although,  in  the  latter 
days  of  the  republic,  and  under  the  first  emperors,  the  young  Roman  nobles 
obtained  the  command  of  a  squadron  or  a  cohort  with  greater  facility  than 
in  the  former  times,  they  never  obtained  it  without  passing  through  a  tol- 
erably long  military  service.  Usually  they  served  first  in  the  praetorian 
cohort,  which  was  intrusted  with  the  guard  of  the  general ;  they  were 
received  into  the  companionship  (contubernium)  of  some  superior  officer, 
and  were  there  formed  for  duty.  Thus  Jidius  Caesar,  though  sprung  from 
a  great  family,  served  first  as  contubernalis  under  the  pra;tor,  M.  Thermus, 
and  later  under  Servilius  the  Isaurian.  (Suet.  Jul.  2,  H.  Plut.  in  Par. 
p.  oI6.  Ed.  Froben.)  The  example  of  Horace,  which  Gibbon  adduces  to 
prove  that  young  knights  were  made  tribunes  immediately  on  entering  the 
service,  proves  nothing.  In  the  first  place,  Horace  was  not  a  knight ;  he 
was  the  son  of  a  freedman  of  Venusia,  in  Apulia,  who  exercised  the  hum 
ble  office  of  coactor  exauctionum,  (collector  of  payments  at  auctions.) 
(Sat.  i.  vi.  45,  or  86  )  Moreover,  when  the  poet  was  made  tribune,  Brutus, 
whose  army  was  nearly  entirely  composed  of  Orientals,  gave  this  title  to 
all  the  Romans  of  consideration  who  joined  him.  The  emperors  were  still 
less  difficult  in  their  choice  ;  the  number  of  tribunes  was  augmented  ;  the 
title  and  honors  were  conferred  on  persons  whom  they  wished  to  attach  t« 
the  court.  Augustus  conferred  on  the  sons  of  senators,  sometimes  the 
tribunate,  sometimes  the  command  of  a  squadron.  Claudius  gave  to  the 
knights  who  entered  into  the  service,  first  the  command  of  a  cohort  of 
auxiliaries,  latar  that  of  a  squadron,  and  at  length,  for  the  first  time,  the 
tribunate.  (.Suet,  in  Claud,  with  the  notes  of  Ernesti.)  The  abuses  thai 
arose  caused  the  edict  of  Hadrian,  which  fijted  the  age  at  which  that  honoi 
tould  be  attained.     (Spart.  in  Had,  (Src.^    This  edict  was  subsequentlj 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  17 

cavalry  from  the  same  provinces,  and  the  same  class  of  tlieii 
»uh>iecis,  which  recruited  the  .-anks  of  the  lecion.  The  hor*--es 
were  bred,  for  the  most  part,  in  Spain  or  Cappadocia.  The 
Roman  troopers  despised  the  con)pletc  armor  with  which  the 
cavalry  of  the  East  was  encumbered.  Their  more  useful 
arms  consisted  in  a  helmet,  an  oblong  shield,  light  boots,  and 
a  coat  of  mail.  A  javelin,  and  a  long  broad  sword,  were  their 
principal  weapons  of  offence.  The  use  of  lances  and  of  iron 
maces  they  seem  to  have  borrowed  from  the  barbarians.^ 

The  safety  and  honor  of  the  empire  was  principally  intrusted 
to  the  legions,  but  the  policy  of  Rome  condescended  to  adopt 
every  useful  instrument  of  war.  Considerable  levies  were 
regularly  made  among  the  provincials,  who  had  not  yet  de- 
served the  honorable  distinction  of  Romans.  Many  dependent 
princes  and  communities,  dispersed  round  the  frontiers,  were 
permitted,  for  a  while,  to  hold  their  freedom  and  security  by 
the  tenure  of  military  service. ^^  Even  select  troops  of  hostile 
barbarians  were  frequently  compelled  or  persuaded  to  con- 
sume their  dangerous  valor  in  remote  climates,  and  for  the 
benefit  of  the  state.^^  All  these  were  included  under  the  gen- 
eral name  of  auxiliaries  ;  and  howsoever  they  might  vary 
according  to  the  difference  of  times  and  circumstances,  their 
numbers  were  seldom  much  inferior  to  those  of  the  legions 
themselves.^^  Among  the  auxiliaries,  the  bravest  and  most 
faithful  bands  were  placed  under  the  command  of  pnefects 
and  centurions,  and  severely  trained  in  the  arts  of  Roman 
discipline  ;  but  the  far  greater  part  retained  those  arms,  to 
which  the  nature  of  their  country,  or  their  early  habits  of  life. 
more  peculiarly  adapted  them.    By  this  institution,  each  legion 

**  See  Arrian'a  Tactics. 

'^  Such,  in  particular,  was  the  state  of  the  Batavians.  Tacit.  Get- 
mania,  c.  29. 

**  Marcus  Antoninus  obliged  the  vanquished  Quadi  and  Marco- 
manni  to  supply  him  with  a  large  body  of  troops,  which  he  immedi- 
ately sent  into  Britain.     Dion  Cassius,  1.  Ix.xi.  [c.  16.] 

*'  Tacit.  Annal.  iv.  5.  Those  who  fix  a  regular  proportion  of  be 
many  foot,  and  twice  as  many  horse,  confound  the  auxiliaries  of  the 
emperors  with  the  Italian  allies  of  the  rtj)ublic. 

obeyed;  for  the  emperor  Valerian,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  Mulvius  G;ilii- 
canus,  praetorian  praittct,  excuses  himself  for  having  violated  it  in  favoi 
of  the  young  Frobus,  afterwards  emjieror,  on  whom  he  had  conferred  the 
tribunate  .it  an  earlier  age  on  account  of  his  rare  talents.  (Vopisc.  ir; 
Frob.  iv.)  —  W  and  G.  Aericola,  though  already  invested  with  the  title 
of  tribune,  ■was  contubernalis  in  Britain  with  Suetorius  Paulinus.  Tao 
^r.  V  ■—  M^ 

4 


18  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

tc  whom  a  certain  proportion  of  auxiliaries  was  allotted,  con- 
tained within  itself  every  species  of  lighter  troops,  and  of  mis- 
sile weapons  ;  and  was  capable  of  encountering  every  nation, 
with  the  advantages  of  its  respective  arms  and  discipline/'* 
Nor  was  the  legion  destitute  of  what,  in  modern  language, 
would  be  styled  a  train  of  artillery.  It  consisted  in  ten  milhary 
engines  of  the  largest,  and  fifty-five  of  a  smaller  size  ;  but  all 
of  which,  either  in  an  oblique  or  horizental  manner,  discharged 
stones  and  darts  with  irresistible  violence.^^ 

The  camp  of  a  Roman  legion  presented  the  appearance  of 
a  fortified  city.^**  As  soon  as  the  space  was  marked  out,  the 
pioneers  carefully  levelled  the  ground,  and  removed  every 
impediment  that  might  interrupt  its  perfect  regularity.  Its 
form  was  an  exact  quadrangle ;  and  we  may  calculate,  that  a 
square  of  about  seven  hundred  yards  was  sufficient  for  the 
encampment  of  twenty  thousand  Romans ;  though  a  similar 
number  of  our  own  troops  would  expose  to  the  enemy  a  front 
of  more  than  treble  that  extent.  In  the  midst  of  the  carnp,  the 
prajtorium,  or  general's  quarters,  rose  above  the  others ;  the 
cavalry,  the  infantry,  and  the  auxiliaries  occupied  their  respec 
tive  stations ;  the  streets  were  broad,  and  perfectly  straight, 
and  a  vacant  space  of  two  hundred  feet  was  left  on  all  sides, 
between  the  tents  and  the  rampart.  The  rampart  itself  was 
usually  twelve  feet  high,  armed  with  a  line  of  strong  and  intri- 
cate palisades,  and  defended  by  a  ditch  of  twelve  feet  in  depth 
as  well  as  in  breadth.  This  important  labor  was  performed 
by  the  hands  of  the  legionaries  themselves ;  to  whom  the  use 
of  the  spade  and  the  pickaxe  was  no  less  familiar  than  that  of 
the  sword  or  pilum.    Active  valor  may  often  be  the  present  of 

*^  Vegetius,  ii.  2.  Arrian,  in  his  order  of  inarch  and  battle  against 
the  Alani. 

^*  The  subject  of  the  ancient  machines  is  treated  with  great  knowl- 
edge and  ingenuity  by  the  Chevalier  Folard,  (Polybe,  torn.  ii.  p.  _33 
— 290.)  He  prefers  them  in  many  respects  to  our  modern  cannon 
nnd  mortars.  We  may  observe,  that  the  use  of  them  in  the  held 
gradually  became  more  prevalent,  in  proportion  as  personal  valor 
diul  military  skill  decUned  with  the  lloman  empire.  When  men 
were  no  longer  found,  their  place  was  supplied  by  machines.  See 
Vegetius,  ii.  25.     Arrian. 

""  Vegetius  finishes  his  second  book,  and  the  description  of  the 

cgion,    witli  the  following   emphatic   words  :  —  "  Univcrsa   ijuae   ii. 

quo(nio  belli  gcrcre  necessaria  esse   crcduiitur,   sccum  legio   debci 

nbiijue   portare,    ut  in   quovis    loco     fixerit   castra,    ainiatani    facia* 

vitateai," 


Ot    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  19 

nature  ;  but  such  patient  diligence  can  be  the  fruit  only  of 
habit  and  discipline.*'* 

Whenever  the  trumpet  gave  the  signal  of  departure,  the 
camp  was  almost  instantly  broke  up,  and  the  troops  fell  into 
their  ranks  without  delay  or  confusion.  Besides  their  arms, 
which  the  legionaries  scarcely  considered  as  an  encumbrance, 
they  were  laden  with  their  kitchen  furniture,  the  instruments 
of  fortification,  and  the  provision  of  many  days.^-  Under  this 
weight,  which  would  oppress  the  delicacy  of  a  modern  soldier, 
they  were  trained  by  a  regular  step  to  advance,  in  about  six 
hours,  near  twenty  miles.''^  On  the  appearance  of  an  eneni}, 
they  threw  aside  their  baggage,  and  by  easy  and  rapid  evolu- 
tions converted  the  column  of  march  into  an  order  of  battle.^'* 
The  slingers  and  archers  skirmished  in  the  front ;  the  auxil- 
iaries formed  the  first  line,  and  were  seconded  or  sustained 
by  the  strength  of  the  legions ;  the  cavalry  covered  the  flanks, 
and  the  military  engines  were  placed  in  the  rear. 

Such  were  the  arts  of  war,  by  which  the  Roman  emperors 
defended  their  extensive  conquests,  and  preserved  a  military 
spirit,  9^  a  time  when  every  other  virtue  was  oppressed  by 
luxury  and  despotism.  If,  in  che  consideration  of  their  armies, 
we  pass  from  their  discipline  to  their  numbers,  we  shall  not 
find  it  easy  to  define  them  with  any  tolerable  accuracy.  We 
may  compute,  however,  that  the  legion,  which  was  itself  a 
body  of  six  thousand  eight  hundred  and  thirty-one  Romans, 
might,  with  its  attendant  auxiliaries,  amount  to  about  twelve 
thousand  five  hundred  men.  The  peace  establishment  of 
Hadrian  and  his  successors  was  composed  of  no  less  than  thirty 
of  these  formidable  brigades  ;  and  most  probably  formed  a 
standing  force  of  three  hundred  and  seventy-five  thousand 
men.  Instead  of  being  confined  within  the  walls  of  fortified 
cities,  which  the  Romans  considered  as  the  refuge  of  weak- 
ness or  pusillanimity,  the  legions  were  encamped  on  the  banks 
of  the  great  rivers,  and  along  the  frontiers  of  the  barbarians. 

*'  For  the  Roman  Castramctation,  see  Polybius,  1.  vi.  with  Lipsius 
de  Militia  RomanA,  Joseph,  de  Bell.  Jud.  1.  iii.  c.  5.  Vegetius,  i.  21 
— 25,  iii.  9,  and  Memoircs  dc  Guichard,  torn.  i.  c.   1. 

**  Cicero  in  Tusculan.  ii.  37,  [lo.] — Joseph,  de  Bell.  Jud.  1.  iii.  <f 
Frontinus,  iv.  1. 

*^  Vegetius,  i.  9.  See  M6moircs  de  rAcaderaie  des  Inscriptions, 
torn.  XXV.  p.  187. 

**  See  those  evolutions  admirably  well  explained  by  M.  Guichard 
Nouveaux  Memoes,  torn,  i   p.  14 1 — 234. 


?0  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

As  thtir  stations,  for  the  most  part,  remained  fixed  and  per- 
manent, we  may  venture  to  describe  the  distribution  of  the 
troops.  Three  legions  w.ere  sufficient  for  Britain.  The  prin- 
cipal strength  lay  upon  the  Rhine  and  Danube,  and  consisted 
of  si.xteen  legions,  in  the  following  proportions  :  two  in  the 
Lower,  and  three  in  the  Upper  Germany  ;  one  in  Rha^tig.,  one 
in  Noricum,  four  in  Pannonia,  three  in  Maesia,  and  two  in 
Dacia.  The  defence  of  the  Euphrates  was  intrusted  to  eighi 
legions,  six  of  whom  were  planted  in  Syria,  and  the  other  two 
in  Cappadocia.  With  regard  to  Egypt,  Africa,  and  Spain,  as 
they  were  far  removed  from  any  important  scene  of  war,  a 
single  legion  maintained  the  domestic  tranquillity  of  each  of 
those  great  provinces.  Even  Italy  was  not  left  destitute  of  a 
military  force.  Above  twenty  thousand  chosen  soldiers,  dis- 
tinguished by  the  titles  of  City  Cohorts  and  Praetorian  Guards, 
watched  over  the  safety  of  the  monarch  and  the  capital.  As 
the  authors  of  almost  every  revolution  that  distracted  the  em- 
pire, the  Praetorians  will,  very  soon,  and  very  loudly,  demand 
our  attention  ;  but  in  their  arms  and  institutions,  we  cannot 
find  any  circumstance  which  discriminated  them  from  the 
legions,  unless  it  were  a  more  splendid  appearance,  and  a 
hss  rigid  discipline.^^ 

The  navy  maintained  by  the  emperors  might  seem  inade- 
quate to  their  greatness ;  but  it  was  fully  sufficient  for  every 
useful  purpose  of  government.  The  ambition  of  the  Romans 
was  confined  to  the  land  ;  nor  was  fliat  warlike  people  ever 
actuated  by  the  enterprising  spirif  which  had  prompted  the 
navigators  of  Tyre,  of  Carthage,  and  evan  of  Marseilles,  tc 
enlarge  the  bounds  of  the  world,  and  to  explore  the  most 
remote  coasts  of  the  ocean.  To  the  Romans  the  ocean 
remained  an  object  of  terror  rather  than  of  curiosity  ;^^  the 
whole  extent  of  the  Mediterranean,  after  the  destruction  of 
Carthage,  and  the  extirpation  of  the  pirates,  was  included 
within  their  provinces.  The  policy  of  the  emperors  was 
directed  only  to  preserve  the  peaceful  dominion  of  that  sea, 
Hnd  to  protect  the  commerce  of  their  subjects.  With  these 
moderate  views,  Augustus  stationed  two  permanent  fleets  in 

**  Tacitus  (Annal.  iv.  5)  has  fjiven  us  a  state  of  the  legions  under 
Tiberius  ;  and  Dion  Ciissius  (1.  Iv.  p.  794)  under  Alexander  Severus- 
I  hoVe  endeavored  to  fix  on  the  jiroper  medium  between  these  two 
periods.     See  likewise  Lipsius  de  Magnitudine  liomanA,  1.  i.  c.  4,  6. 

**  The  Ilomans  tried  to  disguise,  by  the  pretence  of  religious  awe, 
their  iterance  and  terror.     See  Tacit.  Germania,  a.'Zi. 


OF    r!IE    ROMAN     UiMPlKH.  21 

ine  most  oonvenient  ports  of  Italy,  the  one  nt  Cii^enna,  on 
the  Adriatic,  the  other  at  Misenum,  in  the  Bay  of  Naples. 
Experience  seems  at  length  to  iiave  convinced  the  ancients, 
that  as  soon  as  their  galleys  exceeded  two,  or  at  the  most 
three  ranks  of  oars,  they  were  suited  rather  for  vain  ))oniP 
than  for  real  service.  Augustus  himself,  in  the  victory  ot 
Actium,  had  seen  the  superiority  of  his  own  light  frigates  (they 
were  called  Liburnians)  over  the  lofty  hut  unwieldy  castlts 
of  his  rival.^''  Of  these  Liburnians  he  composed  the  two 
fleets  of  Ravenna  and  Misenum,  destined  to  coininand,  the  one 
the  eastern,  the  other  the  western  division  of  the  Mediterra 
nean ;  and  to  each  of  the  squadrons  he  attached  a  body  of 
several  thousand  marines.  Besides  these  two  ports,  which 
may  be  considered  as  the  principal  seats  of  the  Roman  navy, 
a  very  considerable  force  was  stationed  at  Frejus,  on  the  coast 
of  Provence,  and  the  Euxine  was  guarded  by  forty  ships,  and 
throe  thousand  soldiers.  To  all  these  we  add  the  fleet  which 
preserved  the  communication  between  Gaul  and  Britain,  and 
a  great  number  of  vessels  constantly  mainteined  on  the  Rhine 
and  Danube,  to  harass  the  country,  or  to  intercept  the  passage 
of  the  barbarians.*58  If  we  review  this  general  state  of  the 
Imperial  forces;  of  the  cavalry  as  well  as  infantry;  of  the 
legions,  the  auxiliaries,  the  guards,  and  the  navy  ;  the  most 
liberal  computation  will  not  allow  us  to  fix  the  entire  estab- 
lishment by  sea  and  by  land  at  more  than  four  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  men  :  a  military  power,  which,  however  for. 
midable  it  may  seem,  was  equalled  by  a  monarch  of  the  last 
century,  whose  kingdom  was  confined  within  a  single  prov- 
ince of  the  Roman  empircf^^ 

We  have  attempted  to  explain  the  spirit  which  moderated, 
and  the  strength  which  supported,  the  power  of  Hadrian  and 
the  Anlonines.  VVe  shall  now  endeavor,  with  clearness  and 
precision,  to  describe  the  provinces  once  united  under  their 
sway,  but,  at  present,  divided  into  so  many  independent  and 
hostile  states. 

Spain,  the   western  extremity  of  the  empire,  of  Europe, 


"  Plutarch,  in  Marc.  Anton,  [c.  67.]  And  yet,  if  we  may  cre'^it 
Oroaius,  these  monstrous  castles  were  no  more  than  ten  feet  above 
the  water,  vi.  19. 

<*  Sec  I.iiisius.  de  Magnitud.  Rom.  1,  i.  c.  5.  The  sixteen  last 
chapters  of  Vegctius  relate  to  naval  affairs. 

•*  Voltaire,  Steele  de  Louis  XIV.  c.  29.  It  must,  however,  be 
remembered,  that  France  stil'  feels  that  extraordinary  effort. 


22  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALI. 

and  of  the  ancient  world,  has,  in  every  age,  invariably  pre- 
serv(;d  ihe  same  natural  limits  ;  the  Pyrensean  Mountains,  the 
Mediterranean,  and  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  That  great  penin- 
sula, at  present  so  unequally  divided  between  two  sovereigns, 
was  distributed  by  Augustus  into  three  provinces,  Lusitania, 
Bcetica,  and  Tarraconensis.  The  kingdom  of  Portugal  now 
s^Us  the  place  of  the  warlike  country  of  the  Lusitanians  ;  and 
ihe  loss  sustained  by  the  former,  on  the  side  of  the  East,  is 
compensated  by  an  accession  of  territory  towards  the  North. 
The  confines  of  Grenada  and  Andalusia  correspond  with  those 
of  ancient  Boetica.  The  remainder  of  Spain,  Gallicia,  and  the 
Asturias,  Biscay,  and  Navarre,  Leon,  and  the  two  Castiles, 
Murcia,  Valencia,  Catalonia,  and  Arragon,  all  contributed  to 
form  the  third  and  most  considerable  of  the  Roman  govern- 
ments, which,  from  the  name  of  ils  capital,  was  styled  the 
province  of  Tarragona^"  Of  the  native  barbarians,  the  Cel- 
tiberians  were  the  most  powerful,  as  the  Cantabrians  and  As- 
lurians  proved  the  most  obstinate.  Confident  in  the  strength 
of  their  mountaina»,  they  were  the  last  who  submitted  to  the 
arms  of  Rome,  and  the  first  who  threw  ofT  the  yoke  of  tho 
Arabs. 

Ancient  Gaul,  as  it  contained  the  whole  country  between 
the  Pyrenees,  the  Alps,  the  Rhine,  and  the  Ocean,  was  of 
greater  extent  than  modern  France.  To  the  dominions  of 
that  powerful  monarchy,  with  its  recent  acquisitions  of  Alsace 
and  Lorraine,  we  must  add  the  duchy  of  Savoy,  the  cantons 
of  Switzerland,  the  four  electorates  of  the  Rhine,  and  the 
territories  of  Liege,  Luxemburgh,  Hainault,  Flanders,  and 
Brabant.  When  Augustus  gave  laws  to  the  conquests  of  his 
father,  he  introduced  a  division  of  Gaul,  equally  adapted  to 
the  progress  of  the  legions,  to  the  course  of  the  rivers,  and  to 
the  principal  national  distinctions,  which  had  comprehended 
above  a  hundred  independent  states.''^     The  sea-coast  of  the 

'"'  See  Strabo,  1.  ii.  It  is  natural  enough  to  suppose,  that  Arragon 
is  derived  from  Tarraconensis,  and  several  moderns  who  havft  written 
in  I^atiii  use  those  words  as  synonymous.  It  is,  however,  certain, 
that  the  Arragon,  a  little  stream  which  falls  from  the  Pyrenees  into 
the  Ebro,  first  gave  its  name  to  a  country,  and  gradually  to  a  king- 
dom.    See  d'Anville,  Geographie  du  Moycn  Age,  p.  181. 

'''  One  hundred  and  fifteen  cities  ajjpcar  in  the  Notitia  of  Gaul ;  and 
it  is  well  known  that  tliis  appellation  was  applied  not  only  to  the 
capital  town,  but  to  the  whole  territory  of  each  state.  13ut  Plutarch 
and  Appian  increase  the  number  of  tribes  to  three  or  four  hiin- 
dred. 

/ 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  23 

Meiiilcriancan,  Languotloc,  Pi'ovence,  and  Danphine,  received 
their  provincial  a|)pcllation  from  the  colony  of  Nnrhonne 
The  government  of  Aquitaine  was  ex  ended  fiom  the  Pyrcr 
noes  to  the  Loire.  The  country  between  the  Loire  and  the 
Seine  was  styled  the  Celtic  Gaul,  and  soon  borrowed  a  new 
denomination  from  the  celebrated  colony  of  L'jgdunum,  or 
Lyons.  The  Belgic  lay  beyond  the  Seine,  and  in  more  an- 
cient times  had  been  bounded  only  by  the  Rhine  ;  but  a  little 
before  the  age  of  Caesar,  the  Germans,  abusing  their  superi- 
ority of  valor,  had  occupied  a  considerable  portion  of  tho 
Belgic  territory.  The  Roman  conquerors  very  eagerly  em 
braced  so  flattering  a  circumstance,  and  the  Gallic  frontier  of 
the  Rhine,  from  Basil  to  Leyden,  received  the  pompous  names 
of  the  Upper  and  the  Lower  Germany.'''-  Such,  under  the 
reign  of  the  Antonines,  were  the  six  provinces  of  Gaul  ;  tho 
Narbonnese,  Aquitaine,  the  Celtic,  or  Lyonnese,  the  Belgic, 
and  the  two  Germanics. 

We  have  already  had  occasion  to  mention  the  conquest  of 
Britain,  and  to  fix  the  boundary  of  the  Roman  Province  in 
this  island.  It  comprehended  all  England,  Wales,  and  the 
Lowlands  of  Scotland,  as  far  as  the  Friths  of  Dur^barton  and 
Edinburgh.  Before  Britain  lost  her  freedom,  the  country  was 
irreguhirly  divided  between  thirty  tribes  of  barbarians,  of 
whom  the  most  considerable  were  the  Belgaj  in  the  West,  the 
Brigantes  in  the  North,  the  Silures  in  South  Wales,  and  the 
Iceni  in  Norfolk  and  Suffolk.''''^  As  far  as  we  can  either  trace 
or  credit  the  resemblance  of  manners  and  language,  Spain, 
Gaul,  and  Britain  were  peopled  by  the  same  hardy  race  of 
savages.  Before  they  yielded  to  the  Roman  arms,  they  often 
disputed  the  field,  and  often  renewed  the  contest.  After  their 
submission,  they  constituted  the  western  division  of  the  Euro- 
pean provinces,  which  extended  from  the  columns  of  Hercules 
<o  the  wall  of  Antoninus,  and  from  the  mouth  of  the  Tagus  to 
the  sources  of  the  Rhine  and  Danube. 

Before  the  Roman  conquest,  the  country  which  is  now 
called  Lombardy,  was  not  considered  as  a  part  of  Italy,  h 
had  been  occupied  by  a  powerful  colony  of  Gauls,  who,  set- 
tling themselves  along  the  banks  of  the  Po,  from  Piedmont  to 
Romagna,  carried  their  arms  and  diffused  their  name  from 
the  Alps  to  the  Apennine.     T|ie  l.igurians  dwelt  on  the  rocl^ji 

'*  D'Anville.     Notice  dc  I'AncIenne  Gaule. 

""  'VVhittaker's  Historj'  of  Manchester,  vol.  i.  r.  3- 


'ti 


THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 


coast  which  now  forms  the  republic  of  Genoa.  Venice  *as 
yet  unborn  ;  but  the  territories  of  that  state,  which  he  tc  tho 
east  of  the  Adige,  were  inhabited  by  the  Venetians^'*  The 
middle  part  of  the  peninsula,  that  now  composes  the  duchy 
•)f  Tuscany  and  the  ecclesiastical  state,  was  the  ancient  seat 
)f  the  Etruscans  and  Umbrians;  to  the  former  of  whom  Italy 
.vas  indebted  for  the  first  rudiments  of  civilized  life.'''^  The 
Tyber  rolled  at  the  foot  of  the  seven  hills  of  Rome,  and  the 
country  of  the  Sabines,  the  Latins,  and  the  Volsci,  from  that 
river  to  the  frontiers  of  Naples,  was  the  theatre  of  her  infant 
victories.  On  that  celebrated  ground  the  first  consuls  de- 
served triumphs,  their  successors  adorned  villas,  and  their 
posterity  have  erected  convents.''^  Capua  and  Campania 
possessed  the  immediate  territory  of  Naples  ;  the  rest  of  the 
kingdom  was  inhabited  by  many  warlike  nations,  the  Marsi, 
the  Samnites,  the  Apulians,  and  the  Lucanians  ;  and  the  sea- 
coasts  had  been  covered  by  the  flourishing  colonies  of  the 
Greeks.  We  may  remark,  that  when  Augustus  divided  Italy 
into  eleven  regions,  the  little  province  of  Istria  was  annexed 
to  that  seat  of  Roman  sovereignty "" 

The  European  provinces  of  Rome  were  protected  by  tho 
course  of  tiie  Rhine  and  the  Danube.  The  latter  of  those 
mighty  streams,  which  rises  at  the  distance  of  only  thirty 
miles  from  the  former,  flows  above  thirteen  hundred  miles,' 
for  the  most  part  to  the  south-east,  collects  the  tribute  of  sixty 
navigable  rivers,  and  is,  at  length,  through  six  mouths,  received 
into  the  Euxine,  which  appears  scarcely  equal  to  such  an 
accession  of  waters.''^  The  provinces  of  the  Danube  soon 
acquired  the  general  appellation  of  lUyricum,  or  the  Illyrian 


'*  The  Italian  Veneti,  though  often  confounded  with  the  Gauls, 
wero  moTC  probablj^  of  Illyrian  origin.  •  See  M.  Freret,  Memoire* 
de  I'Acad^mie  des  Inscriptions,  torn,  xviii. 

'*  See  Maffei  Verona  illustrata,  1.  i.f 

'"  The  first  contrast  was  observed  by  the  ancients.  See  Florus,  i. 
11.     The  second  must  strike  every  madern  traveller. 

"  Pliny  (Hist.  Natur.  1.  iii.)  follows  the  division  of  Italy  by 
Augustus. 

'*  Tournefort,  Voyages  en  Greece  et  Asie  Mineure,  lettre  xviii. 


•  Or  L?bumlan,  according  to  Niebuhr.    Vol.  i.  p.  172.  — M. 

T  Add  Niebahr,  vol.  i.,  and  Otfried  Moller,  die  Etnisker,  which  contains 
all  that  is  krown,  and  much  that  is  conjectured,  about  this  remarkable 
people.     Al?o  Micali,  S*oria  degli  antichi  popoli  Italiani.    Florence.  IS&i 

M. 


OP    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRK.  2ft 

frontier,'^  and  were  esteemed  the  most  warlike  of  the  empire  ; 
but  they  deserve  to  be  more  particularly  considered  under  the 
names  of  Rhactia,  Noricum,  Pannonia,  Dalmatia,  Dacia, 
Maesia,  Thrace,  Macedonia,  and  Greece. 

The  province  of  Rhaetia,  which  soon  extinguished  the  name 
of  the  Vindelicians,  extended  from  the  summit  of  the  Alps  to 
the  banks  of  the  Danube  ;  from  its  source,  as  far  as  its  con- 
flux with  the  Inn.  The  greatest  port  of  the  flat  country  ik 
subject  to  the  elector  of  Bavaria  ;  the  city  of  Augsburg  is 
protected  by  the  constitution  of  the  German  empire  ;  the 
Grisons  are  safe  in  their  mountains,  and  the  country  of  Tirol 
is  ranked  among*  the  numerous  provinces  of  the  house  of 
Austria. 

The  wide  extent  of  territory  which  is  included  between  the 
Inn,  the  Danube,  and  the  Save,  —  Austria,  Styria,  Carinthia, 
Carniola,  the  Lower  Hungary,  and  Sclavonia, —  was  known  to 
tho  ancients  under  the  names  of  Noricum  and  Pannonia.  In 
their  original  state  of  independence,  their  fierce  inhabitants 
were  intimately  connected.  Under  the  Roman  government 
they  were  frequently  united,  and  tney  still  remain  the  patri- 
mony of  a  single  family.  They  now  contain  the  residence 
of  a  German  prince,  who  styles  himself  Emperor  of  the  Ro- 
mans, and  form  the  centre,  as  well  as  strength,  of  the  Austrian 
power.  It  may  not  be  improper  to  observe,  that  if  we  except 
Bohemia,  Moravia,  the  northern  skirts  of  Austria,  and  a  part 
of  Hungary  between  the  Teyss  and  the  Danube,  all  the  other 
dominions  of  the  House  of  Austria  were  comprised  within  the 
limits  of  the  Roman  Empire. 

Dahnatia,  to  which  the  name  of  Illyricum  more  properly 
belonged,  was  a  long,  but  narrow  tract,  between  the  Save  and 
the  Adriatic.  The  best  part  of  the  sea-coast,  which  still 
retains  its  ancient  appellation,  is  a  province  of  the  Venetian 
state,  and  the  seat  of  the  little  republic  of  Rjigusa.  The  In- 
land parts  have  assumed  the  Sclavonian  names  of  Croatia  tinu 
Bosnia  ;  the  former  obeys  an  Austrian  governor,  the  latter  a 
Turkish  pacha  ;  but  the  whole  country  is  still  infested  by  tribes 
of  barbarians,  whose  savage  independence  irregularly  marks 
the  doubtful  limit  of  the  Christian  and  Mahometan  power.*^" 

'"  The  name  of  Illyricum  orii^inally  belonged  to  the  sea-coiist  of 
the  Adiiaiie,  and  was  gradually  extended  by  the  Romans  from  the 
^Ips  to  the  Euxine  Sea.     See  Scverini  I'aunouia,  1.  i.  c.  3. 

**  A  Venetian  traveller,  the  Abbate  Fortis,  has  lately  given  Ufl 
some  account  of  those  very  ob»eure  c  untried.     But  the  geograjihy 

4* 


26  THK    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

After  the  Danube  had  received  the  waters  of  the  Teyss  and 
the  Save,  it  acquired,  at  least  among  the  Greeks,  the  name  of 
Ister.s^  It  formerly  divided  Msesia  and  Dacia,  the  latter  of 
which,  as  we  have  already  seen,  was  a  conquest  of  Trajan, 
and  the  only  province  beyond  the  river.  If  we  inquire  into 
the  present  state  of  those  countries,  we  shall  find  that,  on  the 
left  hand  of  the  Danube,  Temeswar  and  Transylvania  have 
been  annexed,  after  many  revolutions,  to  the  crown  of  Hun- 
gary; whilst  the  principalities  of  Moldavia  and  Wallachia 
acknowledge  the  supremacy  of  the  Ottoman  Porte.  On  the 
right  hand  of  the  Danube,  M^esia,  which,  during  the  middle 
ages,  was  broken  into  the  bavbirian  kingdoms  of  Servia  and 
Bulgaria,  is  again  united  in  Turkish  slavery. 

The  appellation  of  Roumelia,  which  is  still  bestowed  by  the 
Turks  on  the  extensive  countries  of  Thrace,  Macedonia,  and 
Greece,  preserves  the  memory  of  their  ancient  state  under 
the  Roman  empire.  In  the  time  of  the  Antonines,  the  mar- 
tial regions  of  Thrace,  from  the  mountains  of  Ha?mus  and 
Rhodope,  to  the  Bosphorus  and  the  Hellespont,  had  assumed 
the  form  of  a  province.  Notvvithstandinji  the  chantie  of 
masters  and  of  religion,  the  new  city  of  Rome,  founded  by 
Constantine  on  the  banks  of  the  Bosphorus,  has  ever  since 
remamed  the  capital  of  a  great  monarchy.  The  kingdom  of 
Macedonia,  which,  under  the  reign  of  Alexander,  gave  laws 
(o  Asia,  derived  more  solid  advantages  from  the  policy  of  the 
two  Philips;  and  with  its  dependencies  of  Epirus  and  Thes- 
saly,  extended  from  the  ^gean  to  the  Ionian  Sea.  When  we 
renect  on  the  fame  of  Thebes  and  Argos,  of  T^parta  and 
Athens,  we  can  scarcely  persuade  ourselves,  that  so  many 
immortal  republics  of  ancient  Greece  were  lost  in  a  single 
province  of  the  Roman  empire,  which,  from  the  superior 
influence  of  the  Achaean  league,  was  usually  denominated  the 
province  of  Achaia, 

Such  was  the  state  of  Europe  under  the  Roman  emperon-i, 
The  [irovinces  of  Asia,  without  excepting  the  transient  cod- 
i|uests  of  Trajan,  are  all  comprehended  within  the  limits  of 
the  Turkish  |)o\ver.  But,  instead  of  following  the  arbitral  v 
divisions  of  des[)otism  and  ignorance,  it  will  be  safer  for  us, 
a^J  well  as  more  agreeable,  to  observe  the  indelible  characters 

euid  antiquities  of  the  western  Illyricum  can  be  ejwpected  only  froia 
thie  muuiticL'ucc  of  the  c'in])eror,  its  sovt-icign. 

"'  Tliu  Save  ri.ses  near  the  contines  of  Li/ria,  and  was  considered 
by  th«  more  sarly  (ireeks  us  the  princij-al  .siroam  of  t)ie  Danube. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  27 

of  nature.  The  name  of  Asia  Minor  is  attributed  \v:th  some 
[)roj)ricty  to  the  peninsula,  whicli,  confined  betwixt  the  Euxuiu 
and  the  Mediterranean,  advances  from  the  Euphrates  towards 
Europe.  The  mo.st  extensive  and  flourishing  district,  west- 
ward of  Mount  Taurus  and  the  River  Halys,  was  dignified  by 
the  Romans  with  the  exclusive  title  of  Asia.  The  jurisdiction 
of  that  province  extended  over  the  ancient  monarchies  cf 
Troy,  Lydia,  and  Phrygia,  the  maritime  countries  of  tiio 
Pamphylians,  Lycians,  and  Carians,  and  the  Grecian  colonica 
of  Ionia,  which  ccpialled  in  arts,  though  not  in  arms,  the  glory 
of  their  parent.  The  kingdoms  of  Bithynia  and  Pontus  pos- 
sessed the  northern  side  of  the  peninsula  from  Constantinople 
to  Trebizond.  On  the  opposite  side,  the  province  of  Cilicia 
was  terminated  by  the  mountains  of  Syria  :  the  inland  country, 
separated  from  the  Roman  Asia  by  the  River  Halys,and  from 
Armenia  by  the  Euphrates,  had  once  formed  the  independent 
kingdom  of  Cappadocia.  In  this  place  we  may  observe,  that 
the  nurthern  shores  of  the  Euxine,  beyond  Trebizond  in  Asia 
and  beyond  the  Danube  in  Europe,  acknowledged  the  sove 
cignty  of  the  emperors,  and  received  at  their  hands  either 
iributnry  princes  or  lloman  garrisons.  Budzak,  Crim  Tarta- 
!•}',  Circassia,  and  Mingrclia,  are  the  modern  appellations  of 
tiiosc  savage  countries.'^^ 

Under  the  successors  of  Alexander,  Syria  was  tlie  seat  of 
the  Seleucidie,  who  reigned  over  Upper  Asia,  till  tlie  success- 
ful revolt  of  the  Parthians  confined  their  dominions  between 
thr  Euphrates  and  the  Mediterranean.  When  Syria  became 
suhjcict  U)  the  Romans,  it  formed  the  eastern  frontier  of  their 
empire:  nor  did  that  province,  in  its  utmost  laiitude,  know 
any  other  huumls  than  tlie  mountains  of  Cappadocia  to  the 
noilh,  and  towards  the  south,  the  confines  of  Egypt,  and  the 
Red  Sea.  Phoenicia  and  Palestine  were  sometinies  annexed 
to,  and  sometimes  separated  from,  the  jurisdiction  of  Syria 
The  former  of  these  was  a  narrow  and  rocky  coast ;  the 
latter  was  a  territory  scarcely  superior  to  Wales,  eithtjr  in 
fertility  or  extent.*     Yet  Pheenicia  and  Palestine  will   forever 

**  Sec  the  T'eriplus  of  Arrian.     He  examined  the  coasts  of  the  Eux- 
ui.c,  when  ho  was  governor  of  Capi^cidocia. 


•  This  comparison  is  exaftRcrated,  witli  the  intention,  no  dou'it,  of 
•tta.^king  t)ie  authority  of  tlic  Hible,  whicli  boasts  of  the  fertility  of  Pales- 
tine. Gibbon's  only  authorities  were  that  of  Strabo  (1.  xvi.  IIOI)  and  tli« 
preseu*  state  of  the  country.     But  Strabo  o'.dy  sjiealis  of  the  nciyhuoih(>'>d 


28  THE    DECLI5E    AND    FALL 

live  in  the  memory  of  mankind;  since  America,  as  wtll  ak 
Europe,  has  received  letters  from  the  one,  and  religion  from 
the  other.^3  j^  sandy  desert,  alike  destitute  of  wood  and 
water,  skirts  along  the  doubdful  confine  of  Syria,  from  the 
Euphrates  to  the  Red  Sea.     The  wandering  life  of  the  Arabs 

^  The  progress  of  religion  is  well  known.  The  use  of  letters  was 
introduced  among  the  savages  of  Europe  about  fifteen  hundred  years 
before  Christ ;  and  the  Europeans  carried  them  to  America  about 
fifteen  centuries  after  the  Christian  ^ra.  But  in  a  period  of  three 
thousand  years,  the  Phoenician  alphabet  received  considerable  altera- 
tions, as  it  passed  through  the  hands  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans. 


of  Jerusalem,  which  he  calls  barren  and  arid  to  the  extent  of  sixty  stadia 
round  the  city  :  in  other  parts  he  gives  a  favorable  testimony  to  the  fertil- 
ity of  many  parts  of  Palestine  :  thus  he  says,  ''  Near  Jericho  there  is  & 
grove  of  palms,  and  a  country  of  a  hundred  stadia,  full  of  springs,  and 
well  peopled."  Moreover,  Strabo  had  never  seen  Palestine  ;  he  spoke  only 
after  reports,  which  may  be  as  inaccurate  as  those  according  to  which  he 
has  composed  that  description  of  Germany,  in  which  Gluverius  has  de- 
tected so  many  errors.  (Gluv.  Germ.  iii.  1.)  Finally,  his  testimony  is 
fcontradicted  and  refuted  by  that  of  other  ancient  authors,  and  by  medals. 
Tacitus  says,  in  speaking  of  Palestine,  "  The  inliabitants  are  healthy  and 
robust;  the  rains  moderate;  the  soil  fertile."''  (Hist.  v.  6.)  Ammianus 
Marcellinus  says  also,  "  The  last  of  the  Syrias  is  Palestine,  a  country  of 
considerable  extent,  abounding  in  clean  and  well-cultivated  land,  and  con- 
taining some  fine  cities,  none  of  which  yields  to  the  other  ;  but,  as  it  were, 
being  on  a  parallel,  are  rivals."  —  xiv.  8.  See  also  the  historian  Josephus, 
Hist.  vi.  1.  Procopius  of  Ccsarea,  who  lived  in  the  sixth  century,  says  that 
Chosroes,  king  of  Persia,  had  a  great  desire  to  make  him.«elf  reaster  of 
Palestine,  07i  account  of  its  extraordinary  fertility,  its  opL..ence,  and  the 
great  number  of  its  inhabitants.  The  Saracens  thought  the  same,  and 
were  afraid  that  Omar,  when  he  went  to  Jerusalem,  charmed  with  the  fer- 
tility of  the  soil  and  the  purity  of  the  air,  would  never  return  tr  Medina. 
(Ockley  Hist,  of  Sarac.  i.  2^2.)  The  importance  attached  by  the  Uomans 
to  the  conquest  of  Palestine,  and  the  obstacle*  thay  encountered,  prove 
also  the  richness  and  population  of  the  country.  Vespasian  and  Titus 
caused  medals  to  be  struck,  with  trophies,  in  which  Palestine  is  represented 
by  a  female  under  a  palm-tree,  to  signify  the  richness  of  the  country,  wi»h 
this  legend:  Jtidtea  capta.  Other  medals  also  indicate  this  fertility  ;  for 
instance,  that  of  Herod  holding  a  bunch  of  grapes,  and  that  of  the  young 
Agrippa  displaying  fruit.  As  to  the  present  state  of  the  country,  one  i)er 
eeives  that  it  is  not  fair  to  draw  any  inference  against  its  ancient  fertility  ; 
the  disasters  through  which  it  has  pasised,  the  government  to  which  it  is 
•ubject,  the  disposition  of  the  inhabitants,  explain  sufficiently  the  wild  and 
uncultivated  appearance  of  the  land,  where,  nevertheiess,  fertile  and  cul- 
tivated districts  are  still  found,  according  to  the  testimony  of  travellers  ; 
amon^  others,  of  iShaw,  Maundrel,  La  Kocijue,  &«.  —  G.  The  Abbe 
Gu<'nee,  in  his  Lettres  de  qtteloties  Ju\fs  a  Moris,  de  Voltaire,  has  exhausted 
the  subject  of  the  fertility  of  Palestine  ;  for  Voltaire  had  likewise  indulged 
in  sarcasm  on  this  subject.  Gibbon  was  assailed  on  this  point,  not,  indeed, 
by  Mr.  Davis,  who,  he  slyly  insinuates,  was  prevented  by  his  patriotism  as 
a  Welshman  from  resenting  the  comparison  with  Wales,  but  by  othei 
writers.  In  his  Vindication,  he  first  established  the  correctness  of  hi* 
measurement  of  Palestine,  which  he  estimates  as  7(300  square  Esgliob 
miles,  while  Wales  is  about  7011.     As  to  the  fertility,  he  proceeds  in  ihe 


or    THE    ROMAN    EMPIKE  25 

was  inseparably  connected  with  their  independence ;  anJ 
wherever,  on  some  spots  less  barren  than  the  rest,  they  ven- 
tured to  form  any  settled  habitations,  they  soon  became  sub* 
jects  to  the  Roman  empire.^'' 

^  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  Ixviii.  p.  1131. 

following  dexterously  composed  and  splendid  passage :  "  The  eniperoi 
Frederick  II.,  the  enemy  and  the  victim  of  the  cltrgy,  is  accused  of  say- 
ing, after  his  return  from  his  crusade,  that  the  God  of  the  Jews  would 
nave  despised  his  promised  land,  if  he  had  once  seen  the  fruitful  realms 
4f  Sicily  and  Naples."  (See  Giannone,  Istor.  Civ.  del  R.  di  Napoli,  ii. 
245.)  This  raillery,  which  malice  has,  perhaps,  falsely  imputed  to  Fred- 
erick, is  inconsistent  with  truth  and  piety;  yet  it  must  be  confessed  that 
the  soil  of  Palestine  does  not  contain  that  inexhaustible,  and,  as  it  were, 
spontaneous  principle  of  fertility,  which,  under  the  most  unfavorable  cir- 
cumstances, has  covered  with  rich  harvests  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  the 
fields  of  Sicily,  or  the  plains  of  Poland.  The  Jordan  is  the  only  navigaWe 
river  of  Palistine  :  a  considerate  part  of  the  narrow  space  is  occupied,  or 
rather  lost,  in  the  Dead  Sea,  whose  horrid  aspect  inspires  every  sensatior 
of  disgust,  and  countenances  every  tale  of  horror.  The  districts  which 
border  on  Arabia  partak»  of  the  sandy  quality  of  the  adjacent  desert.  The 
face  of  the  country,  except  the  sea-coast,  ariui  the  valley  of  the  Jordan,  is 
covered  with  mountains,  which  appear,  for  the  most  part,  as  .laked  atid 
barren  rocks  ;  and  in  the  neighborhood  of  Jerusalem,  there  is  i  real  scar- 
city of  the  two  elements  of  earth  and  water.  (See  Maundre^  s  Travt-ls, 
p.  65,  and  Reland's  Palestin.  i.  238,  395.)  These  disadvantages,  which  new 
operate  in  their  fullest  extent,  were  formerly  corrected  bv  the  labors  of  a 
numerous  people,  and  the  active  protection  of  a  wise  government.  'I'he 
hills  were  clothed  with  rich  beds  of-artiKcial  mould,  the  rain  was  collected 
in  vast  cisterns,  a  supply  of  fresh  water  was  conveyed  by  pipes  and  aque 
ducts  to  the  dry  lands.  The  breed  of  cattle  was  encouraged  in  those  part* 
wnich  were  not  adapted  for  tillage,  and  almost  every  spot  was  compelled 
to  yield  some  productioB  for  the  use  of  the  inhabitants. 

Pat«-r  i|we  colendi 
Hand  facilem  esse  viain  voliiit,  primiisqiie  per  arteiii 
Movit  agroa  ;  ciiris  aciiens  iiiortaliu  cordn, 
N«c  turpere  gravi  passiis  una  Re>rna  vntf  rno. 

Gibbon,  Misc.  Works,  iv.  540. 
But  Gibbon  has  here  eludad  the  question  about  the  land  "  flowng  witt 
milk  and  honey."  He  is  describing  Judnea  only,  without  comprehending 
Galilee,  or  the  rich  pastures  bevond  the  Jordan,  even  now  proverbial  foi 
their  flocks  a*id  herds.  (See  fiurckhardt's  Travels,  and  Hist,  of  Jews,  i. 
178.)  The  following  is  believed  to  be  a  fair  statement:  "The  extraor- 
dinary fertility  of  the  whole  country  must  be  taken  into  the  account.  No 
part  was  waste  ;  very  little  was  occupied  by  unprofitable  wood;  the  more 
fertile  hills  were  cultivated  in  artificial  terraces,  others  were  hung  with 
orchards  of  fruit  trees ;  the  more  rocky  and  barren  districts  were  covered 
with  vineyards."  Even  in  the  present  day,  the  wars  and  micgovernment 
of  ages  have  not  exhausted  the  natural  richness  of  the  soil.  "Galilee," 
•ays  Malte  Brun,  "  would  be  a  paradise  were  it  inhabited  by  an  industrious 
people,  under  an  enlightened  government.  No  land  could  be  Jess  depend- 
ent on  foreign  miportatisn  ;  it  bore  within  itself  every  thing  that  could  be 
necessary  for  the  subsistence  and  comfort  of  a  simple  agricultural  people. 
The  climate  was  healthy,  the  seasons  legular  ;  the  former  lains,  which  fell 
about  October,  after  the  vintage,  prepared  the  ground  for  the  seed  ;  the 
'Jitter,  which  prevailed  during  March  and  the  beginning  of  April,  made  it 


30  THE  Drci.iNj:  and  fall 

The  gougraphers  of  ant'.quity  have  frequently  hesltaied  to 
what  portion  of  the  globe  ihey  should  ascribe  Egypt.^^  By 
ks  situation  that  celebrated  kingdom  is  included  within  the 
immense  peninsula  of  Africa ;  but  it  is  accessible  only  on 
the  side  of  Asia,  whose  revolutions,  in  almost  every  period 
of  history,  Egypt  has  humbly  obeyed.  A  Roman  prefect 
was  seated  on  the  splendid  throne  of  the  Ptolemies  ;  and  the 
iron  sceptre  of  the  Mamelukes  is  now  in  the  hands  of  a 
Turkish  pacha.  The  Nile  flows  down  the  country,  above  five 
hundred  miles  from  the  tropic  of  Cancer  to  the  Mediterranean, 
<ind  marks  on  either  side  the  extent  of  fertility  by  the  measure 
of  its  inundations.  Cyrene,  situate  towards  the  west,  and 
along  the  sea-coast,  was  first  a  Greek  colony,  afterwards  a 
province  of  Egypt,  and  is  now  lost  in  the  desert  of  Barca.* 

From  Cyrene  to  the  ocean,  the  coast  of  Africa  extends 
above  fifteen  hundred  miles  ;  yet  so  closely  is  it  pressed 
between  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Sahara,  or  sandy  desert, 
that  its  breadth  seldom  exceeds  fourscore  or  a  hundred  miles. 
The  eastern  division  was  considered  by  the  Romans  as  the 
more  peculiar  and  proper  province  of  Africa.  Till  the  arrival 
of  the  Phoenician  colonies,  that  fertile  country  was  inhabited  by 


**  Piolemy  and  Strabo,  with  the  modern  geographers,  fix  the  Isth- 
mus of  Suez  as  the  boundary  of  Asia  and  Africa.  Dionysius,  Mela, 
Pliny,  Sallust,  Hirtius,  and  Solinus,  have  preferred  for  that  purpose 
the  western  branch  of  the  Nile,  or  even  the  great  Catabathmus,  or 
descent,  which  last  would  assign  to  Asia,  not  only  Egypt,  but  part  of 
Libya. 

grow  rapidly.  Directly  the  rains  ceased,  the  grain  ripened  with  still 
greater  rapidity,  and  was  gathered  in  before  the  end  of  May.  The  sum- 
mer months  were  dry  and  very  hot,  but  the  nights  cool  and  refreshed  by 
copious  dews.  In  September,  the  vintage  was  gathered.  Grain  of  all 
kinds,  wheat,  liarley,  millet,  zea,  and  other  sorts,  grew  in  abundance  ;  the 
wheat  commonly  yielded  thirty  for  one.  Besides  tlie  vine  and  the  olive, 
the  almond,  tlie  date,  figs  of  many  kinds,  the  orange,  the  pomegranate, 
and  many  other  fruit  trees,  flourished  in  the  greatest  lu.xuriaiice.  Gre.it 
quantity  of  lioney  was  collected.  The  balm-tree,  which  produced  the  opo- 
balsamum,  a  great  object  of  trade,  was  probably  introduced  from  Arabia, 
in  the  time  of  Solomon.  It  flourislied  about  Jericho  and  in  Giliad."  — 
Milman's  Hist,  of  Jews,  i.  177.  —  M. 

*  The  French  editor  has  a  long  and  unnecessary  note  on  the  History  of 
Cyrene.  For  the  present  state  of  tliat  coast  and  country,  the  volume  ol 
Captain  Ik'cchey  is  full  of  interesting  detads.  Egyjit,  now  an  independent 
and  imjiroving  kingdom,  aiipears,  under  the  enterprising  rule  ot  Mal-om- 
med  Ali,  likely  to  revenge  its  former  oppressicm  upon  the  decrepit  power 
of  the  Turkisli  empire.  —  M.  —  Tliis  note  was  written  in  18158.  The  futura 
destiny  of  Egypt  is  an  imjiortant  ])roblem,  only  to  be  solved  by  time.  'Ihia 
ob.servation  will  also  apply  to  the  new  French  colony  in  Algiers. —  M  lS4d 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMi'IRE.  SI 

\ho  I^ibyuns,  tlie  most  savage  of  nankind.  Undtr  the  im- 
mediate jurisdiction  of  Carthage,  it  became  tlie  centre  of 
commerce  and  empire  ;  but  the  republic  of  Carthage  is  now 
degenerated  into  the  feeble  and  disorderly  states  of  Tripoli 
and  Tunis.  The  military  government  of  Algiers  oppresses 
the  wide  extent  of  Numidia,  as  it  was  once  united  under  Mas- 
sinissa  and  Jugurlha  ;  but  in  tlie  time  of  Augustus,  the  limits 
of  Numidia  were  contracted  ;  and,  at  least,  two  thirds  of  tl;e 
country  acquiesced  in  the  name  of  Mauritania,  with  the 
epithet  of  Ca3sariensis.  The  genuine  Mauritania,  or  country' 
of  tlie  Moors,  which,  from  the  ancient  city  of  Tingi,  or 
.  Tangier,  was  distinguished  by  the  appellation  of  Tingitai.a,  is 
represented  by  the  modern  kingdom  of  Fez.  Salle,  on  the 
Ocean,  so  infamous  at  present  for  its  piratical  depredations, 
was  noticed  by  the  Romans,  as  the  extreme  object  of  theii 
power,  and  almost  of  their  geograohy.  A  city  of  their  foun- 
dation may  still  be  discovered  near  Mequinez,  the  residence 
of  the  barbarian  whom  we  condescend  to  style  the  Emperor 
of  Morocco  ;  but  it  does  not  appear,  that  his  more  southern 
dominions,  Morocco  itself,  and  Segelmessa,  were  ever  com- 
prehended within  the  Roman  province.  The  western  parts  of 
Af'-ica  are  intersected  by  the  branches  of  Mount  Atlas,  a  name 
so  idly  celebrated  by  the  fancy  of  poets  ;86  but  which  is  now 
diffused  over  the  immense  ocean  that  rolls  between  the  ancient 
and  the  new  continent.^' 

Having  now  finished  the  circuit  of  the  Roman  empire,  we 
may  observe,  that  Africa  is  divided  from  Spain  by  a  narrow 
Btrait  of  about  twelve  miles,  through  which  the  Atlantic  fiowa 
into  the  Mediterranean.  The  columns  of  Hercules,  so  famous 
among  the  ancients,  were  two  mountains  which  seemed  to 
have  been  torn  asunder  by  some  convulsion  of  the  elements; 
and  at  the  foot  of  the  European  mountain,  the  fortress  oi 
Gibraltar  is  now  seated.     The  whole  extent  of  the  Mediterra 


•**  The  long  range,  moderate  height,  and  gentle  declivity  of  Mount 
Atlas,  (see  Sliaw's  Travels,  p.  5,)  are  very  unlike  a  solitary  mountain 
vliich  rears  its  head  into  the  clouds,  and  seems  to  support  tlie  heav- 
ens. The  peak  of  TeneriH',  on  the  contrary,  rises  a  league  and  a  half 
ihLVe  the  surface  of  the  f  oa ;  and,  as  it  was  frequently  visited  by  tlia 
riicenicians,  might  engage  the  notice  of  the  Greek  poets.  Sec  Buf- 
fon,  Histoire  Naturelle,  torn.  i.  p.  312.  Ilistoire  des  Voyages, 
torn.  ii. 

*'  M.  de  Voltaire,  tom.  xiv.  p.  29";  unsupported  by  either  fact  or 
proba'nlitj ,  has  generously  bestowed  the  Canary  Islands  en  th«  Uomaa 
impire. 


32'  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL. 

nean  Sea,  its  coasts  and  its  islands,  were  comprised  witMll  th^ 
Roman  dominion.  Of  the  larger  Islands,  the  two  Baleares, 
which  derive  their  name  of  Majorca  and  Minorca  from  their 
respective  size,  are  subject  at  present,  the  former  to  Spain, 
the  latter  to  Great  Britain.*  It  is  easier  to  deplore  the  fate, 
than  to  describe  the  actual  condition,  of  Corsica.!  Two  Italian 
soverei8;ns  assume  a  legal  title  from  Sardinia  and  Sicily. 
Crete,  or  Candia,  with  Cyprus,  and  most  of  the  smaller 
islands  of  Greece  and  Asia,  have  been  subdued  by  the  Turk- 
ish arms  ;  whilst  the  little  rock  of  Malta  defies  their  power, 
and  has  emeraed,  under  the  government  of  its  military  Order, 
into  fame  and  opulence.J 

This  long  enumeration  of  provinces,  whose  broken  frag- 
ments have  formed  so  many  powerful  kingdoms,  might  almost 
induce  us  to  forgive  the  vanity  or  ignorance  of  the  ancients. 
Dazzled  with  the  extensive  sway,  the  irresistible  strength,  and 
the  real  or  affected  moderation  of  the  emperors,  they  permitted 
themselves  to  despise,  and  sometimes  to  forget,  the  outlying 
countries  which  had  been  left  in  the  enjoyment  of  a  barbarous 
independence  •,  and  they  gradually  usurped  the  license  of 
confounding  the  Roman  monarcljy  with  the  globe  of  the 
earth.  ^^  But  the  temper,  as  well  as  the  knowledge,  of  a  mo- 
dern historian,  require  a  more  sober  a«d  accurate  language. 
He  may  impress  a  juster  image  of  the  greatness  of  Rome,  by 
observing  that  the  empire  was  above  t^vo  thousand  miles  in 
breadth,  from  the  wjill  of  Antoninus  and  the  northern  limits  of 
Dacia,  to  Mount  Atlas  and  the  tropic  of  Cancer :  that  i( 
extended  in  length  more  than  three  thousand  miles  from  th^ 
Western  Ocean  to  tlie  Euphrates ;  that  it  was  situated  in  the 
finest  part  of  the  Temperate  Zone,  between  the  twenty-fourth 
and  fifty-sixth  degrees  of  northern  latitude :  and  that  it  was 
supposed  to  contain  above  sixteen  hundred  thousand  square 
miles,  for  the  most  part  of  fertile  and  well-cultivated  land.^^ 

88  Bergier,  Hist,  des  Grands  Chemins,  1.  iii.  c.  1,  2, 3,  4,  a  very 
useful  collection. 

89  See  Teinpleman's  Survey  of  the  Globe  ;  but  I  distrust  both  the 
Doctor's  learning  and  his  maps. 

*  Minoupa  was  lost  to  Great  Britain  in  1782.  Ann.  Register  for  thai 
year. — M. 

t  The  gallant  strug<»les  of  the  Corsicans  for  tlieir  independence,  iiiidoi 
Paoli.  were  brought  to  a  close  in  tiie  year  1709.  This  volume  was  published 
in  1776.    See  Botta,  Storia  d'  Italia,  vol.  xiv  — M. 

J  Malta,  it  need  scarcely  be  said,  is  now  in  the  possession  of  the  HngHsh. 
We  have  not,  however,  thought  necessary  to  notice  every  chai';^e  in  the 
political  state  of  the  world,  since  the  time  of  (iil)hon. — M. 


CHAPTER  II. 

OP  TH?  UNION  AND  INTERNAL  PROSPERITY  OF  THE  ROMAN 
EMPIRE,  IN  THE  AGE  OF  THE  ANTONINES. 

It  is  not  alone  by  the  rapidity,  or  extent  of  conquest,  that 
we  should  estimate  the  greatness  of  Rome.  The  sovereign 
of  the  Russian  deserts  commands  a  larger  portion  of  the 
globe.  In  the  seventh  summer  after  his  passage  of  the  Heli 
lespont,  Alexander  erected  the  Macedonian  trophies  on  the 
banks  of  the  Ilyphasis. '  "Within  less  than  a  century,  the 
irresistible  Zingis,  and  the  Mogul  princes  of  his  race,  spread 
their  cruel  devastations  and  transcient  empipe  from  the  sea  of 
China,  to  the  confines  of  Egypt  and  Germany.  ^  But  the 
firm  edifice  of  Roman  power  was  raised  and  preserved  by  the 
wisdom  of  ages.  The  obedient  provinces  of  Trajan  and  the 
Antonines  were  united  by  laws,  and  adorned  by  arts. 
They  might  occasionally  suffer  from-  the  partial  abuse  of 
delegated  authority ;  but  the  general  principle  of  government 
was  wise,  simple,  and  beneficent.  They  enjoyed  the  religion 
of  their  ancestors,  whilst  in  civil  honors  and  advantages  they 
were  exalted,  by  just  degrees,  to  an  equahty  with  their  con- 
querors. 

I.     The  policy  of  the  emperors  and  the  senate,  so  far  as  it 


1  They  were  erected  about  the  midway  between  Labor  and  Delhi. 
The  conquests  of  Alexander  in  Hindostan  were  confined  to  the  Fun- 
jab,  a  country  watered  by  the  five  great  streams  of  the  Indus.* 

3  See  M.  de  Guignes,  Histoire  des  Huns,  1.  xv.  xtI.  and  xvii. 

*  The  Hyphasis  is  one  of  the  five  rivers  which  join  the  Indus  or  the  Sind, 
after  ha\'ing  traversed  the  province  of  Pendj-nb — a  name  which,  in  Persian, 
signifies  Jive  rivers.  *  *  *  G.  The  five  rivers  were,  1.  The  Hydaspe?, 
now  the  Cheluni,  Behni,  or  Bedusta,  (&iuscrit,  Vita.sha,  Arrow-swift.)  2. 
Tlie  Acesines,  the  Clieniib,  San5t;-('<.  Cliaiidrabhiga,  Moon  gift.)  3.  Hydra- 
otes,  tlie  Ravey,  or  Iraoty,  (Sanscrit,  Iravati.)  4.  Hyphasis,  the  Beyuh, 
(Sa7i$crit,  VespdsA,  Fetterless.)  5.  Tiie  Satadru,  (Sanscrit,  the  Iluiulrecl 
Streamed,)  the  Sutledi,  known  first  to  the  Greeks  in  the  time  of  Ptolemy, 
Kennel,  Vincent,  Commerce  of  Anc.  book  2.  La,ssen,  Pentapotam.  1ml. 
Wilson's  Sanscrit  Diet.,  and  tlie  valuable  memoir  of  Lieut.  Bumes,  Jouriia] 
of  London  Geogr.  Society,  vol  iii.  p.  2,  with  the  travels  of  that  very  abla 
writer.     Compare  Gibbon's  own  note,  c.  Ixv.  note  25. — M.  substit.  for  G. 

33 


34  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

concerned  religion,  was  happily  seconded  by  the  reflections  of 
the  enlightened,  and  by  the  habits  of  the  superstitious,  part  of 
their  subjects.  The  various  modes  of  worship,  which  pre- 
vailed in  the  Roman  world,  were  all  considered  by  the  people 
as  equally  true  ;  by  the  philosopher,  as  equally  false  ;  and  by 
the  magistrate,  as  equally  useful.  And  thus  toleration  pro- 
duced not  only  mutual  indulgence,  but  even  religious  concord. 
The  superstition  of  the  people  was  not  imbittered  by  any 
mixture  of  theological  rancor ;  nor  was  it  confined  by  the 
chains  of  any  speculative  system.  The  devout  polytheist, 
though  fondly  attached  to  his  national  rites,  admitted  with. 
impUcit  faith  the  different  rehgions  of  the  earth.  ^  Fear,  grat- 
itude, and  curiosity,  a  dream  or  an  omen,  a  singular  disorder, 
or  a  distant  journey,  perpetually  disposed  him  to  multiply  the 
articles  of  liis  behef,  and  to  enlarge  the  list  of  his  protectors. 
The  thin  texture  of  the  Pagan  mythology  was  mterwoven 
with  «^ai-ious,  but  not  discordant  materials.  As  soon  as  it  was 
allowed  that  sages  and  heroes,  who  had  lived  or  who  had  died 
for  the  benefit  of  their  country,  were  exalted  to  a  state  of 
power  and  immortality,  it  was  universally  confessed,  that  they 

^  There  is  not  any  writer  who  describes  in  so  lively  a  manner  as 
Herodotus  the  true  genius  of  polytheism.  The  best  commentary 
may  be  found  in  Mr.  Hume's  Natural  History  of  Religion;  and  the 
best  contrast  in  Bossuet's  Universal  History.  Some  obscure  trace* 
of  an  intolerant  spirit  appear  in  the  conduct  of  the  Egyptians,  (see 
Juvenal,  Sat.  XV. ;)  and  the  Christians,  as  well  as  Jews,  who  hved 
under  the  Roman  empire,  formed  a  very  important  exception  ;  so 
important  indeed,  that  the  discussion  will  require  a  distinct  chapter 
of  this  work.* 

*  M  Constant  in  his  very  learned  and  eloquent  work,  "Sur  la  Religion," 
with  two  additional  volumes,  "  Du  Polytheisme  Romain,"  has  considered 
the  whole  histoiy  of  polytheism  in  a  tone  of  philosophy,  wliieh  without 
subscribing  to  all  his  opinions,  we  may  be  permitted  to  admire.  "  The 
boasted  tolerance  of  polytheism  did  not  rest  upon  the  resjiect  due  from  soci- 
ety to  tlie  freedom  of  individual  opinion.  The  polj^theistic  nations,  tolerant 
as  they  were  towards  each  other,  as  separate  states,  were  not  the  less  igno- 
rant of  the  eternal  principle,  tlie  only  basis  of  enlightened  toleration,  that 
every  one  has  a  right  to  worsliip  God  in  the  manner  which  seems  toliini  the 
best.  Citizens,  on  the  contrary  were  bound  to  confonn  to  the  religion  of  the 
state;  they  had  not  the  liberty  to  adojjt  a  foreign  religion,  though  that  reli- 
gion might  be  legally  recognized  in  their  own  city,for  the  strangers  who  were 
its  votaries." — Sur  la  Heligion,  v.  184.  Du  Polyth.  Rum.  ii.  30S.  At  this 
time,  the  growing  religious  iiulifTerence,  and  the  general  administration  of 
the  empire  by  Romans,  who  being  strangers,  would  do  no  more  than  pmtect, 
not  enlist  themselves  in  the  cause  of  the  local  superstitions,  hnd  introduced 
great  laxity.  But  intolerance  was  clearly  tlie  theory  botli  of  the  Greek  and 
Roman  law.    The  subject  is  more  fuUy  considered  in  another  place. — M. 


OF    TriE    SOMAN    EMPIRE.  35 

deserved,  if  not  tlic  adoration,  at  least  the  reverence,  of  all 
mankind,  The  deities  of  a  tiiousand  groves  and  a  thousand 
streams  possessed,  in  peace,  th(Mr  local  and  respective  influ- 
ence;  nor  could  the  Ronuui  wiio  deprecated  the  wrath  of  the 
Tiber,  deride  tlie  Egyptian  who  presented  his  offering  to  the 
beneficent  genius  of  the  Nile.  The  visible  powers  of  nature, 
the  planets,  and  the  elements,  were  the  same  throughout  the 
universe.  The  invisible  governors  of  the  moral  world  were 
inevitably  cast  in  a  similar  mould  of  fiction  and  allegory. 
Every  virtue,  and  even  vice,  ac([uired  its  divine  representa- 
tive ;  every  art  and  profession  its  patron,  whose  attributes,  in 
the  most  distant  ages  and  countries,  were  uniformly  derived 
from  the  character  of  their  peculiar  votaries.  A  republic  of 
gods,  of  such  ojfposite  tempers  and  interests,  required,  in  every 
system,  the  moderating  hand  of  a  suj)reme  magistrate,  who, 
by  the  progress  of  knowledge  and  flattery,  was  gradualy  in- 
vested with  the  sublime  perfections  of  an  Eternal  Parent,  and 
an  Omnipotent  Monarch.*  Such  was  the  mild  spirit  of  an- 
tiquity, that  the  nations  were  less  attentive  to  the  difference, 
than  to  the  resemblance,  of  their  religious  worship.  The 
Greek,  the  Roman,  and  the  Barbarian,  as  they  met  before 
their  respective  altars,  easily  persuaded  themselves,  that  under 
various  names,  and  with  various  ceremonies,  they  adored  the 
same  deities.^  The  elegant  mythology  of  Homer  gave  a 
beautiful,  and  idmost  a  regular  form,  to  the  polytheism  of  the 
ancient  world. 

The  pliilosophers  of  Greece  deduced  their  morals  from  the 
nature  of  man,  rather  than  from  that  of  God.  They  medi- 
tated, however,  on  the  Divine  Nature,  as  a  very  cwious  and 
important  speculation  ;  and  in  the  profound  inquiry,  they  dis- 
played the  strength  and  weakness  of  the  human  understand- 


*  The  rights,  powers,  and  pretensions  of  the  sovereign  of  Olympus, 
are  very  clearly  descnbed  in  the  xvtii  Uook  of  the  Ilhad  ;  in  tlie 
Greek  original,  1  mean  ,  for  Mr.  Pope,  without  perceiving  it,  has 
improved  the  theology  of  Homer* 

5  See,  for  instance,  Caesar  do  Bell.  Gall,  vi  17.  Within  a  century 
or  two,  the  Gauls  themselves  applied  to  thoir  gods  the  names  of 
Mercury,  Mars,  AppoUo,  &c. 

*  There  is  a  cunous  coitici>1ence  between  Gibbon's  explanation  and  those 
of  the  newly -recovered  '' De  Repubiica' ot  Cicero,  tlionuli  tne  argunient 
is  rather  tlie  converse,  lib.  I  c.  30.  "  Sivo  ha;c  ail  utiliiatein  v\lx  const;- 
tuta  sint  u  pricipibiis  reruni  publicanim,  ui  rex  piitaretiir  utiiis  esse  m  cuj- 
lo,  qui  nutu,  ut  ait  Homerus,  totum  Olympum  converteret,  idemque  ot  lex 
et  pater  haboretur  omnium."— iM. 


36  THE   DECLINE   AND   FALL 

ing.8  Of  the  four  most  celebrated  schools,  the  Stoics  and  th? 
Platonists  endeavored  to  reconcile  the  jarring  interests  of  rea. 
son  and  piety.  They  have  left  us  the  most  sublime  proofs  ol 
the  existence  and  perfections  of  the  first  cause ;  but,  as  it  was 
impossible  for  them  to  conceive  the  creation  of  matter,  thq 
workman  in  the  Stoic  philosophy  was  not  sufficiently  distin* 
guished  from  the  work ;  whilst,  on  the  contrary,  the  Spiritual 
God  of  Plato  and  his  disciples  resembled  an  idea,  rather  than 
a  substance.  The  opinions  of  the  Academics  and  Epicureans 
were  of  a  less  religious  cast ;  but  whilst  the  modest  science  of 
the  former  induced  them  to  doubt,  the  positive  ignorance  of 
the  latter  urged  thera  to  deny,  the  ^providence  of  a  Supreme 
Ruler.  The  spirit  ot  inquiry,  prompted  by  emulation,  and 
supported  by  freedom,  had  divided  the  public  teachers  of  phi- 
losophy into  a  variety  of  contending  sects ;  but  the  ingenious 
youth,  who,  from  every  part,  resorted  to  Athens,  and  the  other 
Beats  of  learning  in  the  Roman  Empire,  were  alike  instructed 
in  every  school  to  reject  and  to  despise  the  rehgion  of  the 
multitude.  How,  indeed,  was  it  possible,  that  a  philosopher 
should  accept,  as  divine  truths,  the  idle  tales  of  the  poets,  and 
the  incoherent  traditions  of  antiquity  ;  or  that  he  should  adore, 
as  gods,  those  imperfect  beings  whom  he  must  have  despised, 
as  men  ?  Against  such  unworthy  adversaries,  Cicero  conde- 
scended to  employ  the  arms  of  reason  and  eloquence ;  but  the 
satire  of  Lucian  was  a  much  more  adequte,  as  well  as  more 
efficacious  weapon.  We  may  be  well  assured,  that  a  writer, 
conversant  with  the  world,  would  never  have  ventured  to 
expose  the  gods  of  his  country  to  public  ridicule,  had  they  not 
already  been  the  objects  of  secret  contempt  among  the  pol- 
ished and  enlightened  orders  of  society.^ 

Notwithstanding  the  fashionable  irreligion  winch  prevailed 
in  the  age  of  the  Antonmes,  both  the  interest  of  the  priests  and 
the  credulity. of  the  people  were  sufficiently  respected.  In 
their  writings  and  conversation,  the  philosophers  of  antiquity 
asserted  the  independent  dignity  of  reason  ;  but  they  resigned 
their  actions  to  the  commands  of  law  and  of  custom.     View- 

*  The  admirable  work  of  Cicero  de  Nature  Deorum  is  the  best  clew 
we  have  to  guide  us  through  the  dark  and  profound  abyss.  He  rep- 
resents  witli  candor,  and  confutes  with  subtlety,  the  opinions  of  the 
philosophers 

^  [  do  nut  pretend  to  assert,  that,  in  this  irreligious  age,  the  natii- 
ural  terrors  of  superstition,  dreams,  omens,  appariuons,  «&c.,  had  losi 
their  efficacy. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE  37 

ing,  With  a  smile  of  pity  and  indulgence,  the  variou3  errors  of 
Lhe  vulgar,  they  diligently  practised  the  ceremonies  of  theii 
fathers,  devoutly  frequented  the  temples  of  the  gods;  and 
sometimes  condescending  to  act  a  part  on  the  theatre  of  super- 
stition, they  concealed  the  sentinients  of  an  atheist  under  the 
sacerdotal  robes.  Reasoners  of  such  a  temper  were  scarcely 
inclined  to  wrangle  about  their  respective  modes  of  faith,  or 
of  worship.  It  was  indifferent  to  them  what  shape  the  folly 
of  the  multitude  might  choose  to  assume;  and  they  approached 
with  the  same  inward  contempt,  and  the  same  external  rever- 
ence, the  altars  of  the  Libyan,  the  Olympian,  or  the  Capitoline 
Jupiter.^ 

It  is  not  easj'  to  conceive  from  what  motives  a  spirit  of  per 
secution  could  mtroduce  itself  into  the  Roman  councils.  The 
magistrates  could  not  be  actuated  by  a  blind,  though  honest 
bigotry,  since  the  magistrates  were  themselves  philosophers , 
and  the  schools  of  Athens  had  given  laws  to  the  senate.  They 
could  not  be  impelled  by  ambition  or  avarice,  as  the  temporal 
and  ecclesiastical  powers  were  united  in  the  same  hands.  The 
pontiffs  were  chosen  among  the  most  illustrious  of  the  sena- 
tors ;  and  the  office  of  Supreme  Pontiff  was  constantly  exer- 
cised by  the  emperors  themselves.  They  knew  and  valued 
lhe  advantages  of  religion,  as  it  is  connected  with  civil  govern- 
ment. They  encouraged  the  public  festivals  which  humanize 
the  manners  of  the  people.  They  managed  the  arts  of  divina- 
lion,  as  a  convenient  instrument  of  policy  ;  and  they  respected, 
as  the  firmest  bond  of  society,  the  useful  persuasion,  that, 
either  in  this  or  in  a  future  life,  the  crime  of  perjury  is  most 
assuredly  punished  by  the  avenging  gods.^  But  whilst  they 
acknowledged  the  general  advantages  of  religion,  they  were 
convinced,  that  the  various  modes  of  worship  contributed  alike 
to  the  same  salutary  purposes ;  and  that,  in  every  country,  the 
form  of  superstition,  vThich  had  received  the  sanction  of  time 
und  experience,  was  the  best  adapted  to  the  climate,  and  to 
its  inhabitants.  Avarice  and  taste  very  frequently  despoiled 
the  vanquished  nations  of  the  elegant  statues  of  their  gods, 

*  Socrates,  Epicurus,  Cicero,  and  Plutarch  always  inculcated  a 
decent  reverence  for  the  religion  of  their  own  country,  and  of  raan- 
fcind.  The  devotion  of  Epicurus  Mas  assiduous  and  exemplary, 
Diogen.  Laert.  x.  10. 

•  Polybius,  1.  vi.  c.  53,  54.  Juvenal.  Sat.  xiii.  laments  that  in  ht» 
time  this  apprehension  had  lost  much  ol  its  effect 


38  THE    DECLK-JE    AND    T^Lt, 

and  the  rich  ornaments  of  their  temples ;  ^^  but,  in  the  exer- 
cise of  the  religion  which  they  derived  from  their  ancestors, 
the}  uniformly  experienced  the  indulgence,  and  even  protec- 
tion, of  the  Roman  conquerors.  The  province  of  Gaul  seems, 
and  indeed  only  seems,  an  exception  to  this  universal  tolera- 
tion. Under  the  specious  pretext  of  abolishing  human  sacri- 
fices, the  emperors  Tiberius  and  Claudius  suppressed  the 
dangerous  power  of  the  Druids  :  i*  but  the  priests  themselves, 
their  gods  and  their  altars,  subsisted  in  peaceful  obscurity  till 
the  final  destruction  of  Paganism. i- 

Rome,  the  capital  of  a  great  monarchy,  was  incessantly 
filled  with  subjects  and  strangers  from  every  part  of  the 
world, 12  who  all  introduced  and  enjoyed  the  favorite  super- 
stitions of  their  native  country. i"*  Every  city  in  the  empire 
was  justified  in  maintaining  the  purity  of  its  ancient  ceremo- 
nies :  and  the  Roman  senate,  using  the  common  privilege, 
sometimes  interposed,  to  check  this  inundation  of  foreijjn 
rites.*  The  Egyptian  superstition,  of  all  the  most  contempti- 
ble and  abject,  was  frequently  prohibited ;  the  temples  of 
Serapis  and  Isis  demoli-shed,  and  their  worshippers  banished 
from  Rome  and  Italy. ^^     But  the  zeal  of  fanaticism  prevailed 

"  See  the  fate  of  Syracuse,  Tarentum,  Ambracia,  Corinth,  &c.,  tho 
conduct  of  Veires,  in  Cicero,  (Actio  ii.  Orat.  4,)  and  the  ususd  prac- 
tice of  governors,  in  the  viiith.  Satire  of  Juvenal. 

"  Sueton.  in  Claud.  — Plin.  Hist.  Nat.  xxx.  1. 

"  Pelloutier,  Histoire  des  Celtes,  torn.  vi.  p.  230 — 252. 

'^  Seneca,  Consolat.  ad  Helviam,  p.  74.     Edit.  Lips. 

'^  Dionysius  Ilalicarn.  Antiquitat.  Roman.  1.  ii.  [vol.  i.  p.  275,  edit. 
Reiske.] 

'*  In  the  year  of  Rome  701,  the  temple  of  Isis  and  Serapis  waa 
demolished  by  the  order  of  the  Senate,  (Dion  Cassius,  1.  xl.  p.  252,) 
and  even  by  the  hands  of  tho  consul,  (Valerius  Maximus,  1,  3.)t 


*  Yet  the  worship  of  foreign  gods  at  Rome  was  only  guarantied  to  the 
natives  of  those  countries  from  whence  they  came.  The  Romans  admin- 
istered the  priestly  offices  only  to  the  gods  of  their  fathers.  Gibbon, 
throughout  the  whole  preceding  sketch  of  the  opinions  of  the  Romans 
and  their  subjects,  has  shown  through  what  causes  they  were  free  from 
religious  hatred  and  its  consequences.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  inter- 
nal state  of  these  religions,  the  infidelity  and  hypocrisy  of  the  uppci 
orders,  the  indift'erence  towards  all  religion,  in  even  the  better  part  of  the 
common  people,  during  the  last  days  of  tlie  republic,  and  under  tho 
CtBsars,  and  the  corrupting  principles  of  the  philosophers,  had  exercised  a 
very  per^.icious  influence  on  the  manners,  and  even  on  the  constitu- 
tion. --W. 

■f  Gibbon  here  blends  into  one,  two  events,  distant  a  hundred  and  sixty 
Bix  years  from  each,  other.  It  was  in  the  year  of  Rome  535,  tha^  the  sen- 
ate naving  orderet)   the  destruction  of  the  temples  of  Isis  and  .Serapiu.  no 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMriRE.  39 

liver  the  cold  and  feeble  elTorts  of  policy.  The  exiles  re- 
turned, the  proselytes  tnultiplicd,  the  temples  were  restored 
with  increasing  splendor,  and  Isis  and  Serapis  at  length  as- 
Bvrnied  their  place  anr.ong  the  Roman  Deities."^  Nor  was  this 
indulgence  a  departure  from  the  olo  maxims  of  government. 
In  the  purest  ages  ol  the  commonwealth,  Cybele  and  ^Escula- 
piiis  had  been  invited  by  solemn  embassies  ;  i''  and  it  was  cus- 
tomary to  tempt  the  protectors  of  besieged  cities,  by  the  prom- 
ise of  more  distinguished  honors  than  they  possessed  in  thei^ 
native  country. ^^  Rome  gradually  became  the  common  t^mi- 
pie  of  her  subjects  ;  and  the  freedom  of  the  city  was  bestowed 
on  alljthe  gods  of  mankind.'^ 

II.  The  narrow  policy  of  preserving,  without  any  foreign 
mixture,  the  pure  blood  of  the  ancient  citizens,  had  chenked 
the  fortune,  and  hastened  tlie  ruin,  of  Athens  and  Spana. 
The  aspiring  genius  of  Rome  sacrificed  vanity  to  ambition, 
and  deemed  it  more  prudent,  as  well  as  honorable,  to  adopt 
virtue  c*nd  merit  for  her  own  wheresoever  they  were  found, 
among  slaves  or  strangers,  enemies  or  barbarians.^'^     During 

After  the  death  of  Caesar,  it  was  restored  at  the  public  expense, 
(Dion,  1.  xlvii.  p.  501.)  When  Augustus  was  in  Egypt,  he  revered 
the  majesty  of  Serapis,  (Dion,  1.  h.  p.  647  ;)  but  in  the  Pomacrium 
of  Rome,  and  a  mile  round  it,  he  prohibited  the  worship  of  the 
Egyptian  gods,  (Dion,  1.  liii.  p.  679 ;  1.  liv.  p.  735.)  They  remained, 
however,  very  fashionable  under  his  reign  (Ovid,  de  Art.  Amand.  1. 
i.)  and  that  of  his  successor,  tUl  the  justice  of  Tiberius  was  provoked 
to  some  acts  of  severity.  (See  Tacit.  Annal.  ii.  85.  Joseph.  Antiquit. 
1.  xviii.  c.  3.)  * 

"  TcrtuUian  in  Apologetic,  c.  6,  p.  74.  Edit.  Havercamp.  I  am 
inclined  to  attribute  their  establishment  to  the  devotion  of  the 
Flavian  family. 

"     See  Livy,  1.  xi.  [Suppl.]  and  xxix. 

'*  Macrob.  Saturnalia,  1.  iii.  c.  9.  He  gives  us  a  form  of  evoca- 
tion. 

'*  Minutius  Faelix  in  Octavio,  p.  54.     Arnobius,  1.  vi.  p.  115. 

*°  Tacit.  Annal.  xi.  24.  The  Orbis  Romanus  of  the  learned 
Spanheim  is  a  complete  history  of  the  progressive  admission  of  Lati- 
am,  Italy,  and  the  provinces,  to  the  freedom  of  Rome.t 


workman  would  lend  his  hand  ;  and  the  consul,  L.  .iEmilius  Pauliis  nim- 
self  (Valer.  Max.  1,  3)  seized  the  axe,  to  give  the  first  blow.  Gi))hon  at. 
tributes  this  circumstance  to  the  second  demolition,  which  took  place  in 
the  year  701,  and  which  he  considers  as  the  first.  —  W. 

•  See,  in  the  pictures  from  the  walls  of  Pompeii,  the  representation  of 
tn  Isiac  temple  and  worship.  Vestiges  of  P^gyptian  wjrship  have  been 
traced  iii  Gaul,  and,  I  am  informed,  recently  in  iiiitain,  in  excavations  al 
York.  —  M. 

t  Democratic  states,  observes  Denina,  (dellc  Revoluz.  d'  Italia,  1.  d.  c.  1.) 


40  THE    DECLINE    AND   FALL 

the  most  flourishing  sera  of  the  Athenian  commonwealth,  the 
namber  of  citizens  gradually  decreased  from  aboat  thirty  21  to 
ivventy-one  thousand.22  If,  on  the  contrary,  we  study  the 
growth  of  the  Roman  republic,  we  may  discover,  that,  not- 
withstandiiig  the  incessant  demands  of  wars  and  colonies,  the 
citizens,  who,  in  the  first  census  of  Servius  Tullius,  amounted 
to  no  more  than  eighty-three  thousand,  were  multiplied,  before 
the  commencement  of  the  social  war,  to  the  number  of  four 
hundred  and  sixty-three  thousand  men,  able  to  bear  arms  rn 
the  'service  of  their  country .^3  When  the  allies  of  Rome 
claimed  an  equal  share  of  honors  and  privileges,  the  senate 
indeed  preferred  the  chance  of  arms  to  an  ignominious  con- 
cession. The  Samnites  and  the  Lucanians  paid  the  severe 
penalty  of  their  rashness  ;  but  the  rest  of  the  Italian  states,  as 
they  successively  returned  to  their  duty,  were  admitted  into 
the  bosom  of  the  republic,^'!  and  soon  contributed  to  the  ruin 
of  public  freedom.  Under  a  democratical  government,  the 
citizens  e.tercise  the  powers  of  sovereignty  ;  and  those  powers 
will  be  first  abused,  and  afterwards  lost,  if  they  are  committed 
to  an  unwieldy  multitude.  But  when  the  popular  assemblies 
nad  been  suppressed  by  the  administration  of  the  emperors, 
the  conquerors  were  distinguished  from  the  vanquished  na- 
vions,  only  as  the  first  and  most  honorable  order  of  subjects  , 
and  their  increase,  however  rapid,  was  no  longer  exposed  to 
the  same  dangers.  Yet  the  wisest  princes,  who  adopted  the 
naxims  of  Augustus,    guarded    with    the    strictest  care    the 

"  Herodotus,  v.  97.  It  should  seem,  however,  that  he  followed  a 
argc  and  popular  estimation. 

^^  Athenaeus,  Deipnoscphist.  1.  vi.  p.  272.  Edit.  Casaubon.  Meur- 
•ius  de  FortunA  Attica,  c.  4.* 

^  See  a  very  accurate  collection  of  the  numbers  of  each  Lustrum 
in  M.  de  Beaufort,  Republique  Romaine,  1.  iv.  c.  4.t 

*•  Appian.  de  Bell.  Civil.  1.  i.  Velleius  I'aterculus,  1.  ii.  c. 
15,  16,  17. 


are  most  jealous  o<"  communicating  the  privileges  of  citizenship;  monar- 
chies or  oligarchies  willingly  multiply  the  numbers  of  their  free  subjects. 
The  most  remarkable  accessions  to  the  strength  of  Rome,  by  the  aggre- 
gation of  conquered  and  foreign  nations,  took  place  under  the  regal  and 
patrician  —  we  may  add,  the  Imperial  government.  —  M. 

*  On  the  number  of  citizens  in  Athens,  compa-e  Breckh,  Public  Econ- 
omy  of  Athens.  (English  Tr.,)  p.  45,  et  seq.  Fynes  Clinton,  Essay  in 
Fasti  Ilellenici,  vol.  i.  381.  — M. 

t  All  these  questions  are  placed  in  an  entirely  new  point  of  view  oy 
Niebuhr,  (IJ'imische  Geschichte,  vol.  i.  p.  464.)  He  rejects  the  c;ensus  of 
Bcrvius  Tullius  as  unhistoric,  (vol.  ii.  p.  78,  et  seq.,)  and  he  establishes  tho 
principle  that  the  census  comprehended  all  the  confederate  cities  whicli 
had  the  right  of  Isopolity. — 'M. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  41 

djf^nity  of  the  Roman  name,  and  diffused  the  freedom  of  the 
city  with  a  prudent  liberality .^^ 

Ti'l  the  privileges  of  Romans  had  been  progressively  e.X' 
'.ended  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  empire,  an  important  dis 
'inction  was  preserved  between  Italy  and  the  provinces.  Tlie 
'brmer  was  esteemed  the  centre  of  public  unity,  and  the  firm 
iiasis  of  the  constitution.  Italy  claimed  the  birth,  or  at  least 
The  residence,  of  the  emperors  and  llie  senate.-"  The  estates 
of  the  Italians  were  exempt  from  taxes,  their  persons  from  the 
arbitrary  jurisdiction  of  governors.  Their  municipal  corpof 
tlons,  formed  after  the  perfect  model  of  the  capital,*  were 
intrusted,  under  the  immediate  eye  of  the  supreme  power, 
vvith  the  execution  of  the  laws.  Fr<jm  the  foot  of  the  Alps  to 
the  extremity  of  Calabria,  all  the  natives  of  Italy  were  born 
citizens  of  Rome.  Their  partial  distinctions  were  obliterated^ 
and  they  insensibly  coalesced  into  one  great  nation,  united  by 
language,  manners,  and  civil  institutions,  and  equal  to  the 
weight  of  a  powerful  empire.  The  republic  gloried  in  her 
generous  policy,  and  was  frequently  rewarded  by  the  merit 
and  services  of  her  adopted  sons.  Had  she  always  confined 
the  distinction  of  Romans  to  the  ancient  families  within  the 
walls  of  the  city,  that  immortal  n;une  would  have  been  de- 
prived of  some  of  its  noblest  ornaments  Virgil  was  a  native 
of  Mantua  ;  Horace  was  inclined  to  doubt  whether  he  should 
call  himself  an  Apulian  or  a  Lucanian  ;  it  was  in  Padua  that 
an  historian  was  found  worthy  to  record  the  majestic  series  of 
Roman  victories.  The  patriot  faniiiy  of  the  Catos  emerged 
from  Tusculum  ;  and  the  little  town  of  Arpinum  claimed  the 
double  honor  of  producing  Marius  and  Cicero,  the  former  of 
whom  deserved,  after  Romulus  and  Camillus,  to  be  styled  the 
Third   Founder  of  Rome;   and  the   latter,  after   saving. his 

-^  Maecenas  had  advised  him  to  declare,  by  one  edict,  all  his  sub- 
jects citizens.  But  we  may  justly  suspect  that  the  historian  Uion 
wa3  the  author  of  a  counsel  so  much  adapted  to  the  practice  of  hid 
own  age,  and  so  little  to  that  of  Augustus. 

^^  The  senators  were  obliged  to  have  one  third  of  thch-  own  landed 
property  in  Italy.  See  I'lin.  1.  vi.  ep.  19.  The  quaUlication  vas 
reduced  by  Marcus  to  one  fourth.  Since  the  reign  of  Trajan,  Italy 
Uad  sunk  nearer  to  the  level  of  the  provinces. 


*  It  may  be  doubted  whether  the  municipal  government  of  the  cities 
was  not  the  old  Italian  constitution,  rather  than  a  transcript  from  that  of 
Konic.  The  free  government  of  the  cities,  observes  Sa\'ignj,  was  the  lead- 
ing  characteristic   of  Ita!y.     Gescliichte  des   ROmischcu  Ilechts,   i.    p. 

5 


42  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

country  frjm  the  designs  of  Catiline,  enabled  her  to  contend 
with  Athens  for  the  palm  of  eloquence."'' 

The  provinces  of  the  empire  (as  they  have  been  described 
in  the  preceding  chapter)  were  destitute  of  any  public  force, 
or  constitutional  freedom.  In  Etruria,  in  Greece,^^  and  in 
Gaul,29  it  was  the  first  caie  of  the  senate  to  dissolve  those 
dangerous  confederacies,  which  taught  mankind  that,  as  the 
Roman  arms  prevailed  by  division,  the}'^  might  be  resisted  by 
union.  Those  princes,  whom  the  ostentation  of  gratitude  or 
generosity  permitted  for  a  while  to  hold  a  precarious  sceptre, 
were  dismissed  from  their  thrones,  as  soon  as  they  had  per- 
formed their  appointed  task  of  fashioning  to  the  yoke  the  van- 
quished nations.  The  free  states  and  cities  which  had  em- 
braced the  cause  of  Rome  were  rewarded  with  a  nominal 
alliance,  and  insensibly  sunk  into  real  servitude.  The  public 
authority  was  every  where  exercised  by  the  ministers  of  the 
senate  and  of  the  emperors,  and  that  authority  was  absolute 
and  without  control.t  But  the  same  salutary  maxims  of  gov- 
ernment, which  had  secured  the  peace  and  obedience  of  Italy, 
were  extended  to  the  most  distant  conquests.  A  nation  of 
Romans  was  gradually  formed  in  the  provinces,  by  the  double 
expedient  of  introducing  colonies,  and  of  admitting  the  most 
faithful  and  deserving  of  the  provincials  to  the  freedom  of 
Rome. 

"  Wheresoever  the  Roman  conquers,  he  inhabits,"  is  a  very 
just  observation  of  Seneca,^'^  confirmed  by  history  and  expe- 
rience.    The    natives   of  Italy,   allured    by    pleasure   or  by 

'^''  The  first  part  of  the  Verona  Illustrata  of  the  Marquis  MafFei 
gives  tlie  clearest  and  most  comprehensive  view  of  tlie  state  of  Italy 
under  the  Cajsars.* 

"*  See  Pausanias,  1.  vii.  The  llomans  condescended  to  restore  the 
names  of  those  assemblies,  when  they  could  no  longer  be  dangerous. 

'^  They  are  frequently  mentioned  by  Caesar.  The  Abb6  Dubos 
attempts,  with  very  little  success,  to  prove  that  the  assemblies  of 
Gaul  were  continued  under  the  emperors.  Histoire  de  I'Etablissement 
ds  la  Monarchic  Fran9oise,  1.  i.  c.  4. 

^"  Seneca  in  Consolat.  ad  Helviam,  c.  G. 


•  Compare  Denina,  Revel,  d'  Italia,  1.  ii.  c.  6,  p.  100,  4to  edit. 

f  This  is,  perhaps,  rather  overstated.  Most  cities  retained  the  choice 
of  their  municipal  officers  :  some  retained  valuable  privileges  ;  Athens,  for 
Instar.cc,  in  form  was  still  a  confederate  city.  (Tac.  Ann.  ii.  53.)  Thcsa 
f  rivileges,  indeed,  depended  entirely  on  the  arbitrary  will  of  the  emperor, 
who  revoked  or  restored  them  according  to  his  caprice.  See  Walthei 
ucschiclitc  des  Romischen  Kachts,  i.  32-1  —  an  admiruHe  summajy  of  the 
Roroar  coostitational  history  —  M. 


OF    THE    ROVIAN    EMPIRE.  43 

interest,  hastened  to  enjoy  the  advantages  of  victor}  ;  and  we 
may  remark,  that,  about  forty  years  after  the  reduction  of 
Asia,  eighty  thousand  Romans  were  massacred  in  one  day,  by 
the  cruel  orders  of  Mithridates.^i  These  voluntary  exiles 
were  engaged,  for  the  most  part,  in  the  occupations  of  com- 
merce, agriculture,  and  the  farm  of  the  revenue.  But  after 
the  legions  were  rendered  permanent  by  the  emperors,  the 
provinces  were  peopled  by  a  race  of  soldiers  ;  and  the  vet- 
erans, whether  they  received  the  reward  of  their  service  in 
land  or  in  money,  usually  settled  with  their  families  in  the 
country,  where  they  had  honorably  spent  their  youth. 
Throughout  the  empire,  but  more  particularly  in  the  western 
parts,  the  most  fertile  districts,  and  the  most  convenient  situa- 
tions, were  reserved  for  the  establishment  of  colonies  ;  some 
of  which  were  of  a  civil,  and  others  of  a  military  nature.  In 
their  manners  and  internal  policy,  the  colonies  formed  a  per- 
fect representation  of  their  great  parent  ;  and  they  were  soon 
endeared  to  the  natives  by  the  ties  of  friendship  and  alliance, 
they  effectually  diffused  a  reverence  for  the  Roman  name,  and 
a  desire,  which  was  seldom  disi^ipointed,  of  sharing,  in  due 
time,  its  honors  and  advantages.^-  The  municipal  cities  in- 
sensibly equalled  the  rank  and  splendor  of  the  colonies  ;  and 
in  the  reign  of  Hadrian,  it  was  disputed  which  was  the  prefer- 
able condition,  of  those  societies  which  had  issued  from,  or 
those  which  had  been  received  into,  the  bosom  of  Rome.^^ 
The  right  of  Latium,  as  it  was  called,*  conferred  on  the  cities 
to  which  it   had  been  granted,  a  more  partial   favor.     The 

"  Memnon  apud  Photium,  (c.  33,)  [c.  224,  p.  231,  ed.  Bekkcr.] 
Valor.  Maxim,  ix.  2.  Plutarch  and  Dion  Cassius  swell  the  massacre 
to  150,000  citizens;  but  I  should  esteem  the  smaller  number  to  be 
more  than  sufficient. 

^*  Twenty-five  colonies  were  settled  in  Spain,  (see  Plin.  Hist.  Nat. 
iii.  3,  4  ;  iv.  3.5  ;)  and  nine  in  Britain,  of  which  London,  Colchester, 
Lincoln,  Chester,  Gloucester,  and  Bath  still  remain  considerable 
cities.  (See  Ilichard  of  Cirencester,  p.  36,  and  Whittakcr's  History 
of  Manchester,  1.  i.  c.  3.) 

^  Aul.  Gel.  Noctes  Atticaj,  xvi.  13.  The  Emperor  Hadrian  ex- 
pressed his  surprise,  that  the  cities  of  Utica,  Gades,  and  Italica, 
which  already  enjoyed  the  rights  of  Municijna,  should  solicit  the  title 
of  colonies.  Their  example,  however,  became  fashionable,  and  the 
empire  was  tilled  with  honorary  colonies,  fciee  Spanheim,  de  Usu 
NumiBmatum  Dissertat.  xii. 


•  The  right  of  Latiura  conforred  an  exemption  from  the  goTernmeni  of 
the  Romiin  pr;efect.  Strabo  states  this  diatir.ctly,  1.  iv.  p.  295,  edit.  Caaaub 
S je  also  W  ilther,  p.  233.  —  M 


4'1  THE    DECi^INE    AND    FALL 

magistrates  only,  at  the  expiration  of  their  office,  assumed  thf 
quality  of  Roman  citizens ;  but  as  those  office^were  annual, 
in  a  few  5'ears  they  circulated  round  the  principal  families.^^ 
Those  of  the  provincials  who  were  permitted  to  bear  arms  in 
the  legions  ; 35  those  who  exercised  any  civil  employment; 
all,  in  a  word,  who  performed  any  public  service,  or  displayed 
any  personal  talents,  were  rewarded  with  a  present,  whose 
value  was  continually  diminished  by  the  increasing  liberality 
of  the  emperors.  Yet  even,  in  the  age  of  the  Antonines,  when 
he  freedom  of  the  city  had  been  bestowed  on  the  greater 
number  of  their  subjects,  it  was  still  accompanied  with  very 
solid  advantages.  The  bulk  of  the  people  acquired,  with  that 
title,  the  benefit,  of  the  Roman  laws,  particularly  in  the  inter- 
esting articles  of  marriage,  testaments,  and  inheritances;  and 
the  road  of  fortune  was  open  to  those  whose  pretensions  were 
seconded  by  favor  or  merit.  The  grandsons  of  the  Gauls, 
who  had  besieged  Julius  Coesar  in  Alecia,  commanded  legions, 
governed  provinces,  and  were  admitted  into  the  senate  of 
Rome. 3^  Their  ambition,  instead  of  disturbing  the  tranquillity 
of  the  state,  was  intimately  connected  with  its  safety  and 
greatness. 

So  sensible  were  the  Romans  of  the  influence  of  language 
over  national  manners,  that  it  was  their  most  serious  care  tcj 
extend,  with  the  progress  of  their  arms,  the  use  of  the  Latin 
tongue.^''  The  ancient  dialects  of  Italy,  the  Sabine,  the 
Etruscan,  and  the  Venetian,  sunk  into  oblivion  ;  but  in  the 
provinces,  the  east  was  less  docile  than  the  west  to  the  voice 
of  its  victorious  preceptors.  This  obvious  differerce  marked 
the  two  portions  of  the  empire  with  a  distinction  of  colors, 
which,  though  it  was  in  some  degree  concealed  during  the 
meridian  splendor  of  prosperity,  became  gradually  more  visi- 
ble, as  the  shades  of  night  descended  upon  the  Roman  world. 
The  western  countries  were  civilized  by  the  same  handa 
which  subdued  them.  As  soon  as  the  barbarians  were  recon 
oiled  to  obedience,  their  minds  were  opened  to  any  new  im 
pressions  of  knowledge  and  politeness.  The  language  of 
Virgil  and  Cicero,  though  with  some  inevitable  mixture  cf 
corruption,  was  so  universally  ado[)ted  in  Africa,  Spain,  (iaul, 

^*  Spanheim,  Orbis  Roman,  c.  8,  p.  62. 
"'^  Aristid.  in  Rointc  Encomio,  torn.  i.  p.  218,  edit.  Jebb. 
3«  Tacit.  Annal.  xi.  23,  24.     Hist.  iv.  74. 

'^  Soe  riin.  Hist.  Natur.  iii.  5.     Au^ustin    de  Ci\-itats  Dei,  xix.  7 
Lipsiua  do  Pronunciatione  Linguae  Latinije,  c.  3. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  4& 

Britain,  and  Pannonia,38  that  the  faint  traces  of  tlie  Punic  or 
Celtic  idioms  were  preserved  only  in  the  mountains,  or  among 
the  peasants. -^'-^  Education  and  study  insensibly  inspired  the 
natives  of  those  countries  with  the  sentiments  of  Romans  ; 
and  Italy  gave  fashions,  as  well  as  laws,  to  hor  L;ilin  i)rovin- 
cials.  They  solicited  with  more  ardor,  and  obtained  with 
more  facility,  the  freedom  and  honors  of  the  state  ;  support- 
ed the  national  dignity  in  letters'"^  and  in  arms;  and  at  length, 
in  the  person  of  Trajan,  produced  an  emperor  whom  the 
Sci}H0s  would  not  have  disowned  for  their  countryman.  Tlie 
situation  of  the  Greeks  was  very  different  from  that  of  th« 
barbarians.  The  former  had  been  long  since  civilized  and 
corrupted.  They  had  too  much  taste  to  relinquish  their  lan- 
guage, and  too  much  vanity  to  adopt  any  foreign  institutions. 
Still  preserving  the  prejudices,  after  they  had  lost  the  virtues, 
of  their  ancestors,  they  affected  to  despise  the  unpolished 
manners  of  the  Roman  conquerors,  whilst  they  were  com- 
pelled to  respect  their  superior  wisdom  and  power.'^i  Nor 
was  the  infkicnce  of  the  Grecian  language  and  sentiment.s 
confined  to  the  narrow  limits  of  that  once  celebrated  country. 
Their  empire,  by  the  progress  of  colonies  and  conquest,  had 
been  difllised  from  the  Adriatic  to  the  Euphrates  and  the 
Nile.     Asia   was   covered    with    Greek   cities,  and   the  long 

"^  Apuleius  and  Aiigustin  Avill  answer  for  Africa ;  Strabo  for  Spain 
nnd  Giiul ;  Tacitus,  in  the  life  of  A;^ricola,  for  Britain;  and  Yelleius 
Paterculus,  for  Paunonia.  To  them  we  may  add  the  language  of  tlie 
Inscriptions.* 

■"•  The  Celtic  was  preserved  in  the  mountains  of  Wales,  Cornwall 
and  Armorica.  We  may  observe,  that  Apuleius  reproaches  an  ^Vfri- 
can  youth,  who  lived  among  the  populace,  with  the  use  of  the  Punic  ; 
whilst  lie  had  almost  forgot  (ircek,  and  neither  could  nor  would  sj^cak 
J.atiu,  (Apolog.  p.  o96.)  The  greater  part  of  St.  Austin's  congrega- 
tions were  strangers  to  the  Punic. 

■"'  Spain  alone  produced  Columella,  the  Senecas,  Lucan,  Martial, 
and  (Juintilian. 

"'  There  is  not,  I  believe,  from  Dionysiiis  to  Libanius,  a  single 
Greek  critic  who  mentions  Virgil  or  Horace.  They  seem  ignorant 
tliat  ihe  Romans  had  any  good  writers. 


*  Mr.  Haltam  contests  this  assertion  as  regards  Britain.  "  Nor  did  the 
llomans  ever  ostalilish  their  language  —  I  know  not  whetlicr  they  wished 
to  do  so  —  in  this  iskuid,  as  we  iicrceive  by  that  stuliborn  British  tongue 
i^rliich  has  survived  twi,  conquests."  In  his  note,  Mr.  Hallam  examines 
ihe  passage  from  Tacitus  (Agric.  xxi.)  to  which  Giblion  refers.  It  merely 
asserts  the  progress  of  Latin  studies  among  the  higher  orders.  (MidiL 
Ages,  '.'.].  31 1.)  Probably  it  was  a  kind  of  court  language,  and  that  of  puU 
lie  atfaiis,  and  prevailed  in  the  Ituiiiari  colonies.  —  M. 


46  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALT. 


I 


reigii  of  tbo  Macedonian  kings  had  introduced  a  silent  revohh 
lion  into  Syria  and  Egypt.  In  their  pompous  courts,  those 
rinces  united  the  elegance  of  Athens  with  the  luxury  of  the 
'^ast,  and  the  example  of  the  court  was  imitated,  at  an  hum- 
ble distance,  by  the  higher  ranks  of  their  subjects.  Such 
was  the  general  division  of  the  Roman  empire  into  tiie  Latin 
and  Greek  languages.  To  these  we  may  add  a  third  distinc- 
ton  for  the  body  of  the  natives  in  Syria,  and  especially  in 
Egypt,  the  use  of  their  ancient  dialects,  by  secluding  them 
from  the  commerce  of  mankind,  checked  the  improvements  of 
those  barbarians.'*-  The  slothful  effeminacy  of  the  former 
exposed  them  to  the  contempt,  the  sullen  ferociousness  of  the 
latter  excited  the  aversion,  of  the  conquerors.^"^  Those  na- 
tions had  submitted  to  the  Roman  power,  but  they  seldom 
desired  or  deserved  the  freedom  of  the  city :  and  it  was 
remarked,  that  more  than  two  hundred  and  thirty  years 
elapsed  after  the  ruin  of  the  Ptolemies,  before  an  Egyptian 
was  admitted  into  the  senate  of  Rome.'*^ 

It  is  a  just  though  trite  observation,  that  victorious  Rome 
was  herselT  subdued  by  the  arts  of  Greece.  Those  immortal 
writers  who  still  command  the  admiration  of  modern  Europe, 
soon  became  the  favorite  object  of  study  and  imitation  in 
Italy  and  the  western  provinces.  But  the  elegant  amusements 
of  the  Romans  were  not  suffered  to  interfere  with  their  sound 
maxims  of  policy.  Whilst  they  acknowledged  the  charms  of 
the  Greek,  they  asserted  the  dignity  of  the  Latin  tongue,  and 
the  exclusive  use  of  the  latter  was  inflexibly  maintained  in 
the  administration  of  civil  as  well  as  military  government.''^ 
The  two  languages  exercised  at  the  same  time  their  separate 
jurisdiction  throughout  the  empire  :  the  former,  as  the  natural 
idiom  of  science  ;  the  latter,  as  the  legal  dialect  of  public 
transactions.     Those   who  united   letters  with  business  were 

■"'  The  curious  reader  may  Bce  in  Dupin,  (Bibliothcque  Eccler>ias- 
tique,  torn.  xix.  p.  1,  c.  8,)  how  much  the  use  of  the  Syriac  and 
Egyptian  languages  was  still  preserved. 

■**  See  Juvenal,  Sat.  iii.  and  xv.     Ajnmian.  Marcellin.  xxii.  16. 

**  Dion  Cassius,  1.  Ixxvii.  p.  1275.  The  first  instance  hai:pentd 
under  the  reign  of  Scptiniius  Severus. 

*^  See  Valerius  Maximus,  1.  ii.  c.  2,  n.  2.  The  emperoi  Claudius 
disfranchised  an  eminent  (irecian  for  not  u iiderstandiug  Latin.  He 
waa  probably  in  some  public  office.     Suetonius  in  Claud,  z.  16.* 


•  Causes  seem  ti)  hare  been  pleaded,  even  in  the  senate,  iu  both  l&n 
guages.     Val.  Max  loc. 'dt.     Dion.  1.  Ivii.  c.  15. — M. 


Of    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  47 

equally  conversant  with  both  ;  and  it  was  almost  imi-ossible, 
:n  any  province,  to  find  a  Roman  subject,  of  a  liberal  educa- 
tion, who  was  at  once  a  stranger  to  the  Greek  and  to  the 
Latin  language. 

It  was  by  such  institutions  that  the  nations  of  the  empire 
insensibly  melted  away  into  the  Roman  name  and  people, 
liut  there  still  remained,  in  the  centre  of  every  province 
and  of  every  family,  an  unhappy  condition  of  men  who 
endured  the  weight,  without  sharing  the  benefits,  of  society. 
In  the  free  states  of  antiquity,  the  domestic  slaves  were 
exposed  to  the  wanton  rigor  of  despotism.  The  perfect  set- 
tlement of  the  Roman  empire  was  preceded  by  ages  of 
violence  and  rapine.  The  slaves  consisted,  for  the  most  part 
of  barbarian  captives,*  taken  in  thousands  by  the  chance  of 
war,  purchased  at  a  vile  price,'^'^  accustomed  to  a  life  of  inde 
pendence,  and  impatient  to  break  and  to  revenge  tlieir  fetters. 

*^  In  the  camp  of  Lucullus,  an  ox  sold  for  a  drachma,  and  a  slavo 
for  four  drachmae,  or  about  three  shillings.  Plutarch,  in  Lucull. 
p  580.t 

*  It  was  this  which  rendered  the  wars  so  sanguinary,  and  the  battles  so 
obstinate.  The  immortal  liobcrtsou,  in  an  excellent  discourse  on  the  state 
of  the  world  at  the  period  of  the  establishment  of  Christianity,  has  traced 
a  picture  of  the  melancholy  efl'ects  of  slavery,  in  which  we  find  all  the 
depth  of  his  views  and  the  strength  of  his  mind.  I  shall  oppose  succes- 
sively some  passages  to  the  reflectionF  of  Gibbon.  The  reader  will  see,  not 
without  interest,  the  truths  wliich  Gibbon  appears  to  have  mistaken  or 
voluntarily  neglected,  developed  by  one  of  the  best  of  modern  historians. 
It  is  important  to  call  them  to  mind  here,  in  order  to  establish  the  facts 
and  their  consequences  with  accuracy.  I  shall  more  than  once  have  occa- 
sion to  employ,  for  this  purpose,  the  discourse  of  Robertson. 

"  Captives  taken  in  war  were,  in  all  probability,  the  first  persons  Rub- 
jected  to  perpetual  servitude  ;  and,  when  the  necessities  or  luxury  of  man- 
kind increased  the  demand  for  slaves,  every  new  war  recruited  their 
number,  by  reducing  the  van(iui.shed  to  that  wretched  condition.  Hence 
proceeded  the  fierce  and  desperate  spirit  with  which  wars  were  carried  on 
among  ancient  nations.  While  chains  and  slavery  were  the  certain  lot  of 
the  conquered,  battles  were  fought,  and  towns  defended,  with  a  rage  and 
obstinacy  which  nothing  but  horror  at  such  a  fate  could  have  inspired; 
but,  bv  putting  an  end  to  the  cruel  institution  of  slavery,  Christianity  ex- 
teiulcd  its  mild  influences  to  the  practice  of  war,  and  that  barbarous  art, 
softened  by  its  humane  spirit,  ceased  to  be  so  destructive.  Secure,  in 
cveiy  event,  of  personal  liberty,  the  resistance  of  the  vanquished  became 
less  obstinate,  and  tlie  triumph  of  the  victor  less  cruel.  Thus  humanity 
was  introduced  into  the  c.Kcrcise  of  war,  with  which  it  appears  to  be  almost 
incompatible  ;  and  it  is  to  the  merciful  ma.xims  of  Christianity,  much  more 
than  to  any  other  ca  isc,  that  we  must  ascribe  the  little  ferocity  and  blood- 
thed  which  accompany  modern  victories."  —  G. 

t  Above  100,000  prisoners  were  taken  in  the  Jewish  war.  —  G.  Hist,  of 
Jews,  iii.  71.  According  to  a  tradition  i)reserved  bv  S.  Jcrom,  after  the 
«isuirection  in  the  time  of  Hadrian,  lliey  were  sold  as  cheap  as  horses 


48  '  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

Against  such,  internal  enemies,  whose  desperate  insurrections 
had  more  than  once  reduced  the  republic  to  the  brink  of 
destruction/^  the  most  severe*  regulations,*^  and  the  most 
cruel  treatment,  seemed  almost  justified  by  the  great  law  of 

^^  Diodorus  Siculus  in  Eclog.  Hist.  1.  xxxiv.  and  xxxvi.     Floras, 
iii.  19,  90. 

*8  See  a  remarkable  instance  of  severity  in  Cicero  in  Verrem,  v.  3. 


Jbid.  124.  Compare  Blair  on  Roman  Slavery,  p.  19. — M.,  and  Bureau  de 
la  Malle,  Economie  Politique  des  Romains,  1.  i.  c.  15.  But  I  cannot  think 
that  this  writer  has  made  out  his  f  ise  as  to  the  common  price  of  an  agri- 
cultural slave  being  from  2000  to  2o00  francs,  (80Z.  to  lOOi!.)  lie  has  over- 
looked the  passages  which  show  the  ordinary  prices,  (i.  e.  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  vii. 
45,)  and  argued  from  extraordinary  and  exceptional  cases.  —  M.  1845. 

*  The  following  is  the  example  :  we  shall  sec  whether  the  word  "  severe  " 
is  here  in  its  place.  "  At  the  time  in  which  L.  Domitius  was  pra;tor  in 
Sicily,  a  slave  killed  a  wild  boar  of  extraordinary  size.  The  praetor,  struck 
by  the  dexterity  and  courage  of  the  man,  desired  to  see  him.  'J'he  poor 
wretch,  highly  gratified  with  the  distinction,  came  to  present  himself  before 
the  praitor,  in  hopes,  no  doubt,  of  praise  and  reward  ;  but  Domitius,  on 
learning  that  he  had  only  a  javelin  to  attack  and  kill  the  boar,  ordered  him 
to  be  instantly  crucified,  under  the  barbarous  pretext  that  the  law  pro- 
hibited the  use  of  this  weapon,  as  of  all  others,  to  slaves."  Perhaps  the 
cruelty  of  Domitius  is  less  astonishing  than  the  indifference  with  which 
the  Roman  orator  relates  this  circumstance,  which  affects  him  so  little  that 
he  thus  expresses  himself:  "  Durum  hoc  fortasse  videatur,  neque  ego  in 
nllam  partem  disputo-"  "  This  may  appear  harsh,  nor  do  I  give  any 
opinion  on  the  subject."  And  it  is  the  same  orator  who  exclaims,  in  the 
same  oration,  "  Facinus  est  cruciare  civem  Romanum  ;  scelus  verberare  ; 
prope  parricidium  necare  :  quid  dicam  in  crucem  tollere  ?  "  "  It  is  a  crime 
to  imprison  a  Roman  citizen  ;  wickedness  to  scourge ;  next  to  parricide  to 
put  to  death  ;  what  shall  I  call  it  to  crucify  ?  " 

In  general,  this  ])assage  of  Gibbon  on  slavery,  is  full,  not  only  of  blamable 
indifference,  but  of  an  exaggeration  of  impartiality  which  resembles  dis- 
honesty. Ho  endeavors  to  extenuate  all  that  is  appalling  in  the  condition 
and  treatment  of  the  slaves  ;  he  would  make  us  consider  these  cruelties  as 
possibly  "justified  by  necessity."  He  then  describes,  with  minute  accuracv, 
the  slightest  mitigations  of  their  deplorable  condition  ;  he  attributes  to  the 
virtue  or  the  policy  of  the  emperors  the  progressive  amelioration  in  the  lot 
of  the  slaves  ;  and  he  passes  over  in  silence  the  most  influential  cause, 
that  which,  after  rendering  the  slaves  less  miserable,  has  contributed  at 
length  entirely  to  enfranchise  them  from  their  sufferings  and  then  chains 
—  Christianity.  It  would  be  easy  to  accumulate  the  most  frightful,  the 
most  agonizing  details,  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Romans  treated  their 
slaves:  whole  works  have  been  devoted  to  the  description.  I  content 
myself  with  referring  to  them.  Scmie  reflections  of  Robertson,  taken  from 
the  discourse  already  quoted,  will  make  us  feel  that  Gibbon,  in  tracing  the 
mitigation  of  the  condition  of  the  sl:vves,  up  to  a  period  little  later  than 
that  which  witnessed  the  establishment  of  Christianity  in  the  world,  could 
not  have  avoided  the  acknowledgment  of  the  influence  of  that  benelicent 
cause,  if  he  had  not  already  determined  not  to  speak  of  it. 

"  Upon  establishing  despotic  government  in  the  Roman  empire,  domestic? 
tyranny  rose,  in  a  short  time,  to  an  astonishing  height.  In  that  rank  soil, 
every  vice,  which  power  nourishes  in  the  great,  or  oppression  engenders  in 
the  mean,  thrived  and  grew  up  apace.  *  *  *  It  is  not  the  authority  of  any 
single  detached  precept  in  the  gospel,  but  the  spirit  and  genius  of  the 


OF    THE    ROMAN    KMPHIE.  49 

self-preservation.  Rut  when  the  principal  nations  of  Europe, 
Asia,  and  Africa  were  united  under  tiie  laws  of  one  sovereigii, 
►.lie  source  of  foreijjn  su|)plics  flowed  with  much  less  abun- 
dance, and  the  Romans  were  reduced  to  the  milder  but  more 
tedious  method  of  propagation.*  In  their  numerous  families, 
und  particularly  in  their  country  estates,  they  encouraged  the 
riiairiage  of   their   slaves.!     The  sentuucnts  of   nature,  Ihe 

Ouistian  religion,  more  powerful  than  any  particular  command,  whioli 
hath  abolished  the  practice  of  slavery  throughout  the  world.  The  temper 
which  Christianity  inspired  was  mild  and  gentle ;  and  the  doctrines  it 
taught  added  such  dignity  and  lustre  to  human  nature,  as  rescued  it  from 
the  dishonorable  servitude  into  which  it  was  sunk." 

It  is  in  vain,  then,  that  Gibbon  pretends  to  attribute  solely  to  the  desire 
of  keeping  \ip  the  number  of  slaves,  the  milder  conduct  which  the  Romans 
began  to  adopt  in  their  favor  at  the  time  of  the  emperors.  This  cause  had 
hitherto  acted  in  an  opposite  direction  ;  how  came  it  on  a  sudden  to  have 
i  difiercnt  influence  ?  "  The  masters,"  he  says,  "  encouraged  the  mar- 
riage of  their  slaves  ;  *  *  *  the  sentiments  of  nature,  the  habits  of  edu- 
cation, contributed  to  aiieviate  the  hardships  of  servitude."  The  children 
of  slaves  were  the  property  of  their  master,  who  could  dispose  of  or 
alienate  them  like  the  reat  of  his  property.  Is  it  in  such  a  situation,  vn*}) 
such  notions,  that  the  sentiments  of  nature  unfold  themselves,  or  habit  > 
of  education  become  mild  and  peaceful  ?  We  must  not  attribute  to  causes 
inadequate  or  altogetlier  without  force,  effects  which  reciuirc  to  explain 
them  a  reference  to  more  influential  causes  ;  and  even  if  these  slighte 
causes  had  in  cft'ect  a  manifest  influence,  we  must  not  forget  that  they  ar 
themselves  the  effect  of  a  primary,  a  higher,  and  more  extensive  cause, 
which,  in  giving  to  the  mind  and  to  the  character  a  more  disinterested 
and  more  humane  bias,  disposed  men  to  second  or  themselves  to  advance, 
by  their  conduct,  and  by  the  change  of  manners,  the  happy  results  which 
it  tended  to  produce.  —  G. 

I  have  retained  the  whole  of  M.  Guizot's  note,  though,  in  his  zeal  for  the 
invaluable  blessings  of  freedom  and  Christianity,  he  has  done  Gibbon 
injustice.  The  condition  of  the  slaves  was  undoubtedly  improved  under 
the  emperors.  What  a  great  authority  has  said,  "The  condition  of  a 
slave  is  better  under  an  arbitrary  than  under  a  free  government,"  (Smith's 
Wealth  of  Nations,  iv.  7,)  is,  I  believe,  supported  by  the  history  of  all  age.* 
nnd  nations.  The  protecting  edicts  of  Hadrian  and  the  Antonines  ai 
historical  facts,  and  can  as  little  be  attributed  to  the  influence  of  Christ, 
anity,  as  the  milder  language  of  heathen  writers,  of  Seneca,  (particularly 
Ep.  47,)  of  Pliny,  and  of  Plutarch.  The  latter  influence  of  Christianity  is 
admitted  by  Gibbon  himself.  The  subject  of  lionian  slavery  lias  recently 
been  investigated  with  great  diligence  in  a  very  modest  but  valuable  vol- 
ume, by  W'm.  Hlair,  Kscj.,  Edin.  1833.  May  we  be  permitted,  while  on  tlie 
subject,  to  refer  to  the  most  splendid  passage  extant  of  Mr.  Pitt's  clociuer.c", 
the  description  of  the  Pioman  slivr'-dealer  on  the  shores  of  Britain,  con- 
densiung  the  island  to  irreclaimable  barbarism,  as  a  perpetual  and  prolific 
nursery  of  slaves  .'     Speeches,  vol.  ii.  p.  80. 

Gibbon,  it  should  be  added,  was  one  of  the  first  and  most  consistrnt 
opponents  of  the  African  slave-trade.  (See  Hist.  ch.  xxv.  and  Letters  to 
Lord  Siieffie-.d,  Misc.  Works.)— M. 

•  An  active  slave-trade,  wliich  was  carried  on  in  many  (piartcrs,  parfxu 
larly  the  Euxine,  the  eastern  provinces,  the  coast  of  Africa,  and  Britain, 
must  be  taken  into  the  account.     Blair,  2'3 — 32.  —  M. 

t  'I'he  llomans,  as  well  in  the  first  ayes  of  the  republic  as  later,  allowfxJ 
.^  * 


50  THE    DECLINE    AND    fALL 

habits  of  education,  and  the  possession  of  a  dependent  species 
of  property,  contributed  to  alleviate  the  hardships  of  serv- 
tude.''^  The  existence  of  a  slave  became  an  object  of  greater 
value,  and  though  his  happiness  still  depended  on  the  temper 
and  circumstances  of  the  master,  the  humanity  of  the  latter, 
instead  of  being  restrained  by  fear,  was  encouraged  by  the 
lense  of  his  own  interest.  The  progress  of  manners  was 
accslerated  by  the  virtue  or  policy  of  the  emperors;  and  by 
the  edicts  of  Hadrian  and  the  Antonines,  the  protection  of 
tlie  laws  was  extended  to  the  most  abject  part  of  mankind. 
The  jurisdiction  of  life  and  death  over  the  slaves,  a  power 
long  exercised  and  often  abused,  was  taken  out  of  private 
hands,  and  reserved  to  the  magistrates  alone.  The  subterra- 
neous prisons  were  abolished  ;  and,  upon  a  just  complaint  of 
intolerable  treatment,  the  injured  slave  obtained  either  his 
deliverance,  or  a  less"  cruel  master.^" 

Hope,  the  best  comfort  of  our  imperfect  condition,  was  not 
denied  to  the  Roman  slave  ;  and  if  he  had  any  opportunity 
of  rendering  himself  either  useful  or  agreeable,  he  might  very 
naturally  expect  that  the  diligence  and  fidelity  of  a  few  years 
would  be  rewarded  with  the  inestimable  gift  of  freedom.  The 
benevolence  of  the  master  was  so  frequently  prompted  by  the 
meaner  suggestions  of  vanity  and  avarice,  that  the  laws  found 
it  more  necessary  to  restrain  than  to  encourage  a  profuse  and 
undistinguishing  liberality,  which  might  degenerate  into  a  very 
dangerous  abuse. ^^     It  was  a  maxim  of  ancient  jurisprudence, 

*''  See  in  Gruter,  and  the  other  collectors,  a  great  number  of 
inscriptions  addressed  by  slaves  to  their  wives,  children,  icllow-ser- 
rants,  masters,  &c.     They  are  all,  most  probably,  of  the  Imperial  age. 

^"  See  the  Augustan  History,  and  a  Dissertation  of  M.  de  Burigny, 
in  the  xxxvth  volume  of  the  Academy  of  Inscriptions,  upon  the  Ro- 
man slaves. 

*'  See  another  Dissertation  of  M.  de  Burigny,  in  the  xxxviith  vo'  • 
ume,  on  the  Koraan  freedmcn. 


to  their  slaves  a  kind  of  marriage,  (contiibernium  ;)  notwithstanding  thii^ 
luxury  made  a  greater  number  of  slaves  in  demand.  The  increase  in  ttic'i 
population  was  not  sufficient,  and  recourse  was  had  to  tlie  p\ircliase  .  f 
Blavea,  wliich  was  made  even  in  the  provinces  of  the  East  subject  to  Ui! 
n  mians.  It  is,  moreover,  known  th:it  slavery  is  a  state  little  i'avoiable  to 
population.  (!See  Hume's  Essay,  and  Malthus  on  Pojiulation,  i.  [i'M.  —  (i.l 
The  testimony  of  Aiipian  (B.  ('.  1.  i.  c.  7)  is  decisive  in  favor  of  the  rai)ia 
IiiuUiplication  of  the  agricultural  slaves;  it  is  confirmed  bv  the  nunil)»rs 
engaged  in  the  servile  wars.  Compare  also  Blair,  p.  119;  likewise  CiJu 
mellu  de  Uc  Rust.  1.  viii.-    M. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  51 

ihat  a  slave  had  not  any  country  of  his  own  ,  he  acquired 
with  his  Uborty  an  admission  into  the  poHtical  societ}' ot' which 
his  patron  was  a  meml)or.  The  consequences  of  this  maxim 
would  have  prostituted  the  privileges  of  the  Roman  city  to  a 
mean  and  promiscuous  multitude.  Some  seasonable  excop- 
.ions  were  therefore  provided  ;  and  the  honorable  distinction 
was  confined  to  such  slaves  only  as,  for  just  causes,  and  witK 
the  approbation  of  the  magistrate,  should  receive  a  solemn  and 
legal  manumission.  Even  these  chosen  freedmen  obtained  no 
more  than  the  private  rights  of  citizens,  and  were  rigorously 
excluded  from  civil  or  military  honors.  Whatever  rriight  be 
the  merit  or  fortune  of  their  sons,  iAc^/ likewise  were  esteemed 
unworthy  of  a  seat  in  the  senate  ;  nor  were  the  traces  of  a 
servile  origin  allowed  to  be  completely  obHterated  till  the 
third  or  finirlh  generation.^-  Without  destroying  the  distinc- 
tion of  ranks,  a  distant  prospect  of  freedom  and  honors  was 
presented,  even  to  those  whom  pride  and  prejudice  almost 
disdained  to  number  among  the  human  species. 

It  was  once  proposed  to  discriminate  the  slaves  by  a  peculiar 
habit  ;  but  it  was  justly  apprehended  that  there  might  be  some 
janger  in  acquainting  them  with  their  own  numbers.^^  With- 
out interpreting,  in  thciir  utmost  strictness,  the  liberal  appella- 
tions of  legions  and  myriads,^"*  we  may  venture  to  pronounce, 
lliat  the  i)roportion  of  slaves,  who  were  valued  as  property, 
was  more  considerable  than  that  of  servants,  who  can  be 
computed  only  as  an  expense.^^  The  youths  of  a  promising 
genius  were  instructed  in  the  arts  and  sciences,  and  their  price 
was  ascertained  by  the  degree  of  their  skill  and  talents.^ 
Almost  every  profession,  either  liberal^''  or  meclianical,  might 

*■-  Spanheim,  Orbis  lloman.  1.  i.  c.  16,  p.  124,  &c. 

*'  Scjucca  de  Clcmentiii,  1.  i.  c.  24.  The  original  is  much  stronger, 
"  (iuantiuu  pcriculura  imniinerct  si  servi  nostri  nuincrare  nos 
C'Oppisseiit." 

*■'  Sec  I'liny  (Hist.  Natiir.  1.  xxxiii.)  and  Athcnaeus  (Deipnosopliist. 
1.  vi.  p.  272.)  The  latter  boldly  assorts,  that  he  knew  very  many 
(luunukAcii)  Romans  who  ])ossessed,  not  for  use,  but  ostentati m,  ten 
and  even  twenty  tliousand  slaves. 

*^  In  Paris  there  arc  not  more  than  43,700  domestics  of  every  sort., 
and  not  a  twelfth  part  of  the  inhabitants.  Messango,  licchcrclics  sui 
lb  I'opulation,  p.  18{j. 

'*  .V  learned  slave  sold  for  many  hundred  pounds  sterling  :  Atli- 
eus  always  bred  and  taught  them  himself.  Cornel.  Nepos  in  Vit.  c. 
13,    [on  the  prices  of  slaves,     lihiir,  149.]  —  M. 

"  Many  of  the  Roman  i)hysicians  were  slaves.  Sec  Dr.  Middletoa'g 
Dissertation  and  Defence. 


52  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

be  found  in  the  household  of  an  opulent  senator.  The  min* 
isters  of  pomp  and  sensual. ty  were  multiplied  beyond  the  con- 
ception of  modern  luxury. ^^  It  was  more  for  the  interest  cf 
the  merchant  or  manuflicturer  to  purchase,  than  to  hire  hiS 
workmen ;  and  in  the  country,  slaves  were  employed  as  the 
cheapest  and  most  laborious  instruments  of  agriculture.  To 
confirm  the  general  observation,  and  to  display  the  multitude 
of  slaves,  we  might  allege  a  variety  of  particular  mstances. 
It  was  discovered,  on  a  very  melancholy  occasion,  that  four 
hundred  slaves  were  maintained  in  a  single  palace  of  Rome."^ 
The  same  number  of  four  hundred  belonged  to  an  estate 
which  an  African  widow,  of  a  very  private  condition,  resigned 
to  her  son,  whilst  she  reserved  for  herself  a  much  larger  share 
of  her  property.*^"  A  freedman,  under  the  reign  of  Augustus, 
though  his  fortune  had  sutTered  great  losses  in  the  civil  wars, 
left  behind  him  three  thousand  six  hundred  yoke  of  oxen,  two 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  head  of  smaller  cattle,  and  what 
was  almost  included  in  the  description  of  cattle,  four  thousand 
one  hundred  and  sixteen  slaves.''! 

The  number  of  subjects  who  acknowledged  the  laws  of 
Rome,  of  citizens,  of  provincials,  and  of  slaves,  cannot  now 
be  lixed  with  such  a  degree  of  accuracy,  as  the  importance 
of  the  object  would  deserve.  We  are  informed,  that  when 
the  Emperor  Claudius  excrcjiscd  the  ofTice  of  censor,  he  took 
an  account  of  six  millions  nine  hundred  and  forty-five  tliousand 
Roman  citizens,  who,  with  the  proportion  of  women  and 
children,  must  have  amounted  to  about  twenty  millions  of 
Bouls.  The  multitude  of  subjects  of  an  inferiu.  rank  wan 
uncertain  and  fluctuating.  But,  after  weighing  with  attention 
every  circumstance  which  could  influence  the  balance,  it 
seems  probable,  that  there  existed,  in  the  time  of  Claudius, 
about  twice  as  many  provincials  as  there  were  citizens,  of 
either  sex,  and  of  every  age  ;  and  that  the  slaves  were  at 
least  equal  in  number  to  the  free   inhabitants  of  the   Roman 

'*  Their  ranks  and  offices  are  ver-  copiously  enumerated  by  Pig- 
iiorius  de  Scrvis. 

*'  Tacit.  Annal.  xiv.  43.  They  were  all  executed  for  not  prevenl. 
big  their  master's  murder.* 

*"  Ajiuleius  in  Apolo^.  p.  548,  edit.  Dclphin. 

<"  Pliii.  Hist.  Natur.  1.  xxxiii.  47. 


*  The  remarkable  speech  of  Cassias  shows  the  proud  yet  api  rcheEsiT** 
fpt^lings  of  the  lloinau  aristocracy  ou  this  subject.  —  M 


OF    TIIF.    nOM.iN    EMPIRE.  5.3 

ivorld.*  The  total  amount  of  this  imperfctit  calculation 
wouid  rise  to  about  one  hunclred  ami  twcmiy  millions  of  per- 
sons ;  a  degree  of  |)0[)iihition  which  possibly  exceeds  that  of 
modern  Europe,'*-  and  forms  the  most  numerous  society  that 
has  ever  been  united  under  the  same  system  of  government. 

^'^  Compute  twenty  millions  in  France,  twenty-two  in  Germany, 
Ibur  iu  lla;igary,  ten  in  Italy  with  its  islands,  eight  iu  Great  Uiitaiu 
End  Ireland,  eight  in  Spain  and  Portugal,  ten  or  twelve  in  the  Euio- 
pean  Russia,  six  in  Poland,  six  in  Greece  and  Turkey,  four  in  Swe- 
den, three  iu  Denmark  and  Norway,  lour  in  the  Low  Countries.  The 
whole  would  amount  to  one  hundred  and  live,  or  one  hundred  and 
Beven  uiiilions.     See  Voltaire,  do  I'Histoire  Generale.t 


*  According  to  Robertson,  there  were  twice  as  many  slaves  as  free  citi- 
zens.—  G.  Mr.  Blair  (;>.  lo)  estimates  three  slaves  to  one  freeina!i,  be- 
tween the  con((uost  of  Greece,  B.  C.  14G,  and  tlie  reign  of  Alexander 
Severus,  A..  1).  212,  23-5.  The  proportion  was  probably  lar<;er  in  Italy  than  in 
the  provinces.  —  M.  On  the  other  hand,  Zumpt,  in  his  Dissertation  (luoted 
below,  (p.  86,)  asserts  it  to  be  a  "gross  error  in  (ribbon  to  rei'kon  the 
number  of  slaves  equal  to  that  of  the  free  population.  The  luxury  ;ind 
magnificence  of  the  great,  (he  observes,)  at  the  coniinencenient  of  tl. ; 
empire,  must  not  be  taken  as  tlie  groundwork  of  calcubitions  for  the  whole 
Iloman  world.  The  agricultural  laborer,  and  the  urtisasi,  in  Sjjain,  Oaid, 
Britain,  Syria,  and  Ei!;yi)t,  maintained  himself,  as  in  the  present  day,  by 
his  own  labor  and  tliat  of  his  househokl,  without  possessinu;  a  simjle 
slave."  The  latter  part  of  my  note  was  intended  to  sugt^est  this  con-iid- 
eration.  Yet  so  completely  was  slavery  rooted  in  the  social  systc>ni,  both 
in  the  east  and  the  west,  that,  in  tlu'  great  ditfu-iion  of  wealth  at  lliis  time, 
every  one,  I  doubt  iiot,  vvho  could  alford  a  domestic  shive,  ke|>t  one;  and 
generally,  the  number  of  slaves  was  in  ])roport)oii  to  the  wealth.  I  do  not 
believe  that  the  cultivatiou  of  the  soil  by  slaves  was  eoutiu'"J  to  Italy;  the 
holders  of  large  estates  in  tlie  provinces  wouhl  probably,  eitner  from  clioite 
or  necessity,  adopt  the  same  mode  of  cultivatiou.  The  latifuiulia,  says 
Pliny,  had  ruined  Italy,  and  liad  begun  to  ruin  the  provinces.  Slaves  were 
no  doubt  employed  in  agricultural  labor  to  a  threat  extent  in  Sicily,  and 
were  the  estates  of  those  six  enormous  landholders  who  were  said  to  have 
possessed  the  whole  province  of  Africa,  cultivated  altogether  by  free  colo- 
ni  ?  Whatever  may  have  been  the  case  in  the  rural  districts,  in  the  towns 
and  cities  tlie  household  duties  were  almost  entirely  discharged  by  slaves, 
and  vast  numbers  belonged  to  the  public  establishments.  I  do  not,  how- 
ever, dilfer  so  far  from  Zumpt,  and  from  M.  Dureau  de  la  Malic,  as  to 
adopt  the  higher  and  bolder  estimate  of  Robertson  and  Mr.  Blair,  rather 
than  the  more  cautious  suEfgcstions  of  (iibbon.  I  would  reduce  rather  than 
increase  the  proportion  of  the  slave  population.  The  very  intjenious  and 
elaborate  calculations  of  the  French  writer,  by  which  he  deduces  the 
amount  of  tlic  population  from  the  produce  and  consumption  of  corn  in 
Itiily,  appear  to  me  neither  precise  nor  satisfactory  bases  for  such  conipii- 
catod  political  arithmetic.  I  am  least  satisfied  with  his  views  as  to  the 
popul  ition  of  ttie  city  of  Rome ;  but  this  point  will  be  more  fitly  reserved 
Jor  a  note  on  the  thirty-first  chajitcr  of  Gibbon.  The  work,  however,  of 
M.  Dureau  de  la  Malic  is  very  curious  and  full  on  some  of  the  minuter 
points  of  Koman  statistics.  —  M.  184o. 

■*■  The  present  population  of  I'hirope  is  estimated  at  227,700,000.  Malte 
6rau,  Geogr.  Trans,   edit.   1832.      See    details  iu  tlie  dili'crcut  voluinftM 


54  THK    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

Domestic  peace  and  union  were  the  natural  consequences 
of  the  moderate  and  comprehensive  pohcy  embraced  by  the 

Auothei  authority,  (Almanach  de  Gotha,)  quoted  in  a  recent  English  pub- 
lication, gives  the  following  details  :  — 

France 32,897,521 

Germanv,  (including  Hungary,  Prussian  and  Austrian  Poland,)  56,136,213 

Italy,  .  ' 20,548,616 

Great  Britain  and  Ireland, 24,062,947 

Spain  and  Portugal, '    *    j  ^IfuS 

E-assia,  including  Poland, 441220,600 

Cracow, 128,480 

Turkey,  (including  Pachalic  of  Dschesair,) 9,545,300 

Greece, 637,700 

Ionian  Islands, 208,100 

Sweden  and  Norway, 3,914,963 

Denmark, 2,012,998 

Belgium 3,533,538 

Holland 2,444,550 

Switzerland, 1,985,000 

_jyj  Total,  219,344,116 

Since  the  publication  of  my  first  annotated  edition  of  Gibbon,  the  sub 
j»  ct  of  the  population  of  the  Roman  empire  has  been  investigated  by  two 
writers  df  great  industry  and  learning;  Mons.  Bureau  de  la  Malle,  in  his 
Economic  Politique  des  Roniains,  liv.  ii.  c.  1  to  8,  and  M.  Zumpt,  in  a  dis- 
sertation printed  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Berlin  Academy,  1840.  M. 
Dureau  de  la  Malle  confines  his  inquiry  almost  entirely  to  the  city  of 
Home,  and  Roman  Italy.  Zumpt  examines  at  greater  length  the  axiom, 
which  he  supposes  to  have  been  assumed  by  Gibbon  as  unquestionable, 
"  that  Italy  and  the  Roman  world  was  never  so  populous  as  in  the  time 
of  the  Antonines."  Though  this  probably  was  Gibbon's  opinion,  he  has 
not  stated  it  so  pt  remptorily  as  asserted  by  M.  Zumpt.  It  had  before  been 
expressly  laid  down  by  Hume,  and  his  statement  was  controverted  by 
Wallace  and  by  Malthus.  Gibbon  says  (p.  84)  tliat  there  is  no  reason  to 
believe  the  country  (of  Italy)  less  populous  in  the  age  of  the  Antoninei;, 
than  in  that  of  Romulus  ;  and  Zumpt  acknowledges  that  we  have  no  sat- 
isfactory knowledge  of  the  state  of  Italy  at  that  early  age.  Zumpt,  in  my 
opinion  with  some  reason,  takes  the  period  just  before  the  first  Punic  war, 
as  that  in  which  Roman  Italy  (all  south  of  the  Rubicon)  was  most  popu- 
lous. From  that  time,  the  numbers  began  to  diminish,  at  first  from  the 
enormous  waste  of  life  out  of  the  free  population  in  the  foreign,  and  after- 
wards in  the  civil  wars ;  from  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  by  slaves  ;  towards 
the  close  of  the  republic,  from  the  repugnance  to  m.arriage,  which  resisted 
alike  the  dread  of  legal  punishment  and  the  offer  of  legal  immunity  and 
privilege  ;  and  from  the  depravity  of  manners,  which  ii-.terfcre<l  with  the 
procreation,  the  birth,  and  the  rearing  of  children.  The  arguments  and 
the  authorities  of  Zumpt  are  equally  conclusive  as  tc  the  decline  of  jiopu- 
lation  in  Greece.  Still  the  details,  which  he  himself  adduces  as  to  th* 
prosjjerity  and  populousness  of  Asia  Minor,  and  the  whole  of  the  Roma 
East,  with  the  advancement- of  the  European  provinces,  esjiecially  (iau 
Spain,  and  Britain,  in  civilization,  and  therefore  in  populousness,  (for 
have  no  confidence  in  the  vast  numbers  sometimes  assigned  to  the  bai 
barous  inhabitants  of  these  countries,)  may,  I  think,  fairly  compensate  fol 
Btiy  deduction  to  be  made  from  (Jibhnn's  general  estimate  en  f  ccouiit  of 
Greece  and  Italy.  Gilibon  himself  acknowledges  his  own  estimate  to  bo 
"ague  and  conjectural;  and  I  may  venture  to  recommend  the  (llsscrtatiBO 
■»f  Zumpt,  as  (leservmg  resp<;ctful  consideration.  -    M.  1845 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  55 

Romans.  If  we  turn  our  eyes  towards  the  monarchies  of 
Asia,  we  shall  behold  despotism  in  the  centre,  and  weakness 
in  the  extremities  ;  the  collection  of  the  revenue,  or  the  ad- 
ministration of  justice,  enforced  by  the  presence  of  an  army; 
hostile  barbarians  established  in  the  heart  of  the  country, 
hereditary  satraps  usurping  the  dominion  of  the  provinces, 
and  subjects  inclined  to  rebellion,  though  incapable  of  free- 
dom. But  the  obedience  of  the  Roman  world  was  uniform, 
voluntary,  and  permanent.  The  vanquished  nations,  blended 
iiito  one  great  people,  resigned  the  hope,  nay,  even  the  wish, 
of  resuming  their  independence,  and  scarcely  considered  their 
own  existence  as  distinct  from  the  existence  of  Rome.  The 
established  authority  of  the  emperors  pervaded  without  an 
effort  the  wide  extent  of  their  dominions,  and  was  exercised 
with  the  same  facility  on  the  banks  of  the  Thames,  or  of  the 
Nile,  as  on  those  of  the  Tyber.  The  legions  were  destined 
to  serve  against  the  public  enemy,  and  the  civil  magistrate 
seldom  required  the  aid  of  a  military  force.'^"'  In  this  state  of 
general  security,  the  leisure,  as  well  as  opulence,  both  of  the 
prince  and  people,  were  devoted  to  improve  and  to  adorn  the 
Roman  empire. 

Among  the  innumerable  monuments  of  architecture  con- 
Ftructed  by  the  Romans,  how  many  have  escaped  the  notice 
of  history,  how  few  have  resisted  the  ravages  of  Time  and 
barbarism  !  And  yet,  even  the  majestic  ruins  that  are  still 
scattered  over  Italy  and  the  provinces,  would  be  sufficient  to 
prove  that  those  countries  were  once  the  seat  of  a  polite  and 
powerful  empire.  Their  greatness  alone,  or  their  beauty, 
might  deserve  our  attention :  but  they  are  rendered  more  in- 
teresting, by  two  important  circumstances,  which  connect  the 
agreeable  history  of  the  arts  with  the  more  useful  history  of 
human  manners.  Many  of  those  works  were  erected  at  pri- 
vate expense,  and  almost  all  were  intended  for  public  benefit. 

It  is  natural  to  suppose  that  the  greatest  number,  as  well  as 
tlie  most  considerable  of  the  Roman  edifices,  were  raised  by 
the  emperors,  who  possessed  so  unbounded  a  command  both 
i»f  men  and  money.  Augustus  was  accustomed  to  boast  tha^ 
he  had  found  his  capital  of  brick,  and  that  he  had  left  it  of 
marble.*^"*     The  strict  economy  of  Vespasian  was  the  source 

*•■  Joseph,  dc  licll.  Judaico.  1.  ii.  c.  IG.  The  orition  of  Agrippa. 
or  rather  of  the  historian,  is  a  fine  jjicture  of  tlie  Roman  empire. 

**  Sueton.  in  August,  c.  28.  Augu-tus  built  in  Home  the  temple 
Mid  forum  of  Mars  the  Aveiigcr ;  the  ten^jle  of  Jupiter  Tonana  m 


f)6  THE  declu'.l:  and  fall 

of  his  mag;nificence.  The  works  of  Trajan  bear  the  stamp 
of  his  genius.  The  public  monuments  with  which  Hadrian 
adorned  every  province  of  the  empire,  were  executed  not 
only  by  his  orders,  but  under  his  immediate  inspection.  He 
was  bimself  an  artist  ;  and  he  loved  the  arts,  as  they  con- 
duced to  the  glory  of  the  monarch.  They  were  encouraged 
by  the  Antonines,  as  they  contributed  to  the  happiness  oi"  the 
people.  But  if  the  emperors  were  the  first,  they  were  not  the 
only  architects  of  their  dominions.  Their  example  was  uni- 
versally imitated  by  their  principal  subjects,  who  were  not 
afraid  of  declaring  l:>  the  world  that  they  had  spirit  to  con- 
ceive, and  wealth  to  accomplish,  tiie  noblest  undertakings. 
Scarcely  had  the  proud  structure  of  the  Coliseum  been  dedi- 
cated at  Rome,  before  the  edifices,  of  a  smaller  scale  indeed, 
but  of  the  same  design  and  materials,  were  erected  for  the 
use,  and  at  the  expense,  of  the  cities  of  Capua  and  Vcrona.^^ 
The  inscription  of  the  stupendous  bridge  of  Alcantara  attests 
ihat  it  was  thrown  over  the  Tagus  by  the  coiurihution  of  a 
few  Lu.^itanian  communities.  When  Pliny  was  mirusted  with 
the  government  of  Bithynia  and  Pontus,  provinces  by  no 
means  the  richest  or  most  considerable  of  the  empire,  ho 
found  the  cities  within  his  jurisdiction  striving  with  each  other 
in  every- useful  and  ornamental  work,  that  might  deserve  the 
curiosity  of  strangers,  or  the  gratitude  of  their  citizens,  [l 
was  the  duly  of  the  [)r(jcoiisul  to  sup|i!y  their  deficiencies,  to 
direct  their  taste,  and  sometimes  to  moderate  their  emula- 
tion.'''^ The  opulent  senators  of  Rome  and  the  provinces 
esteemed  it  an  honor,  and  almost  an  obligation,  to  adorn  tiie 
Bplendor  of  their  age  and  country  ;  and  the  influence  of  fash- 
ion very  frequently  supplied  the  want  of  taste  or  generosity. 
Among  a  crowd  of  these  private  benefactors,  we  may  select 
Herodes  Atticus,  an  Athenian  citizen,  who  lived  in  the  age 


the  Capitol;  that  of  Apollo  Palatine,  Avilh  public  libr^'ics ;  the  por- 
tico and  basilica  of  Cains  and  Lucius;  the  porticos  ")f  Livia  ami 
Octavia ;  and  the  theatre  of  Marcellus.  The  cxamph  of  the  sov- 
ereign was  imitated  by  his  ministers  and  generals  ;  and  his  friend 
Agrippa  left  lichind  hhn  the  immortal  monument  of  tlic   I'ai.theon. 

"•'  See  Mafiei,  Verona  lUustrata,  1.  iv.  p.  GH. 

**  See  the  xth  book  of  l'lin_y's  E|)istlcs.  He  mentions  the  follow- 
ing works  carried  on  at  tlae  expense  of  the  citi;'S.  At  IS'icoinedia,  a 
new  forum,  an  aqueduct,  and  a  canal,  left  unhuished  by  a  king;  a» 
Nice,  a  gymnasium,  and  a  tlicatrc,  which  had  already  cost  neat 
ninety  thousand  pounds ;  biitlis  at  Prusa  and  (')audiopoli.i,  and  an 
ftquocluct  of  sixteen  miles  in  length  for  the  use  of  Siucpe. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  57 

of  the  Antonines.  Whatever  might  be  the  motive  of  1  con- 
duct,  his  magnificence  would  have  been  worthy  of  the  great- 
est kings. 

The  family  of  Herod,  at  least  after  it  had  been  favc/ed  by 
fortune,  was  lineally  descended  from  Cimon  and  Miltiadea, 
Theseus  and  Cecrops,  vEacus  and  Jupiter.  But  the  posterity 
of  so  many  gods  and  heroes  was  fallen  mto  the  most  abject 
?tate.  His  grandfather  had  sullercd  by  the  hands  of  justice, 
and  Julius  Atticus,  his  father,  must  have  ended  his  life  in 
poverty  and  contempt,  had  he  not  discovered  an  immense, 
treasure  buried  under  an  old  house,  the  last  remains  of  his 
patrimony.  According  to  the  rigor  of  the  law,  the  emperor 
might  have  asserted  his  claim,  and  the  prudent  Atticus  pre- 
vented, by  a  frank  confession,  the  ofhciousn(!ss  of  informers. 
But  the  equitable  Ncrva,  who  then  filled  the  throne,  refused 
to  accept  any  part  of  it,  and  commanded  him  to  use,  without 
scruple,  the  present  of  fortune.  The  cautious  Athenian  still 
insisted,  that  the  treasure  was  too  considerable  for  a  subject, 
and  that  he  knew  not  how  to  use  it.  Ahuse  it  then,  replied 
the  monarch,  with  a  good-natured  peevishness  :  for  it  is  your 
.own.''''  Many  will  be  of  opinion,  that  Atticus  literally  obeyed 
the  emperor's  last  instructions  ;  since  he  expended  the  great- 
est part  of  his  fortune,  which  was  much  increased  by  an  ad- 
vantageous marriage,  in  the  service  of  the  public.  He  had 
■obtained  for  his  son  Herod  the  prefecture  of  the  free  cities  of 
A-sia  ;  and  the  young  magistrate,  observing  that  the  town  of 
Troas  was  indifferently  supplied  with  water,  obtained  from  the 
munificence  of  Hadrian  three  hundred  myriads  of  drachms, 
(about  a  hundred  thousand  pounds,)  for  the  construction  of  a 
new  aqueduct.  But  in  the  execution  of  the  work,  ihe  charge 
amounted  to  more  than  double  the  estimate,  and  the  officers 
of  the  revenue  began  to  murmur,  till  the  generous  Atticus 
silenced  their  complaints,  by  requesting  that  he  might  be  per- 
mitted to  take  upon  himself  the  whole  additional  expense.'''^ 

The  ablest  preceptors  of  Greece  and  Asia  had  been  invited 
by  liberal  rewards  to  direct  the  education  of  young  Herod. 
Their  pupil  soon  became  a  celebrated  orator,  according  to  the 
useless  rhetoric  of  that  age,  which,  confining  itself  to  tiio 
"chools,  disdained    to   visit  either   the   Forum  or  the  Senate 

"^  Hadrian  aftcr\vards  made  a  very  C(]uitahle  regulation,  whirb 
diindcd  all  treasuro-trovc  lietween  tlic  right  rf  property  and  that  of 
discovery.     Hist.  August,  p.  9. 

**  Vhiiostrat.  in  Vit.  Souhist.  '..  ii.  m.  543. 


58  THE    DECLINE    AND   FALT. 

He  was  honored  with  the  consulship  at  Rome  :  but  the  great 
est  part  of  his  hfe  was  spent  in  a  philosophic  retirement  at 
Athens,  and  his  adjacent  villas ;  perpetually  surrounded  by 
sophists,  who  acknowledged,  without  reluctance,  the  superior- 
ity of  a  rich  and  generous  rival.^^  The  monuments  of  hi? 
genius  have  perished ;  some  considerable  ruins  still  preserve 
the  fame  of  his  taste  and  munificence  :  modern  travellerL 
have  measured  the  remains  of  the  stadium  which  he  cor. 
structed  at  Athens.  It  was  six  hundred  feet  in  length,  buih 
entirely  of  white  marble,  capable  of  admitting  the  whole 
body  of  the  people,  and  finished  in  four  years,  whilst  Hero(\, 
was  president  of  the  Athenian  games.  To  the  memory  of 
his  wife  Regilla  he  dedicated  a  theatre,  scarcely  to  be  paral- 
leled in  the  empire  :  no  wood  except  cedar,  very  curiously 
carved,  was  employed  in  any  part  of  the  building.  The 
Odeum,*  designed  by  Pericles  for  musical  performances,  and 
the  rehearsal  of  new  tragedies,  had  been  a  trophy  of  the  vic- 
tory of  the  arts  over  barbaric  greatness  ;  as  the  timbers  em- 
ployed in  the  construction  consisted  chiefly  of  the  masts  of 
the  Persian  vessels.  Notwithstanding  the  repairs  bestowed 
on  that  ancient  edifice  by  a  king  of  Cappadocia,  it  was  again 
fallen  to  decay.  Herod  restored  its  ancient  beauty  and  mag- 
nificence. Nor  was  the  liberality  of  that  illustrious  citizen 
confined  to  the  walls  of  Athens.  The  most  splendid  orna- 
ments bestowed  on  the  temple  of  Neptune  in  the  Isthmus,  a 
theatre  at  Corinth,  a  stadium  at  Delphi,  a  bath  at  Thermopylse, 
and  an  aqueduct  at  Canusium  in  Italy,  were  insufficient  to 
exhaust  his  treasures.  The  people  of  Epirus,  Thessaly 
Euboea,  Boeotia,  and  Peloponnesus,  experienced  his  favors ; 
and  many  inscriptions  of  the  cities  of  Greece  and  Asia  grate- 
fully style  Herodes  Atticus  their  patron  and  benefactor.'''*' 
In  the  commonwealths  of  Athens  and  Rome,  the  modest 

**  Aulus    GcUius,  in  Noct.  Attic,   i.  2,    ix.   2,  x\'iii.   10,  xix.  12. 
Philostrat.  p.  564. 

'"  See  Philostrat.  1.  ii.  p.  548,  560.     Pausanias,  1.  i.  and  vii.  1(V 
The  life  of  Herodes,  in  the  xxxth  volume  of  the  Meraoirs  ol  tl: 
Academy  of  Inscriptions. 


•  The  Odeum  served  Tor  the  rehearsal  of  new  comedies  as  well  as  tra^ 
dies;  they  were  read  or  repeated,  before  representation,  without  music  t" 
decorations,  &c.  No  piece  could  be  represented  in  the  theatre  if  it  hat. 
not  been  previously  approved  by  judges  for  this  purpose.  Tnc  king  of 
Cappadocia  who  restored  the  Oaeum,  which  had  been  burn',  by  Sylla,  was 
Araobarzanes.  Sec  Martini,  Dissertation  on  the  'i)def-ns  of  the  Ancients 
Leipsic,  1767,  p.  10— 91.  — W. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  59 

Bimplicity  of  private  houses  announced  the  equal  condition  of 
freedom  ;  whilst   the  sovereignty  of  the   people   was   repre- 
sented  in  tlie  majestic  edifices  designed  to  the  public  use;' 
nor  was  this  republican  spirit  totally  extinguished  by  the  in 
troduction    of   wealth   and   monarchy.     It  was  in  works  of 
national  honor  and  benefit,  that  the  most  virtuous  of  the  em 
perors  affected   to  display  their  magnificence.     The  golden 
palace  of  Nero  excited  a  just  indignation,  but  the  vast  extent 
of  groutjd  which  had  been  usurped  by  his  selfish  luxury  was 
more  nobly  filled  under  the  succeeding  reigns  by  the  Coli-^ 
seum,  the  baths  of  Titus,  the  Claudian  portico,  and  the  templea 
dedicated    to   the    goddess  of  Peace,  and   to  the  genius  of 
Rome.''"-     These  monuments  of  architecture,  the  property  of 
•*he  Roman  people,  were  adorned  with  the  most  beautiful  pro- 
^jctions  of  Grecian  painting  and  sculpture  ;  and  in  the  temple 
of  Peace,  a  very  curious   library  was  open  to  the  curiosity  of 
the  learned.*     At  a  small  dis'ance  from  thence  was  situated 
the  Forum  of  Trajanf     It  was  surrounded  by  a  lofty  portico, 
in  the  form  of  a  quadrangle,  into  which  four  triumphal  arches 
opened  a  noble  and  spacious  entrance  :  in  the  centre  arose  a 
colunni  of  marble,  whose  height,  of  one  hundred  and  ten  feet, 
lenoted  the  elevation  of  the  hill  that  had  been  cut  away. 
This  column,  which  still  subsists  in  its  ancient  beauty,  exhib- 
ited an   exact  representation   of  the   Dacian   victories   of  \\i. 
founder.     The   veteran  soldier  contemplated  the  story  of  his 
own  campaigns,  and  by  an  easy  illusion  of  national  vanity, 
tho  peaceful  citizen  associated  himself  to  the  honors  of  the 
triumph.     All  the  other  quarters  of  the  capital,  and  all  the 
provinces  of  the  empire,  were  embellished  by  the  same  liberal 


"  It  is  particularly  remarked  of  Athens  by  Dicicarchus,  do  Stat<. 
Gr!£cix>,  p.  8,  inter  Geographos  Minores,  edit.  Hudson. 

'*'  Donatus  de  lloma  Vetere,  1.  iii.  c.  4,  5,  6.  Nardini  Iloma  An- 
tica,  1.  iii.  11,  12,  13,  and  a  MS.  description  of  ancient  Koine,  by 
iernardus  Oricellaiius,  or  Rucellai,  of  which  I  obtained  a  copy  from 
the  Ubrary  of  the  Canon  llicardi  at  Florence.  Two  celebrated  pic- 
tures of  'iimanthes  and  of  Protogenes  are  mentioned  by  Phny,  as  in 
the  Temple  of  Peace ;  and  the  Laocoon  was  found  in  the  baths  of 
Titus. 

•  The  Emperor  Vespasian,  who  had  causrd  the  Temple  of  Peace  to  be 
iDuilt,  transported  to  it  the  sjreatest  part  of  the  pictures,  statues,  and  olhet 
Vorks  of  art  which  had  escaped  the  civil  tumults.  It  was  there  that  every 
day  the  artists  and  the  learned  of  Rjme  assembled:  and  it  is  on  the  site 
of  this  temple  that  a  multitude  of  antiques  have  been  dug  up.  iiee  \->Ui» 
of  Reimai  on  Dion  Cassius,  Ixvi.  c.  15,  p.  1083. —W 


60  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

Bpirit  of  public  magnificence,  and  were  filled  \\ith  amphi- 
theatres, theatres,  temples,  porticos,  triumphal  arches,  baths 
and  aqueducts,  all  variously  conducive  to  the  health,  the  devo- 
tion, and  the  pleasures  of  the  meanest  citizen.  The  last 
mentioned  of  those  edifices  deserve  our  peculiar  attention. 
The  boldness  of  the  enterprise,  the  solidity  of  the  execution, 
and  the  uses  to  which  they  were  subserviem,  rank  the  aquo 
ducts  among  the  noblest  monuments  of  Roman  genius  and 
power.  The  aqueducts  of  the  capital  claim  a  just  |)rc8mi- 
nence  ;  but  the  curious  traveller,  who,  without  the  light  of 
history,  should  examine  those  of  Spoleto,  of  Metz,  or  of  Se- 
govia, would  very  naturally  conclude  that  those  provincial 
towns  had  formerly  been  the  residence  of  some  potent  mon- 
arch. The  solitudes  of  Asia  and  Africa  were  once  covered 
with  flourishing  cities,  whose  populousness,  and  even  whose 
existence,  was  derived  from  such  artificial  supplies  of  a  per- 
ennial stream  of  fresh  water.'''^ 

We  hav3  computed  the  inhabitants,  and  contemplated  the 
public  works,  of  the  Roman  empire.  The  observation  of  tht 
number  and  greatness  of  its  cities  will  serve  to  confirm  the 
former,  and  to  multiply  the  latter.  It  may  not  be  unpleasing 
to  collect  a  few  scattered  instances  relative  to  that  subject, 
without  forgetting,  however,  that  from  th(3  vanity  of  nations 
and  the  poverty  of  language,  the  vague  appellation  of  city  has 
been  indifferently  bestowed  on  Rome  and  upon  Laurentum. 

I.  Ancient.  Italy  is  said  to  have  contained  eleven  hundred 
and  ninety-seven  cities  ;  and  for  whatsoever  a;ra  of  antiquity 
the  expression  might  be  intended,"''  there  is  not  any  reason  to 
believe  the  country  less  populous  in  the  age  of  the  Antonines, 
than  in  that  of  Romulus.  The  petty  states  of  Latium  were 
contained  within  the  metropolis  of  the  empire,  by  whose  supe- 
rior influence  they  had  been  attracted.*  Those  parts  of  Italy 
which   have  so  long   languished   under  the   lazy  tyranny  of 

'^  Montfaucon  I'Antiquit^  Expliquee,  torn.  iv.  p.  2,  1.  i.  c.  9.  Fa- 
brctti  has  coinjiosed  a  very  learned  treatise  on  tlic  a<iiicducts  of  Rome. 

'*  iEIian.  llist.  Var.  lib.  ix.  c.  16.  IIo  lived  in  tlie  time  of  Alex- 
ander Severus.     See  Pabricius,  Biblioth.  Gv;eca,  1.  iv.  c.  ;J1. 


*  This  may  in  some  degree  account  for  tl)c  difficulty  started  by  Livy,  us 
to  the  incrodibly  numerous  armies  raised  by  the  small  states  aroiiiid  Kc>mt!, 
where,  in  his  time,  a  scanty  stock  of  free  soldiers  amoni^  a  larger  popula- 
tion of  Roman  slaves  broke  the  solitude.  Vix  seminario  exiyu:)  militu.Ti 
relicto,  servitia  Romana  ab  solitu.iine  vindicaut,  Liv.  vi.  vii.  Comparf 
Appian  Bel.  Ci"  i.  7  —  M.  subst,  far  O. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMTIRE.  61 

pncsts  and  viceroys,  had  been  afllicted  only  by  the  mon;  tol- 
erable calamities  of  war  ;  and  the  first  symptoms  of  decay, 
which  they  experienced,  were  amply  compensated  by  the  rapid 
improvements  of  the  Cisalpine  Oaul.  The  splendor  of 
Verona  may  be  traced  in  its  remains  :  yet  Verona  was  less  cel- 
ebrated than  Aquileia  or  Padua,  Milan  or  Ravenna.  II.  'I'he 
spirit  of  improvement  had  passed  the  Alps,  and  been  felt 
even  in  the  woods  of  Britain,  which  were  gradually  cleared 
away  to  open  a  free  space  for  convenient  and  elegant  hab- 
itations. York  was  the  seat  of  government ;  London  waa 
already  enriched  by  commerce  ;  and  Bath  was  celebrated 
for  the  salutary  effects  of  its  medicinal  waters.  Gaul  could 
boast  of  her  twelve  hundred  cities  ;'^^  and  though,  in  the 
northern  parts,  many  of  them,  without  excepting  Paris  itself. 
were  little  more  than  the  rude  and  imperfect  townships  of  a 
rismg  people,  the  southern  provinces  imitated  the  wealth  and 
elegance  of  Itnly."^^  Many  were  the  cities  of  Gaul,  Marseilles. 
Aries,  Nismcs,  Narbonne,  Thoulouse,  Bourdeaux,  Autun, 
Vienna,  Lyons,  L'lngres,  and  Treves,  whose,  ancient  condition 
might  sustain  an  equal,  and  perhaps  advantageous  comparison 
with  their  present  state.  With  regard  to  Spain,  that  country 
Nourished  as  a  province,  and  has  declined  as  a  kingdom.  Ex- 
hausted by  the  abuse  of  her  strength,  by  America,  and  by 
superstition,  her  pride  might  possibly  be  confounded,  if  we 
required  such  a  list  of  three  hundred  and  sixty  cities,  as  Pliny 
has  exhibited  under  the  reign  of  Vespasian.'^'''  III.  Three  hun- 
dred African  cities  had  once  acknowledged  the  authority  of 
Carthage,"*^  nor  is  it  likely  that  their  numbers  diminished  under 
the  administration  of  the  emperors :  Carthage  itself  rose  with 
new  splendor  from   its  ashes  •,    and   that  capital,  as  well  as 

"  Joseph,  de  Boll.  Jud.  ii.  16.  The  number,  however,  is  mentioned, 
and  should  bo  received  with  a  degree  of  latitude.* 

'*  Plin;  Hist.  Natur.  iii.  o. 

'^  Plin.  Hist.  Natur.  iii.  3,  4,  iv.  3-5.  The  list  seems  authentic  and 
accurate  :  the  division  of  the  provinces,  and  the  diti'erent  condition 
oi  the  cities,  arc  minutely  distinguished. 

'^^  Strabcr..  Geograph.  1.  xvii.  p.  1189. 


♦  Without  doubt  no  reliance  can  be  placed  on  this  passage  of  Joscphus. 
The  historian  makes  Agrippa  give  advice  to  the  Jews,  as  to  the  power  of 
ihe  Romans ;  and  the  speech  is  full  of  declamation  which  can  furnish  no 
tonclusions  to  history.  Wliile  enumerating  the  nations  subject  to  the 
Romans  he  speaks  of  the  Gauls  as  submitting  to  1200  soldiers,  (whicli  ia 
false,  at  there  were  eight  legions  in  Gaul,  Tac.  iv.  o,)  while  there  arc  nearly 
twelve  hundred  cities.  —  G.  Josephus  (iitj'ra)  places  these  eight  legiona 
i>n  the  Rhine,  as  Ta«itu3  docs.  —  M. 


62  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

Capua  and  Corinth,  soon  recovered  all  the  advantages  v  hicL 
can  be  separated  from  independent  sovereignty.  IV.  The 
Provinces  of  the  East  present  the  contrast  of  Roman  mag- 
nificence with  Turkish  barbarism.  The  ruins  of  antiquity 
scattered  over  uncultivated  fields,  and  ascribed,  by  ignorance, 
to  the  power  of  magic,  scarcely  afford  a  shelter  to  the 
oppressed  peasant  or  wandering  Arab.  Under  the  reign  of  the 
Cffisars,  the  proper  Asia  alone  contained  five  hundred  populous 
cities,"^  enriched  with  all  the  gifts  of  nature,  and  adorned  with 
all  the  refinements  of  art.  Eleven  cities  of  Asia  had  once 
disputed  the  honor  of  dedicating  a  temple  to  Tiberius,  and 
their  respective  merits  were  examined  by  the  senate.^"  Four 
of  them  were  immediately  rejected  as  unequal  to  the  burden; 
and  among  these  was  Laodicea,  whose  splendor  is  still  dis- 
played in  its  ruins.s^  Laodicea  collected  a  very  considerable 
revenue  from  its  flocks  of  sheep,  celebrated  for  the  fineness 
of  their  wool,  and  had  received,  a  little  before  the  contest,  a 
legacy  of  above  four  hundred  thousand  pounds  by  the  testa- 
ment of  a  gene^us  citizen.^^  jf  such  was  the  poverty  of 
Laodicea,  what  must  have  been  the  wealth  of  those  cities, 
whose  claim  appeared  preferable,  and  particularly  of  Per 
gamus,  of  Smyrna,  and  of  Ephesus,  who  so  long  disputed 
with  each  other  the  titular  primacy  of  Asia  ?  ^^  The  capitals 
of  Syria  and  Egypt  held  a  still  superior  rank  in  the  tniiplre  ; 
Antioch  and  Alexandria  looked  down  with  disdain  on  a  crowd 
of  dependent  cities,^'*  and  yielded,  with  reluctance,  to  the 
majesty  of  Rome  itself. 

^'  Joseph,  de  Bell.  Jud.  ii.  16.  Philostrat.  in  Vit.  Sophist.  1.  ii.  p. 
648,  edit.  Olear. 

*"  Tacit.  Annal.  iv.  55.  I  have  taken  some  pains  in  consulting 
and  comparing  modern  travellers,  with  regard  to  the  fate  of  those 
eleven  cities  of  Asia.  Seven  or  eight  are  totally  destroyed :  Hj'piEpe, 
Tralles,  Laodicea,  Ilium,  Hahcarnassus,  ililctus,  Ephesus,  and  we  may 
add  Sardcs.  Of  the  remaining  three,  Pergamus  is  a  straggling  village 
of  two  or  three  thousand  inhabitants  ;  Magnesia,  under  the  name  of 
Guzelhissar,  a  town  of  some  consequence ;  and  Smyrna,  a  great 
city,  peopled  by  a  hundred  thousand  souls.  But  even  at  Smyrna, 
while  the  Franks  have  maintained  commerce,  the  Turks  have  ruined 
the  arts, 

*'  See  a  very  exact  and  pleasing  description  of  the  ruins  of  Laodi- 
lea,  in  Chandler's  Travels  through  Asia  Minor,  p.  225,  &c. 

*^  Strabo,  1.  xii.  p.  866.     He  had  studied  at  Tralles.  / 

^  See  a  Dissertation  of  M.  de  Boze,  Mom.  de  rAcad6mio,  torn. 
xviii.  Aristidcs  pronounced  an  oration,  which  is  still  extant,  to 
recommend  concord  to  the  rival  cities. 

"*  The  inhabitants  of  Egypt,  exclusive  of  Alexamma,  ?mounted  to 
seven  millions  and  a  half,  'Joseph,  de  Bell.  J;id-  ii,  inA     Under  the 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  63 

Al.  these  citiej  were  connected  with  each  other,  and  with 
the  capital,  by  the  public  highways,  which,  issuing  from  the 
Forum  of  Rome,  traversed  Italy,  pervaded  the  provinces,  ana 
were  terminated  only  by  the  frontiers  of  the  empire.  If  we 
carefully  trace  the  distance  from  the  wall  of  Antoninus  to 
Rome,  and  from  thence  to  Jerusalem,  it  will  be  found  that  the 
great  chain  of  communication,  from  the  north-west  to  the 
south-east  point  of  the  empire,  was  drawn  out  to  the  length 
of  four  thousand  and  eighty  Roman  miles.^^  The  public 
roads  were  accurately  divided  by  mile-stones,  and  rt«n  in  a 
direct  line  from  one  city  to  another,  with  very  little  respect  for 
the  obstacles  either  of  nature  or  private  property.  Mountains 
were  perforated,  and  bold  arches  thrown  over  the  broadest  and 
most  rap'd  streams.^s  The  middle  part  of  the  road  was 
raised  into  a  terrace  which  commanded  the  adjacent  country, 
consisted  of  several  strata  of  sdnd,  gravel,  and  cement,  and 
was  paved  with  large  stones,  or,  in  some  places  near  the 
capital,  with  granite.^^  Such  was  the  solid  construction  of 
the  Roman  h  ghways,  whose  firmness  has  not  entirely  yielded 
to  the  etibr'  of  fifteen  centuries.  They  united  the  subjects  of 
the  most  d  itant  provinces  by  an  easy  and  familiar  intercourse  ; 
but  their  primary  object  had  been  to  facilitate  the  marches  of 
the  legions ;  nor  was  any  country  considered  as  completely 
subdued,  till  it  had  been  rendered,  in  all  its  parts,  pervious  to 
the  arms  and  authority  of  the  conqueror.  The  advantage  of 
i'eceiving  the  earliest  intelligence,  and  of  conveying  their 
orders  with  celerity,  induced  the  emperors  to  establish,  through 
out  their  extensive  dominions,  the  regular  institution  of  posts.®^ 

military  government  of  the  Mamelukes,  Syria  was  supposed  to  con- 
tain sixty  thousand  villages,  (Histoire  de  Timur  Beo,  1.  v.  c.  20.) 

*^  The  following  Itinerary  may  serve  to  convey  3omc  if^ea  of  the 
direction  of  tlie  road,  and  of  the  distance  between  the  principal 
towns.  I.  From  the  wall  of  Antoninus  to  York,  222  Roman  miles. 
II.  London,  227.  III.  Rhutupiae  or  Sandwich,  67.  IV.  The  naviga- 
tion to  Boulogne,  4.5.  V.  Rhcims,  174.  VI.  Lyons,  330.  VII.  Mi- 
lan, 324.  VIII.  Rome,  426.  IX.  Brundusium,'  360.  X.  The  navi- 
gation to  Dvrrachium,  40.  XI.  Byzantium,  711.  XII.  Ancvra,  283. 
XIU.  Tarsus,  301.  XIV.  Antioch,  141.  XV.  Tyre,  2o2.  XVI.  Jem- 
ealcm,  168.  In  all  4080  Roman,  or  3740  English  miles.  Sec  the  Itin- 
eraries published  by  Wcsscling,  his  annotations  ;  Giile  and  Stukelcy 
for  Britain,  and  M.  d'Anville  for  Gaul  and  Italy. 

**  Montfaucon,  I'Antiquite  Expliquec,  (tom.  4,  p.  2,  I.  i.  c.  J,)  has 
described  the  bridges  of  Narni,  Alcantara,  Nismes,  &c. 

"  Bcrgiur,  Histoirc  dcs  grands  Chcmins  de  I'Empire  Remain,  1.  ii. 
».  1—28. 

**  Procopius  in  Hist.    Arcan^,  c.   30.     Bergier,  Hist,   des   grand» 


64  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

Houses  were  every  where  erected  at  the  distance  011I5  of  five 
or  six  miles;  each  of  them  was  constantly  provided  with  forty 
horses,  and  by  the  help  of  these  relays,  it  was  easy  to  travel  a 
hundred  miles  in  a  day  along  the  Roman  roads.Si*  *  The  use 
of  the  posts  was  allowed  to  those  who  claimed  it  by  an  Im- 
perial mandate  ;  but  though  originally  intended  for  the  public 
service,  it  was  sometimes  indulged  to  the  business  or  con- 
veniency  of  private  citizens.^'^  Nor  was  the  communication 
of  the  Roman  empire  less  free  and  open  by  sea  than  it  was  by 
land.  The  provinces  surrounded  and  enclosed  the  Mediter- 
ranean: and  Italy,  in  the  shape  of  an  immense  promontory, 
advanced  into  the  midst  of  that  great  lake.  The  coasts  of 
Italy  are,  in  general,  '^ftstitute  of  safe  harbors  ;  but  human 
industry  had  corrected  the  deficiencies  of  nature;  and  thei 
artificial  port  of  Ostia,  in  particular,  situate  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Tyber,  and  formed  by  the  emperor  Claudius,  was  a  useful 
monument  of  Roman  greatness.^i  From  this  port,  which 
was  only  sixteen  miles  from  the  capital,  a  favorable  breeze 
frequently  carried  vessels  in  seven  days  to  the  columns  of 
Hercules,  and  in  nine  or  ten,  to  Alexandria  in  Egypt.^- 

Chemins,  1.  iv.  Codex  Thoodosian.  1.  viii.  tit.  v.  vol.  ii  p.  50G — 563, 
with  Godefroy's  learned  commentary. 

"^  In  the  time  of  Tlieodosius,  Csesarius,  a  magistrate  of  higb  rank, 
went  post  from  Antioch  to  Constantinople.  He  began  his  jeurney 
at  night,  was  in  Chppadocia  (IGo  miles  from  Antioch)  the  eriHuing 
evening,  and  arrived  at  Constantinople  the  sixth  day  about  noon. 
The  whole  distance  was  725  Roman,  or  6G5  English  miles.  Sec  L'ba- 
nius,  Orat.  xxii.,  and  the  Itineraria,  p.  572 — 581.  t 

^"  Pliny,  tliough  a  favorite  and  a  minister,  made  an  apology  for 
grantmg  post-horses  to  his  wife  on  the  most  urgent  business.  Epist. 
X.  121,  122. 

91  Bcrgier,  Hist,  des  grands  Chem.ins,  1.  iv.  c.  49. 

9*  Plin.  Hist.  Natur.  xix.  i.  [In  Prooem.]  J 


*  Posts  for  the  conveyance  of  intelligence  were  established  by  Augustus 
Suet.  Aug.  49.  The  couriers  travelled  with  amazing  speed.  Blair  on  Ro- 
man Slavery,  note,  p.  261.  It  is  probable  that  the  posts,  from  the  time  of 
Augustus,  were  confined  to  tlie  public  service,  and  supplied  by  impress- 
ment. Ncrva,  as  it  appears  from  a  coin  of  his  reign,  made  an  iniportaiu 
change;  "he  established  posts  upon  all  the  public  roads  of  Italy,  and 
made  the  service  chargeable  upon  his  own  exchequer.  *  *  Hadrian, 
perceiving  the  advantage  of  this  improvement,  extended  it  to  all  the  prov- 
■nces  of  the  emi)ire."     Cardwcll  on  Coins,  p.  220.  — M. 

+  A  courier  is  mentioned  in  Walpolc'%  Travels,  ii.  3.'J5,  who  was  to  travel 
Jiom  Aleppo  to  Constantinople,  more  than  700  miles,  in  eight  days,  an  un- 
usually short  journey.  —  M. 

X  Pliny  says  Puteoli.  which  seems  to  have  been  the  usual  landing-place 
from  the  East.  See  tlie  voyages  of  St.  Paul,  Acts,  xxviii.  13.  ari.l  "li  Joie- 
ph'i^  Vita.  c.  3. — M- 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  G5 

Whatever  evils  cither  reason  or  declamation  have  iinpiitea 
*o  extensive  empire,  the  power  of  Rome  was  attended  with 
some  beneficial  consequences  to  mankind  ;  and  the  same 
freedom  of  intercourse  which  extended  the  vices,  dilFused 
hkewise  the  improvements,  of  social  life.  In  the  more  remote 
ages  of  antiquity,  the  world  was  unequally  divided.  The 
East  was  in  the  immemorial  possession  of  arts  and  luxury  ; 
wiiilst  the  West  was  inhabited  by  rude  and  warlike  barbarians, 
who  either  disdained  agriculture,  or  to  whom  it  was  totally 
unknown.  Under  the  protection  of  an  established  govern- 
ment, the  productions  of  happier  climates,  and  the  industry  of 
more  civilized  nations,  \vci:c  gradually  introduced  into  the 
western  countries  of  Europe  ;  and  tlie  natives  were  encouraged, 
by  an  open  and  profitable  commerce,  to  multiply  the  former, 
as  well  as  to  improve  the  latter.  It  would  be  almost  impos- 
sible to  enumerate  all  the  articles,  either  of  the  animal  or  the 
vegetable  reign,  which  were  successively  imported  into  Europe 
from  Asia  and  Egypt  :'-'3  but  it  will  not  be  unworthy  of  the 
dignity,  and  much  less  of  the  utility,  of  an  historical  work, 
slightly  to  touch  on  a  few  of  the  principal  heads.  1.  Almost 
all  the  flowers,  the  herbs,  and  the  fruits,  that  grow  in  our 
European  gardens,  are  of  foreign  extraction,  which,  in  many 
cases,  is  betrayed  even  by  their  names :  the  apple  was  a 
native  of  Italy,  and  when  the  Romans  had  tasted  the  richer 
flavor  of  the  apricot,  the  peach,  the  pohiegranate,  the  citron, 
and  the  orange,  they  contented  themselves  with  applying  to 
all  these  new  fruits  the  common  denomination  of  apple,  dis- 
criminating them  from  each  other  by  the  additional  epithet  of 
their  country.  2.  In  the  time  of  Homer,  the  vine  grew  wild 
in  the  island  of  Sicily,  and  most  probably  in  the  adjacent  con- 
tinent ;  but  it  was  not  improved  by  the  skill,  nor  did  it  aiTord 
Q  liquor  grateful  to  the  taste,  of  the  savage  inhabitants.^'^  A 
thousand  years  afterwards,  Italy  could  boast,  that  of  the  four- 
score most  generous  and  celebrated  wines,  more  than  two 
thirds  were  produced  from  her  soil.'-'^  The  blessing  was  soon 
communicated  to  the  Narbonnese  province  of  Gaul  ;  but  so 
intense  was  the  cold  to  the  north  of  the  Cevennes,  that,  in  the 
time  of  Strabo,  it  was  thought  impossible  to  ripen  the  grapes 

^'  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  Greeks  and  Phoonieians  mtrodur***! 
Toino  new  arts  and  productions  into  the  ncij^jhborlioo  1  of  Marseil<  ? 
and  Gades. 

"^  Sec  Ilomcr,  Odyss.  i.  ix.  v.  358. 

"'  Pliu.  llibt.  ISalur.  1.  xiv. 
6 


66  THE    DECLINE   ANb   FAtt 

in  those  parts  cf  Gaul.^'^  This  diffiouhy,  however,  was 
gradually  vanquished  ;  and  there  is  some  reason  to  beheve 
tlijit  the  vineyards  of  Burgundy  are  as  old  as  the  age  of  the 
Antonir.es.s^  3.  The  olive,  in  the  western  world,  followed 
tlie  progress  of  peace,  of  which  it  was  considered  as  the  sym- 
bol. Two  centuries  after  the  foundation  of  Rome,  both  Italy 
and  Africa  were  strangers  to  that  useful  plant  :  it  was  natural- 
ized in  those  countries  ;  and  at  length  carried  into  the  heart 
of  Spain  and  Gaul.  The  timid  errors  of  the  ancients,  that  it 
'equired  a  certain  degree  of  heat,  and  could  only  flourish  in 
he  neigliborhood  of  tlie  sea,  were  insensibly  exploded  by 
/ndustry  and  experience.  ^^  4.  The  cultivation  of  flax  was 
transported  from  Egypt  to  Gaul,  and  enriched  the  whole 
country,  however  it  might  impoverish  the  particular  lands  ou 
which  it  was  sown.^^  5.  The  use  of  artificial  grasses  became 
familiar  to  the  farmers  both  of  Italy  and  the  provinces,  par- 
ticularly the  Lucerne,  which  derived  its  name  and  origin  from 

®*  Strab.  Geograph.  1.  iv.  p.  269.  The  intense  cold  of  a  Gallio 
winter  was  almost  proverbial  among  the  ancients.* 

^''  In  tlie  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  the  orator  Eumeniug 
(Panegyr.  Vctcr.  viii.  6,  edit.  Dclphin.)  speaks  of  the  vines  in  the 
territory  of  Autun,  -which  were  decayed  through  age,  and  the  first 
plantation  of  which  was  totally  unknown.  The  Pagus  Arebrignua 
is  supposed  by  M.  d'Anville  to  be  the  district  of  Boaune,  celebrated, 
even  at  present,  for  one  of  the  first  growths  of  Burgundy.f 

9^  Plin.  Hist.  Natur.  1.  xv. 

*9  Plin.  liist.  Natur.  1.  xLx. 


*  Strabo  only  says  that  the  grape  does  not  ripen,  fi  annc\o(  ol  fxt^iwi  riXca 
^opu.  Attempts  had  been  made  in  the  time  of  Augustus  to  naturalize 
the  vine  in  the  north  of  Gaul ;  but  the  cold  was  too  great.  Diod.  Sic. 
edit.  Rhodom.  p.  SO-l.  —  W.  Diodorus  (lib.  v.  26)  gives  a  curious  picture 
of  the  Italian  traders  bartering,  with  the  savages  of  Gaul,  a  cask  of  wiue 
for  a  slave.  — M. 

It  appears  from  the  newly  discovered  treatise  of  Cicero  de  Rcpublica, 
that  there  was  a  law  of  the  republic  prohibiting  the  culture  of  the  vine 
and  olive  beyond  the  Alps,  in  order  to  keep  up  the  value  of  tliose  in  Italy. 
tins  justissi/ni  homines,  cpu  transalpinas  gcntes  olcam  ct  vitcm  screre  non 
linimus,  quo  pluris  sint  nostra  oliveta  nostrceque  vinea).  Lib.  iii.  !).  The 
restrictive  law  of  Domitian  was  veiled  under  the  decent  pretext  ot  encour- 
ajiing  the  cultivation  of  grain.  Suet.  Dom.  vii.  It  was  repealed  by  Probus. 
Vopis.  Probus,  18. —M. 

t  This  is  proved  by  a  passage  of  Pliny  the  Elder,  where  he  speaks  of  a 
certain  kind  of  grape  (vitis  picata,  vinum  picatuni)  which  grows  naturally 
ki  the  district  of  Vienne,  and  had  recently  been  transplanted  inti  the 
coTintry  of  the  Arvcrni,  (Auvergnc,)  of  the  llelvii,  (the  Vivarais,)  ti  e  Se- 
uuain,  (Burgundy  and  Francbe  Comyte.)  Pliny  wrote  A.  D.  77.  Hist, 
Nat.  xiv.  ].— W 


OF   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  67 

Media. '°''  The  assured  supply  of  wholesome  and  p^citifu 
food  for  the  cattle  during  winter,  rnultijjlied  the  nuniher  of  the 
flocks  and  herds,  which  in  their  turn  contributed  to  the  fertility 
of  the  sod.  To  all  these  improvements  may  be  added  an 
assiduous  attention  to  mines  and  fisheries,  whicli,  by  em- 
ploying a  multitude  of  laborious  hands,  serve  to  increase  the 
pleasures  of  the  rich  and  the  subsistence  of  the  poor.  The 
elegant  treatise  of  Columella  describes  the  advanced  state  o^ 
the  Spanish  husbandry  under  tiie  reign  of  Tiberius ;  and  ii 
may  be  observed,  that  those  famines,  which  so  frequendy 
afflicted  the  infant  republic,  were  seldom  or  never  experienced 
by  the  extensive  em|)ire  of  Rome.  The  accidental  scarcity, 
in  any  single  province,  was  immediately  relieved  by  the  plenty 
of  its  more  fortunate  neighbors. 

Agriculture  is  the  foundation  of  manufactures ;  since  the 
productions  of  nature  are  the  materials  of  art.  Under  the 
Roman  empire,  the  labor  of  an  industrious  and  ingenious 
people  was  variously,  but  incessantly,  employed  in  the  service 
of  the  rich.  In  their  dress,  their  table,  their  houses,  and  their 
furniture,  the  favorites  of  fortune  united  every  refinement  of 
conveniency,  of  elegance,  and  of  splendor,  whatever  coula 
soothe  their  pride  or  gratify  their  sensuality.  Such  refine- 
ments, under  the  odious  name  of  luxury,  have  been  severely 
arraigned  by  the  moralists  of  every  age  ;  and  it  might  perhaps 
be  more  conducive  to  the  virtue,  as  well  as  happiness,  of  man- 
kind, if  all  possessed  the  necessaries,  and  none  the  super- 
fluities, of  life.  But  in  the  present  imperfect  condition  of 
society,  luxury,  though  it  may  proceed  from  vice  or  folly 
seems  to  be  the  only  means  that  can  correct  the  unequal  dis- 
tribution of  property.  The  diligent  mechanic,  and  the  skilful 
artist,  who  have  obtained  no  share  in  the  division  of  the  earth, 
receive  a  voluntary  tax  from  the  possessors  of  land ;  and  the 
'atter  are  prompted,  by  a  sense  of  interest,  to  improve  those 
estates,  with  whose  produce  they  may  purchase  additional 
pleasures.  This  operation,  the  particular  eflects  of  which  are 
felt  in  every  society,  acted  with  much  more  diffusive  energy 
in  the  Roman  world.  The  provinces  would  soon  have  beeu 
exhausted  of  their  wealth,  if  the  manufactures  and  commerce 
of  luxury  had  not  insensibly  restored  to  the  industrious  sub- 
jects the   sums  which  were  exacted   from  them   by  the  arms 

""  Sec  the  asroeable  Essays  on  Agriculture  by  Mr.  Ilartc,  in 
whicli  he  has  collected  all  that  the  ancients  and  'uoderns  have  said  of 
Luceruo. 


68  TUE   DECLINE   AND   FALL 

and  authority  of  Rome.  As  long  as  the  circulation  was  con. 
lined  within  the  bounds  of  the  empire,  it  impressed  the  political 
machine  with  a  new  degree  of  activity,  and  its  consequences, 
sometimes  beneficial,  could  never  become  pernicious. 

But  it  is  no  easy  task  to  confine  luxury  within  the  limits 
of  an  empire.  The  most  remote  countries  of  the  ancient 
world  were  ransacked  to  supply  the  pomp  and  delicacy 
of  Rome.  The  forests  of  Scvthia  afforded  some  valuable 
furs.  Amber  was  brought  over  land  from  the  shores  of  the 
Baltic  to  the  Danube  ;  and  the  barbarians  were  astonished  at 
the  price  which  they  received  in  exchange  for  so  useless  a 
commodity. ^"^  There  was  a  considerable  demajid  for  Baby* 
Ionian  carpets,  and  other  manufactures  of  the  East ;  but  the 
most  important  and  unpopular  branch  of  foreign  trade  was 
carried  on  with  Arabia  and  hidia.  Every  year,  about  the  time 
of  the  summer  solstice,  a  fleet  of  a  hundred  and  twenty  ves 
sels  sailed  from  Myos-hormos,  a  port  of  Egypt,  on  the  Red 
Sea.  By  the  periodical  assistance  of  the  monsoons,  they 
traversed  the  ocean  in  about  forty  days.  The  coast  of  Malabar, 
or  the  island  of  Ceylon,!''^  was  the  usual  term  of  their  navi- 
gation, and  it  was  in  those  markets  that  the  merchants  from 
the  more  remote  countries  of  Asia  expected  their  arrival.  The 
return  of  the  fleet  of  Egypt  was  fixed  to  the  months  of 
December  or  January  ;  and  as  soon  as  their  rich  cargo  had 
been  transported  on  the  backs  of  camels,  from  the  Red  Sea  to 
the  Nile,  and  had  descended  that  river  as  far  as  Alexandria,  it 
was  poured,  without  delay,  into  the  capital  of  the  empire.^^^ 
The  objects  of  oriental  traffic  were  splendid  and  trifling  ;  silk, 
%  pound  of  which  was  esteemed  not  inferior  in  value  to  a  pound 
of  gold;  1°^  precious  stones,  among  which  the  pearl  claimed 
the  first  rank  after  the  diamond  ;  '"^  and  a  variety  of  aromatics, 

'"'  Tacit.  Germania,  c.  45.  Plin.  Hist.  Nat.  xxx^^i.  13.  The 
latter  observed,  with  some  humor,  that  even  fashion  had  not  yet 
found  out  the  use  of  amber.  Nero  sent  a  lloman  knight  to  pur- 
chaso  great  quantities  on  the  spot  where  it  was  produced,  the  coast 
of  modern  Prussia. 

'"^  Called  Taprobana  by  the  Romans,  and  Scrindib  by  the  Arabs. 
It  was  discovered  under  the  reign  of  Claudius,  and  gradually  be- 
came the  principal  mart  of  the  East. 

'"3  riin.  Hist.  Natur.  1.  vi.     Strabo,  1.  xvii. 

'"*  Hist.  August,  p.  224.  A  silk  garment  was  considered  as  an 
wnament  to  a  woman,  but  as'a  disgrace  to  a  man. 

'"*  The  two  great  pearl  fialicrics  were  the  same  as  at  prc3*-il» 
Ormoz  and  Cape  Comorin.     As  well  as  wc  can  compare  ancient  w.''il 


OP    THE    R01*AN    EMPIRE.  69 

that  wore  consi.med  in  religious  worship  and  the  pomp  of 
funerals.  The  labor  and  risk  of  the  voyage  was  rewarded 
with  almost  incredible  profit  ;  but  the  profit  was  made  upon 
Roman  subjects,  and  a  few  individuals  were  enriched  at  tho 
expense  of  the  public.  As  the  natives  of  Arabia  and  India 
were  contented  with  the  productions  and  manufactures  of  their 
own  country,  silver,  on  the  side  of  the  Romans,  was  the  prin- 
cipal, if  not  the  only  *  instrument  of  commerce.  Ii  was  a  com- 
plaint worthy  of  the  gravity  of  the  senate,  that,  in  the  purchase 
offcn.alc  ornaments,  the  wealth  of  the  state  was  irrecoverably 
given  away  to  foreign  and  hostile  natjons.^^*^  The  annual  loss 
is  computed,  by  a  writer  of  an  inquisitive  but  censorious  temper 
at  upwards  of  eight  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling. i"''  Such 
was  the  style  of  discontent,  brooding  over  the  dark  prospect 
of  approaching  poverty.  And  yet,  if  we  compare  the  propor- 
tion between  gold  and  silver,  as  it  stood  in  the  time  of  Pliny, 
and  as  it  was  fi.xed  in  the  reign  of  Constantino,  we  shall  dis- 
cover within  that  period  a  very  considerable  increase.!"^ 
There  is  not  the  least  reason  to  suppose  that  gold  was  become 
more  scarce  ;  it  is  therefore  evident  that  silver  was  grown 
more  common  ;  that  whatever  might  be  the  amount  of  the 
Indian  and  Arabian  exports,  they  were   far  from  exhausting 

modern  p;eography,  Home  was  supplied  with  diamonds  from  the  mine 
of  Jumclpur,  in  Bengal,  Vvhich  is  described  in  the  Voyages  de  Ta- 
vcriiier,  tom.  ii.  p.  281. 

'"•^  Tacit.  Annal.  iii.  53.     In  a  speech  of  Tiberius. 

'"^  Plin.  Ilist.  Natur.  xii.  18.  In  another  place  he  computes  half 
that  sum ;  Quingonties  H.  S.  for  India  exclusive  of  Arabia. 

'"^  Tlic  ])roportion,  which  was  1  to  10,  and  12^,  rose  to  llf^,  the 
legal  regulation  of  Constantine.  See  Arbuthnot's  Tables  of  ancient 
Coins,  CO. 

*  Certainly  not  the  only  one.  The  Indians  were  not  so  contented  with 
regard  to  foreign  productions.  Arrian  has  a  long  list  of  European  wares, 
which  they  received  in  exchange  for  their  own  ;  Italian  and  other  wines, 
brass,  tin,  lead,  coral,  chrysolith,  storax,  glass,  dresses  of  one  or  many 
colors,  zones,  &c.  See  Pcriphis  Maris  Erytlira;!  in  lludvon,  Geogr.  Min.  i. 
p.  27.  —  W.  The  German  translator  observes  that  Gibbon  has  confined 
the  use  of  aroniatics  to  religious  worship  and  funerals.  His  error  seems 
the  omission  of  other  spices,  of  which  the  Romans  must  have  consumed 
irreat  (juantities  in  their  cookery.  Wenck,  however,  admits  that  silver  waa 
the  chief  article  of  exchange.  —  M. 

In  1787,  a  peasant  (near  Xellore  in  the  Carnatic)  struck,  in  diggine.  on 
the  remains  of  a  Hindu  temple ;  he  found,  also,  a  pot  which  contained 
Roman  coins  and  m-ulais  of  the  second  century,  mostly  Trujaus,  Adrians, 
and  Faustinas,  all  ol  gold,  many  of  them  fresh  and  bcr.utifiil,  otlicrs  de- 
faced or  perforated,  as  if  they  had  been  worn  as  ornaments.  (Asiatic  He 
■earches,  ii.  19.)  —  M. 


TO  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

the  wealth  of  the  Roman  world  ;  and  that  the  produce  dF  the 
mines  abundpintly  supplied  the  demands  of  commerce. 

Notwithstanding  the  propensity  of  mankind  to  exalt  the 
past,  and  to  .depreciate  the  present,  the  tranquil  and  pros- 
perous  state  of  the  empire  was  warmly  felt,  and  honestly 
confessed,  by  the  provincials  as  well  as  Romans.  "  They 
acknowledged  that  the  true  principles  of  social  life,^  laws, 
agriculture,  and  science,  which  had  been  first  invented  by  the 
wisdom  of  Athens,  were  now  firmly  established  by  the  power 
of  IlDme,  under  whose  auspicious  influence  the  fiercest  bar- 
barians were  united  by  an  equal  government  and  common 
language.  They  aflirm,  that  with  the  improvement  of  arts, 
the  human  species  was  visibly  multiplied.  They  celebrate 
the  increasing  splendor  of  the  cities,  the  beautiful  face  of  tLo 
country,  cultivated  and  adorned  like  an  immense  garden  ; 
and  the  long  festival  of  peace  which  was  enjoyed  by  so  many 
nations,  forgetful  of  their  ancient  animosities,  and  delivered 
from  the  apprehension  of  future  danger."  ^^^  Whatever  sus- 
picions may  be  suggested  by  the  air  of  rhetoric  and  declama- 
tion, which  seems  to  prevail  in  these  passages,  the  substance 
of  them  is  perfectly  agreeable  to  historic  truth. 

It  was  scarcely  possible  that  the  eyes  of  contemporaries 
should  discover  in  the  public  felicity  the  latent  causes  of 
decay  and  corruption.  This  long  peace,  and  the  uniform 
government  of  the  Romans,  introduced  a  slow  and  secret 
poison  into  the  vitals  of  the  empire.  The  minds  of  men 
were  gradually  reduced  to  the  same  level,  the  fire  of  genius 
was  extinguished,  and  even  the  military  s])irit  evaporated. 
The  natives  of  Europe  were  brave  and  robust.  Spain,  Gaul, 
Britain,  and  Illyricum  supplied  the  legions  with  excellent 
soldiers,  and  constituted  the  real  strength  of  the  monarchy. 
Their  personal  valor  remained,  but  they  no  longer- possessed 
that  public  courage  which  is  nourished  by  the  love  of  inde- 
pendence, the  sense  of  national  honor,  the  presence  of  dan- 
ger, and  the  habit  of  conmiand.  They  received  laws  and 
governors  from  the  will  of  their  sovereign,  and  trusted  for 
their  defence  to  a  mercenary  army.  The  posterity  of  their 
boldest  leaders  was  contented  with  tlic  rank  of  citizens  and 
subjects.  The  most  aspiring  spirits  resorted  to  the  court 
or   standard  of  the  emperors ;    and   the   deserted  provinces 


*""  Among 
Ariatidea,  (d 


5  many  other  passages,  see  Pliny,  (Hist.  Natur.  iii.  6,1 
ie  Urbe  llomri.l  and  Tertullinn,    de  AniniA,  c.  30.J 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  71 

deprived   of  political    strength  or  union,  insensibly  sunk  into 
the  languid  iiKliirercnic  of  private  life. 

The  love  of  letters,  almost  inseparable  from  peace  and 
refuiement,  was  fashionable  among  the  subjects  of  HaJrian 
and  the  Anlonines,  wliu  were  themselves  men  of  learning  and 
curiosity,  it  was  diffused  (jver  the  whole  extent  of  their  em- 
oirc  ;  the  most  northern  tribes  of  Britons  had  acquired  a  last* 
for  rhetoric  ;  Homer  as  well  as  Virgil  were  transcribed  and 
studied  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhine  and  Danube  ;  and  the  most 
liberal  rewards  souiiht  out  the  faintest  ulimmerings  of  literary 
meri'.""  The  sciences  of  physic  and  a.stronomy  were  suc- 
cesst'ully  cultivated  by  the  Greeks  ;  the  observations  of  Ptole- 
my and  the  writings  of  Galen  are  studied  by  those  who  have 
improved  their  discoveries  and  corrected  their  errors  ;  but  if  we 
except  the  inimitable  Lucian,  this  age  of  indolence  passed  away 
without  having  produced  a  single  writer  of  original  genius,  or 
who  excelled  in  the  arts  of  elegant  comjjosition.t  The 
authority  of  Plato  and  Aristotle,  of  Zeno  and  Epicurus,  still 
reigned  in  the  schools  ;  and  their  systems,  transmitted  with 
bliii  1  deference  from  one  generation  of  disciples  to  another, 

""  Ilcrodcs  Atticiis  gave  the  sophist  Polemo  above  eight  thousand 
pounds  for  three  declamations.  See  Philostrat.  1.  i.  p.  o'58.  The 
Autoninos  founded  a  school  at  Athens,  in  which  professors  of  gram- 
mar, rhetoric,  politics,  and  the  four  great  sects  of  j)hiloso])liy  were 
maintained  at  the  i)ublic  expense  for  the  instruction  of  youth.' 
The  salary  of  a  jihilosophor  was  ten  thousand  drachniie,  between 
three  and  four  hundred  pounds  a  year.  Similar  cstablishiuents  were 
formed  in  the  other  great  cities  of  the  empire.  Sec  Ijucian  in 
Eunuch,  tom.  ii.  p.  3-52,  edit,  lleitz.  Philostrat.  I.  ii.  {).  566.  Hist. 
August,  p.  21.  Dion  Cassius,  1.  Ixxi.  p.  119.5.  Juvenal  himselt^  iu 
a  morose  satire,  which  in  every  line  betrays  lus  own  disappointment 
aiid  envy,  is  obligeth  however,  to  say,  — 

'■ O  Juvoncs,  circvnnspicit  et  stimulat  vos, 

Matcrianique  sibi  Ducis  indulgcntia  quxrit."  —  Satir.  vii.  20. 


•  Vespasian  first  gave  a  salary  f o  professors  ;  he  assigned  to  each  pro- 
fessor of  rhetoric,  Greek  and  Roman,  centen?.  sest  rtia.  (Sueton.  in 
Vesp.  18.)  Hadrian  and  the  Antonines,  though  still  liberal,  were  less 
profuse.  —  G.  fnmi  \V.     Suetonius  wrote  annua  ccntena  L.  807,  -5,  10.  —  M. 

t  This  judgment  is  rather  severe :  besides  the  physicians,  astronomers, 
and  grammarians,  among  whom  there  were  scmie  very  distiiiijuished  men. 
there  wore  still,  under  Hadrian,  Suetonius,  Florus,  Plutarch  ;  under  th? 
Anionmes,  Arrian,  rausanias,  Appian,  Marcus  Aurelius  himself,  Sextua 
Empiricus,  &c.  Jurispriidpiice  ijaiiied  much  by  the  labors  of  Salving 
Julianus,  Julius  Celsus,  Sex.  Pomi)tinius,  Cuius,  ar.d  others.  —  G  from  W 
Yci  where,  anionic  these,  is  the  writer  of  original  genius,  unless,  peihap« 
Plutarch     oi  even  of  a  ntyle  ically  ilegant .'  —  M. 


72  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

preoluded  every  generous  attempt  to  exercise  the  powers,  or 
enlarge  the  limits,  of  the  human  mind.  The  beauties  of  the 
ooets  and  orators,  instead  of  kindling  a  fire  like  their  own, 
inspired  only  cold  and  servile  imitations  :  or  if  any  ventured 
to  deviate  from  those  models,  they  deviated  at  the  same  time 
from  good  sense  and  propriety.  On  the  revival  of  letters, 
the  youthful  vigor  of  the  imagination,  after  a  long  repose, 
national  emulation,  a  new  religion,  new  languages,  and  a  new 
world,  called  forth  the  genius  of  Europe.  But  the  provincials 
of  Kome,  trained  by  a  uniform  artificial  foreign  education 
were  engaged  in  a  very  unequal  competition  with  those  bold 
encients,  who,  by  expressing  their  genuine  feelings  in  their 
""itive  tongue,  had  already  occupied  every  place  of  honor. 
The  name  of  Poet  v/as  almost  forgotten  ;  that  of  Orator  was 
usurped  by  the  sophists.  A  cloud  of  critics,  of  compilers,  of 
commentators,  darkened  the  face  of  learning,  and  the  decline 
of  genius  was  soon  followed  by  the  corruption  of  taste. 

The  sublime  Longinus,  who,  in  somewhat  a  later  period, 
and  in  the  court  of  a  Syrian  queen,  preserved  the  spirit  of 
ancient  Athens,  observes  and  laments  this  degeneracy  of  his 
contemporaries,  which  debased  their  sentiments,  enervated 
their  courage,  and  depressed  their  talents.  "  In  the  same 
manner,"  says  he,"  as  some  children  always  remain  pygmies 
whose  infant  limbs  have  been  too  closely  confined,  thus  our 
tender  minds,  fettered  by  the  prejudices  and  habits  of  a  just 
servitude,  are  unable  to  expand  themselves,  or  to  attain  that 
v/ell-proportioned  greatness  which  we  admire  in  the  ancients  ; 
who,  living  under  a  popular  government,  wrote  with  the  same 
freedom  as  they  acted."  ^^^  This  diminutive  stature  of  man- 
kind, if  we  pursue  the  metaphor,  was  daily  sinking  below  the 
old  standard,  and  the  Roman  world  was  indeed  peopled  by  a 
race  of  pygmies  ;  when  the  fierce  giants  of  the  north  broke 
in,  and  mended  the  puny  breed.  They  restored  a  manly 
spirit  of  freedom  ;  and  after  the  revolution  of  ten  centuries, 
tVecdom  became  the  happy  parent  of  taste  and  science. 

'"  Longin.  do  Sublim.  c.  41,  p.  229,  edit.  Toll.  Here,  too,  we  may 
'■  ./of  Longinus,  "his  own  example  strengthens  all  liis  laws."  In. 
.cad  of  proposing  his  sentiments  Avith  a  manly  boldness,  he  insinu- 
ates them  with  the  most  guarded  caution  ;  puts  them  into  the  mouth 
ct  a  friend,  and  as  far  as  we  can  collect  from  a  corrupted  text,  maken 
a  phew  of  refuting  them  himselt 


CHAPTER   III. 

OF     THE     CONSTITUTION     OF     THE     ROMAN     EMPIRE,     IN    TOE 
AGE    OF    THE    ANTONINES. 

The  obvious  definition  of  a  monarchy  seems  to  be  that  of 
a  state,  in  which  a  single  person,  by  whatsoever  name  he  may 
be  distinguished,  is  intrusted  with  the  execution  of  the  laws 
the  management  of  the  revenue,  and  the  command  of  tlie 
army.  But,  unless  public  liberty  is  protected  by  intrepid  and 
vigilant  guardians,  the  authority  of  so  formidable  a  magistrate 
will  soon  degenerate  into  despotism.  The  influence  of  the 
clergy,  in  an  age  of  superstition,  might  be  usefully  employed 
to  assert  the  rights  of  mankind  ;  but  so  intimate  is  the  con- 
nection between  the  throne  and  the  altar,  that  the  banner 
of  the  church  has  very  seldom  been  seen  on  the  side  of  the 
people.*  A  martial  nobility  and  stubborn  commons,  possessed 
of  arms,  tenacious  of  property,  and  collected  into  constitu- 
tional assemblies,  form  the  only  balance  capable  of  preserving 
a  free  constitution  against  enterprises  of  an  aspiring  prince. 

Every  barrier  of  the  Roman  constitution  had  been  levelled 
by  the  vast  ambition  of  the  dictator;  every  fence  had  been 
extirpated  by  the  cruel  hand  of  the  triumvir.  After  the 
victory  of  Actium,  the  fate  of  the  Roman  world  depended  on 
the  will  of  Octavianus,  surnamed  Caesar,  by  his  uncle's  adop- 
tion, and  afterwards  Augustus,  by  the  flattery  of  the  senate. 
The  conqueror  was  at  the  head  of  furty-four  veteran  legions,^ 
conscious  of  their  own  strength,  and  of  the  weakness  of  the 
constitution,  habituated,   during   twenty  years'   civil   war,  to 

■  Orosius,  vi.  18.t 


•  Often  enough  in  the  ages  of  superstition,  but  not  in  the  interest  of  the 
people  or  the  st;Ue,  but  in  that  of  the  church,  to  whitli  all  otliers  wero 
SubordiTiate.  Yet  the  power  of  the  pope  has  ot'ton  been  of  great  service  ia 
repi/'soing  the  excesses  of  sovcreij^ns,  and  in  softening  manners. — W. 
The  history  of  the  Italian  republics  proves  the  error  of  Gibbon,  and  the 
jistjce  of  his  German  translator's  comment.  —  M. 

f  Uion  says  twenty-five,  (or  tlnee,)  (Iv.  '2'6.)  The  united  triumvirs  had 
brt  forty-three.  (Appiaii.  Bell.  Civ.  iv.  3.)  The  lestimoiiy  of  Orosius  i« 
ui  little  value  when  more  certain  may  be  had. — W.  But  all  the  legions, 
doubtless,  submitted  to  Augustus  alter  the  battle  of  Actium.  --  M 

()•■  73 


74  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

every  act  of  blood  and  violence,  and  passionately  devoted  to 
the  house  of  Ctesar,  from  whence  alone  they  had  received, 
und  expected,  the  most  lavish  rewards.  The  provinces,  long 
oppressed  by  the  ministers  of  the  republic,  sighed  for  the 
government  of  a  single  person,  who  would  be  the  master,  noi 
the  accomplice,  of  those  petty  tyrants.  The  people  of  Rome, 
viewing,  with  a  secret  pleasure,  the  humiliation  of  the  aristoc- 
racy, demanded  only  bread  and  public  shows ;  and  were 
supplied  with  both  by  the  liberal  hand  of  Augustus.  The 
rich  and  polite  Italians,  who  had  almost  universally  embraced 
the  philosophy  of  Epicurus,  enjoyed  the  present  blessings  of 
ease  and  tranquillity,  and  suffered  not  the  pleasing  dream  to 
be  interrupted  by  the  memory  of  their  old  tumultuous  freedom. 
With  its  power,  the  senate  had  lost  its  dignity  ;  many  of  the 
most  noble  families  were  extinct.  The  republicans  of  spirit 
and  ability  had  perished  in  the  field  of  battle,  or  in  the  pro- 
scription. The  door  of  the  assembly  had  been  designedly 
left  open,  for  a  mixed  multitude  of  more  than  a  thousand 
persons,  who  reflected  disgrace  upon  their  rank,  instead  of 
deriving  honor  from  it.- 

The  reformation  of  the  senate  was  one  of  the  first  steps  iii 
which  Augustus  laid  aside  the  tyrant,  and  professed  himself 
the  father  of  his  country.  He  was  elected  censor  ;  and,  in 
concert  with  his  faithful  Agrippa,  he  examined  the  list  of  the 
senators,  expelled  a  few  members,*  whose  vices  or  whose 
obstinacy  required  a  public  example,  persuaded  near  two 
hundred  to  prevent  the  shame  of  an  expulsion  by  a  voluntary 
retreat,  raised  the  (jualification  of  a  senator  to  about  ten 
tliousand  pounds,  created  a  sufficient  number  of  patrician 
families,  and  accepted  for  himself  the  honorable  title  of  Prince 
of  the   Senate,!   which   had   always  been  bestowed,  by  the 


*  Julius  Ctesar  introduced  soldiers,  strangers,  and  hall- barbarian  a 
into  the  senate  (Sueton.  in  CiEsar.  c.  77,  80.)  The  abuse  became  sti'l 
more  scandalous  after  his  death. 


♦   Of  these  Dion  and  Suetonius  knew  nothing.  — W.     Dion  says  the 

contrary,  nvrAi  fih'  o'u&ifu  avrHv  inr'i'Xiii^c.  —  M. 

t  But  Augustus,  thou  Octavius,  was  censor,  and  in  virtue  of  that  olhce, 
even  aceordiJig  to  the  constitution  of  the  free  republic,  could  reform  the 
•enate,  expel  unworthy  numbers,  name  the  Princeps  Senatiis,  &c.  That 
was  called,  as  is  well  known,  Scuatum  Icgcre.  It  was  customarVj  dvnin« 
the  free  rei)ublic,  for  the  censor  to  be  named  Princeps  Senatiis,  (S.  Liv.  1. 
xxdi.  c.  11,  1.  xl.  c.  51  ;)  and  Dion  expressly  says,  that  tliis  was  dona 
according  to  ancient  usai;c.     lie  was  empowered  by  a  decree  of  the  senate 

i^cuX^i  irrtTpi4.&c'A)  to  admit  a  number  of  famil.es  ameng  the   iialriciauri 
'iually,  the  senate  was  not  the  legislative  power.  —  W. 


or  Tin:  roman  empiiis.  75 

censors,  on  the  citiron  the  most  eminent  fbi  his  nonors  aacl 
services.*'  But  wliils:  he  thus  restored  the  dignity,  he  de- 
stroyed the  intlependenct:,  or  the  senate.  Tlie  |)rinci|)les  of  u 
free  constitution  are  irrecoverably  lost,  wiien  the  legislative 
power  is  nominated  by  the  executive. 

Ik-lure  an  assembly  thus  modelled  and  prepared,  Augustus 
pronounced  a  studied  oration,  which  disjjlayed  his  patriotism, 
and  disguised  his  ambition.  "  He  lamented,  yet  e.\cused,  his 
past  conduct.  Filial  piety  had  required  at  his  hands  the 
revenge  of  his  father's  murder;  the  humanity  of  liis  own 
nature  had  sometimes  given  way  to  the  stern  laws  of  necessity, 
and  to  t',  forced  connection  with  two  unworthy  colleagues:  as 
long  as  Antony  lived,  the  republic  forbade  him  to  abandon  her 
to  a  degenerate  Human,  and  a  barbarian  queen.  He  was 
now  at  liberty  to  satisfy  his  duty  and  his  inclination.  He 
solemnly  restored  the  senate  and  people  to  all  their  ancient 
rights  ;  and  wished  only  to  mingle  with  the  crowd  of  his  fellow- 
citizens,  and  to  share  the  blessings  which  he  had  obtained  fur 
his  country."  ^ 

It  would  require  the  pen  of  Tacitus  (if  Tacitus  had  assisted 
at  this  assembly)  to  describe  the  various  emotions  of  the  senate 
those  that  were  suppressed,  and  those  that  were  affected.  I' 
was  dangerous  to  trust  the  sincerity  of  Augustus  ;  to  seem  tij 
distrust  it  was  still  more  dangerous.  The  respective  advan- 
tages of  monarchy  and  a  republic  have  often  divided  specula- 
tive  inquirers  ;  the  present  greatness  of  the  Roman  otate,  the 
corruption  of  manners,  and  the  license  of  the  soldiers,  supplied 
new  arguments  to  the  advocates  of  monarchy  ;  and  thesu 
general  views  of  government  were  again  warped  by  the  hopes 
and  fears  of  each  individual.  Amidst  this  confusion  of  senti- 
ments, the  answer  of  the  senate  was  unanimous  and  decisive. 
They  refused  to  accept  the  resignation  of  Augustus ;  they 
conjured  him  not  to  desert  the  republic,  which  he  had  saved. 
After  a  decent  resistance,  the  crafty  tyrant  submitted  to  the 
orders  of  the  senate  ;  and  consented  to  receive  the  govern- 
ment of  the  pruvin(-es,  and  the  general  command  of  the 
Kon)an  armies,  under  the  w(;ll-known  names  of  Proconsul 
and  Imphrator.^     But  he  would   receive  them  only  for  tea 

^  Dion  Cassiiis,  1.  liii.  p.  69:i.     Suetonius  in  August.  C.  35. 

*  Dion  (1.  liii.  p.  (Ji)S)  gives  us  a  prolix,  and  bombast  speech  on 
this  gruat  occasion.  1  have  borrowed  from  Suetonius  and  Tacitus  the 
jjciicral  language  of  Augustus, 

*  hnpcrutor  ( from  wliich  we  have  derived  Emperor)  signified  luidei 


7(5  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

yon  re.  Even  before  the  expiration  of  that  period,  he  hoped 
that  the  wounds  of  civil  discord  would  be  compietely  healed, 
and  that  the  republic,  restored  to  its  pristine  health  and  vigor 
would  no  longer  require  the  dangerous  interposition  of  so 
extraordinary  a  magistrate.  The  memoiy  of  this  comedy, 
|"epeated  several  times  during  the  life  of  Augustus,  was  pie^ 
served  to  the  last  ages  of  the  empire,  by  the  peculiar  pomp 
with  which  the  perpetual  monarchsof  Rome  always  solem- 
nized the  tenth  years  of  their  reig  i.^ 

Without  any  violation  of  the  principles  of  the  constitution, 
the  general  of  the  Roman  armies  might  receive  and  exercise 
an  authority  almost  despotic  over  the  soldiers,  the  enemies, 
and  the  subjects  of  the  republic.  With  regard  to  the  soldiers, 
the  jealousy  of  freedom  had,  even  from  the  earliest  ages  of 
]«ome,  given  way  to  the  hopes  of  conquest,  and  a  just  sense 
of  military  discipline.  The  dictator,  or  consul,  had  a  right  to 
command  the  service  of  the  Roman  youth  ;  and  to  punish  an 
obstinate  or  cowardly  disobedience  by  the  most  severe  and 
ignominious  penalties,  by  striking  the  olleader  out  of  the  list 
of  citizens,  by  confiscating  his  property,  and  by  selling  his 
person  into  slavery.'''  The  most  sacred  rights  of  freedom, 
confirmed  by  the  Porcian  and  Sempronian  laws,  were  sus- 
pended by  the  military  engagement.  In  his  camp  the  general 
exercised  an  absolute  power  of  life  and  death  ;  his  jurisdiction 
was  not  confined  by  any  forms  of  trial,  or  rules  of  proceeding, 
and  the  execution  of  the  sentence  was  immediate  and  without 
appeal.*^  The  choice  of  the  enemies  of  Rome  was  I'cgularly 
decided  bv  the  legislative  authority.  The  most  important 
resolutions  of  peace  and  war  were  seriously  debated  in  the 
senate,  and  solemnly  ratified  by  the  people.  But  when  the 
arms  of  the  legions  were  carried  to  a  great  distance  from 
Italy,  the  generals  assumed  the  liberty  of  directing  them 
against  whatever  people,  and  in  whatever  manner,  they  judged 

tlic  republic  no  more  than  qmeral,  and  was  emphatically  hcstowd  by 
the  soldiers,  when  on  the  field  of  battle  they  proclaimed  iheir  victori- 
ous leader  worthy  of  that  title.  "When  the  Roman  emperors  as&L,ned 
it  in  that  sense,  they  placed  it  after  their  name,  and  marked  how  often 
tihev  hiid  taken  it. 

""Dion,  1.  liii.p.  v03,  &c. 

'  Livy  Epitom.  1.  xiv.  [c.  27.]     Yaler.  !Masim.  vi.  3. 

*  Sec,  in  tlie  viiith  book  of  Livy,  the  conduct  of  Manlius  Torquatus 
and  Papirius  Cursor.  They  violated  the  laws  of  nature  and  humanity, 
nut  they  asKcrtcd  those  of  military  discipline  ;  and  the  people,  who 
fcbhoived  tlic  action,  was  obliged  to  respect  the  principle. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPITIE  77 

most  advantngeous  for  tlie  public  service.  It  was  from  the 
fuiccess,  not  from  the  justice,  of  their  enterprises,  that  they 
expected  the  liotiors  of  a  triumph.  In  the  use  of  victory,  es- 
pecially after  they  were  no  longer  controlled  by  the  commis- 
sioners of  the  senate,  they  exercised  the  most  unbounded  des- 
potism. When  Pompey  commanded  in  the  East,  he  rewarded 
his  soldiers  and  allies,  dethroned  princes,  divided  kingdoms, 
founded  colonies,  and  distributed  the  treasures  of  Mithridates. 
On  his  return  to  Rome,  he  obtained,  by  a  single  act  of  the 
senate  and  people,  the  universal  ratification  of  all  his  procced- 
ings.9  Sucli  was  the  power  over  the  soldiers,  and  over  the 
enemies  of  Rome,  which  was  either  granted  to,  or  assumed 
by,  the  generals  of  the  republic.  They  were,  at  the  same 
time,  the  governors,  or  rather  monarchs,  of  the  conquered 
provinces,  united  the  civil  with  the  military  character,  admin- 
istered justice  as  well  as  the  finances,  and  exercised  both  the 
executive  and  legislative  power  of  the  state. 

From  what  has  been  already  observed  in  the  first  chapter 
of  this  work,  some  notion  may  be  formed  of  the  armies  and 
provinces  thus  intrusted  to  the  ruling  hand  of  Augustus.  But 
as  it  was  impossible  that  he  could  personally  command  the 
legions  of  so  many  distant  frontiers,  he  was  indulged  by  the 
senate,  as  Pompey  had  already  been,  in  the  permission  of 
devolving  the  execution  of  his  great  office  on  a  sufficient 
number  of  lieutenants.  In  rank  and  authority  these  officers 
seemed  not  inferior  to  the  ancient  proconsuls  ;  but  their  station 
was  dependent  and  precarious.  They  received  and  held  tl'.eir 
commissions  at  the -will  of  a  superior,  to  whose  auspiciuus 
influence  the  merit  of  their  actions  was  legally  attributed. i" 
Tliey  were  the  representatives  of  the  emperor.    The  emperor 

*  By  the  lavish  but  unconstrained  suffra<;;es  of  the  people,  Pompey 
had  obtained  a  military  command  scarcely  inferior  to  that  of  Augus- 
tus. Amon<j;  the  extraordinary  acts  of  power  executed  by  tlie  former, 
we  may  remark  the  foundation  of  twenty-nine  cities,  and  the  distri- 
bution of  three  or  four  millions  sterling  to  his  troops.  The  ratifica- 
tion of  his  acts  met  with  some  opposition  and  delays  in  the  senate, 
bee  riutarch,  Appian,  Dion  Cassius,  and  the  lirst  book  of  the  epistles 
to  Atticus. 

""  Under  the  commonwealth,  a  triumph  could  only  bo  claimed  by 
the  general,  who  was  authorized  to  take  tlic  Auspices  in  tlie  namo 
of  tlxe  people.  By  an  exact  consequence,  drawn  from  tliis  principle 
of  policy  and  religion,  the  triiimph  was  reserved  to  the  emperor; 
and  his  most  successful  Lieutenants  were  satistied  with  some  mark.i 
of  distinction,  wliich,  xmder  the  name  of  ti-iumphal  honors,  weie 
nveuted  in  their  favor. 

\ 


18  THE    D£.CL1NE    AND    FALL 

alone  was  the  general  of  the  repul)lic,  and  his  jurisdiction,  civil 
as  well  as  military,  extended  over  all  the  conquests  of  Rome. 
It  was  some  satisfaction,  however,  to  the  senate,  that  he  always 
delegated  his  power  to  the  members  of  their  body.  The  im- 
perial lieutenants  were  of  consular  or  praetorian  dignity;  the 
legions  were  commanded  by  senators,  and  the  priefecture  of 
Egypt  was  the  only  important  trust  committed  \o  a  Roman 
knigh.. 

Ill 

Within  six  days  after  Augustus  had  been  compelled  to 
accept  so  very  liberal  a  grant,  he  resolved  to  gratify  the  pride 
of  the  senate  by  an  easy  sacrifice.  lie  represent(;d  to  them, 
that  they  had  enlarged  his  powers,  even  beyond  that  degree 
which  might  be  required  by  the  melancholy  condition  of  the 
times.  Tiiey  had  not  permitted  him  to  refuse  the  laborious 
command  of  the  armies  and  the  frontiers  ;  but  he  must  insist 
on  being  allowed  to  restore  the  more  peaceful  and  secure 
provinces  to  the  mild  administration  of  the  civil  magistrate, 
in  the  division  of  the  provinces,  Augustus  jjrovided  for  his 
own  power  and  for  the  dignity  of  the  republic.  The  procon- 
suls of  the  senate,  particularly  those  of  Asia,  Greece,  and 
Africa,  enjoyed  a  more  honorable  character  than  the  lieuten- 
ants of  the  emperor,  who  commanded  in  Gaul  or  Syria.  The 
former  were  attended  by  lictors,  tlie  latter  by  soldiers.*  A 
law  was  passed,  that  wherever  the  emperor  was  present,  hist 
extraordinary  connnission  should  sujjersede  the  ordinary  juris- 
diction of  the  governor ;  a  custom  was  introduced,  that  the 
new  conquests  belonged  to  the  imiierial  portion  ;  and  it  was 
soon  discovered  that  the  authority  of  the  P/n'/icc,  the  favorite 
epithet  of  Augustus,  was  the  same  in  every  part  of  the  empire. 

In  return  for  this  imaginary  concession,  Augustus  obtained 
an  important  privilege,  which  rendered  him  master  of  Rome 
and  Italy.  By  a  dangerous  exception  to  the  ancient  maxims, 
he  was  authorized  to  preserve  his  military  command,  sup- 
ported by  a  munerous  body  of  guards,  even  in  time  of  peace, 
and  in   the   heart  of  the  capital,     ilis  command,  indeed,,  was 

*  This  distinction  is  without  fouiuliition.  The  lioutoniints  of  the  empe- 
ror, wiio  were  L%illed  Propraitors,  whether  ttiey  hiid  l)een  jjra'tors  or  consuls, 
were  attnided  hy  six  lictors;  tliose  wlio  had  ilie  right  of  the  swoid,  (of  life 
.ind  deutli  over  tlie  sokliers.  —  M.)  bore  the  military  habit  (puludiimentuni) 
und  the  sword.  The  provincial  f^overuors  conuiiissioiied  by  the  senate,  who, 
wh«aher  they  had  been  consuls  or  not,  were  called  I'roconsuls,  had  twelve 
lictors  when' they  had  been  consuls,  and  six  only  when  they  had  but  been 
ura'tots.  The  provinces  of  Africa  and  Asia  were  only  K'^en  to  ex-consuls 
See,  on  the  Organization  of  the  Prov-ncts,  JJiou,  liii.  12,  1(5.  Slrabo.  xvii 
y40.  _  W. 


OF   THE    ROMAN    EMPTRE.  79 

confined  to  those  citizens  who  wore  engaged  in  the  service  by 
t!ie  military  oath  ;  but  such  was  the  propensity  of  the  liomuna 
to  servitude,  tliat  the  o;ith  was  voluntarily  taken  by  the  magis- 
trates, tlie  senators,  and  tlie  equestrian  order,  till  the  homage 
of  flattery  was  insensibly  converted  into  an  annual  and  solemn 
jrotcstation  of  fidelity. 

Ahhough  Augustus  considered  a  military  force  as  the  firm- 
est foundation,  he  wisely  rejected  it,  as  a  very  odious  'nstni- 
ment  of  government.  It  was  more  agreeable  to  his  t(  niper, 
as  well  as  to  liis  policy,  to  reign  under  the  venerable  names 
of  ancient  magistracy,  and  artfully  to  collect,  in  his  own  pcr^ 
son,  all  the  scattered  rays  of  civil  jurisdiction.  With  this  view, 
he  permitted  the  senate  to  confer  u|)on  hiin,  for  his  life,  the 
powers  of  the  consular  ''  and  tribunitian  olllces,^-  which  were, 
in  the  same  manner,  continued  to  all  his  successors.  The 
consuls  had  succeeded  to  the  kings  of  Rome,  and  represented 
the  dignity  of  the  state.  They  superintended  tlie  ceremonies 
of  religion,  levied  and  commanded  the  legions,  gave  audience 
to  foreign  ambassadors,  and  presided  in  the  assemblies  both 
of  the  senate  and  people.  The  general  control  of  the  finances 
was  intrusted  to  their  care  ;  and  though  they  seldom  had 
leisure  to  administer  justice  fli  person,  they  were  considered 
as  the  supreme  guardians  of  law,  equity,  and  the  public  peace. 
Such  was  tlieir  ordinary  jurisdiction  ;  but  wfu;never  the  senate 
empowered  the  first  magistrate  to  consult  the  safety  of  the 
commonwealth,  he  was  raised  by  that  decree  above  the  laws, 
and  exercised,  in  the  defence  of  liberty,  a  temporary  despot- 
ism.^^  The  character  of  tlie  tribunes  was,  in  every  respect, 
difl'ei'ent  from   that  of  the  consuls.     The  appearance  of  the 

"  Cicero  (dc  Lcgibus,  iii.  3)  gives  the  consular  office  the  nan:o 
of  Re(jia  polestas  ;  and  Polybius  (1.  vi.  c.  3)  observes  three  powers  in 
Uic  Roman  constitution.  The  monarchical  was  represented  and  ex- 
eiiised  by  the  consuls. 

"*  As  the  tribunitian  power  (distinct  from  the  annual  office)  was 
first  invented  by  the  dictator  Cicsar,  (Dion,  1.  xliv.  p.  381,)  wc  may 
eaeily  conceive,  that  it  was  given  as  a  reward  for  having  so  nobly 
asic-ted,  by  arms,  tlie  sacred  rights  of  the  tribunes  and  people.  See 
hia  nwn  Conimcnturies,  de  Bell.  Civil.  1.  i. 

'*  Augustus  exercised  nine  annual  consulships  without  interrup- 
tion. He  then  most  artfully  refused  that  magistracy,  as  well  as  the 
dictatorship,  abscr.ted  himself  from  Rome,  and  waited  till  the  fatal 
effects  of  tumult  and  faction  forced  the  senate  to  invest  him  with  a 
jicrpetual  consulship.  Augustus,  as  well  ajs  his  successors,  aifected, 
however,  to  conceal  so  invidious  a  title. 


80  TITE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

former  was  modest  and  humble  ;  but  their  persons  were  sacred 
and  inviolable.  Their  force  was  suited  rather  for  opposition 
than  for  action.  They  were  instituted  to  defend  the  oppressed, 
to  pardon  ofren(:es,  to  arraign  the  enemies  of  the  people,  and, 
when  they  judged  it  necessary,  to  stop,  by  a  single  word,  tho 
whole  machine  of  government.  As  long  as  the  republic  sub- 
sisted, the  dangerous  influence,  which  either  the  consul  or  the 
tribune  might  derive  from  their  respective  jurisdiction,  waa 
diminished  by  several  important  restrictions.  Their  autliority 
expired  with  the  year  in  which  they  were  elected  ;  the  forrnei* 
office  was  divided  between  two,  the  latter  among  ten  persons; 
and,  as  both  in  their  private  and  public  interest  they  were 
averse  to  each  other,  their  mutual  conflicts  contributed,  for  the 
most  part,  to  strengthen  rather  than  to  destroy  the  balance  of 
the  constitution.*  But  when  the  consular  and  trlbunitian  powers 
were  united,  when  they  were  vested  for  life  in  a  single  person 
when  the  general  of  the  army  was,  at  the  same  time,  the  min- 
ister of  the  senate  and  the  representative  of  the  Roman  people, 
it  was  impossible  to  resist  the  exercise,  nor  was  it  easy  to 
define  the  limits,  of  his  imperial  prerogative. 

To  these  accumulated  honors,  the  policy  of  Augustus  soon 
added  the  splendid  as  well  as  irAportant  dignities  of  supreme 
pontiff",  and  of  censor.  By  the  former  he  acquired  the  ma.i- 
agement  of  the  religion,  and  by  the  latter  a  legal  inspcctior 
over  the  manners  and  fortunes,  of  the  Roman  people.  If  so 
many  distinct  and  independent  powers  did  not  exactly  unite 
with  each  other,  the  complaisance  of  the  senate  was  prepared 
to  supply  every  deficiency  by  the  most  ample  and  extraordinary 
concessions.  The  emperors,  as  the  first  ministers  of  the 
republic,  were  exempted  from  the  obligation  and  penalty  of 
many  inconvenient  laws  :  they  were  authorized  to  convoke 
the  senate,  to  make  several  motions  in  the  same  day,  to 
recommend  candidates  for  the  honors  of  the  state,  tc  enlarge 
the  bounds  of  the  city,  to  employ  the  revenue  at  their  discre- 
tion, to  declare  peace  and  war,  to  ratify  treaties ;  and  by  a 
most  comprehensive  clause,  they  were  empowered  to  execute 
whatsoever  they  should  judge  advantageous  to  the  empire,  and 


*  The  note  of  M.  Guizot  on  the  tribuniti;ui  power  applies  to  the  French 
translation  rather  tlian  to  the  original.  The  former  lias,  maintenir  la 
balance  toujours  egale,  whidi  inij.lics  much  more  than  (jibhon's  genera) 
expression.  'Ihc  note  belongs  rather  to  the  history  of  the  Republic  than 
that  of  the  Empire   —  M. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  81 

agrccablo  to  the  majasty  of  things  private  or  public,  human  oi 
divine.  1"* 

When  all  Ihe  various  powers  of  executive  government  were 
committed  to  the  Imperial  magistrate.,  tlie  ordinary  magis- 
trates of  the  commonweahh  languisiied  in  obscurity,  witliout 
vigor,  and  ahno^t  without  business.  The  names  and  forms 
of  the  ancient  administration  were  preserved  by  Augustus 
with  the  most  anxious  care.  The  usual  number  of  consuls, 
praetors,  and  tribun3s,i5  were  annually  invested  with  their  re- 
spective ensigns  of  ofhce,  and  continued  to  discharge  some  of 
their  least  iin[)ortant  functions.  Those  honors  still  attracted 
the  vain  ambition  of  the  Romans;  and  the  emperors  them- 
selves, though  invested  for  life  with  the  powers  of  the  consul- 
ship, frequently  aspired  to  the  title  of  that  annual  dignity, 
which  they  condescended  to  share  with  the  most  illustrious  of 
their  fellow-citizens. ^^  \^  the  election  of  these  magistrates, 
the  people,  during  the  reign  of  Augustus,  were  permitted  to 
expose  all  the  inconveniences  of  a  wild  democracy.  That 
artful  prince,  instead  of  discovering  the  least  symptom  of  im- 
patience, humbly  solicited  their  suffrages  for  himself  or  his 
friends,  and  scrupulously  practised  all  the  duties  of  an  ordinary 

'■»  See  a  fragment  of  a  Decree  of  the  Senate,  coiiferring  on  the 
emperor  Vespasian  all  the  powers  granted  to  his  predecessors,  Au- 
gustus, Tiberius,  and  (Jlaudius.  Tliis  curious  and  important  monu- 
ment is  published  in  Gruter's  Inscriptions,  No.  ccxlii.* 

'*  Two  consuls  wore  created  on  the  C'alcnds  of  January ;  hut  in 
the  course  of  the  year  others  were  substituted  in  their  places,  till  the 
annual  number  seems  to  have  amounted  to  np  less  than  twelve.  The 
priEtors  Avere  usually  sixteen  or  eighteen,  (Lipsius  in  Excurs.  D.  ad 
Tacit.  Annal.  1.  i.)  I  have  not  mentioned  the  yEdilcs  or  Quajstors. 
Officers  of  tlic  police  or  revenue  easily  adapt  themselves  to  any  form 
of  government.  In  the  time  of  Nero,  the  tribunes  legally  possessed 
the  right  of  intercession,  though  it  might  be  dangerous  to  exercise  it, 
(Tacit.  Annal.  xvi.  2(5.)  lu  the  time  of  Trajan,  it  was  doubtful 
whether  the  tribuneship  was  an  offiee  or  a  name,  (Plm.  Eiiist.  i. 
23.) 

'^  The  tyrants  themselves  were  ambitious  of  the  consulship.  I'nc 
virtuous  princes  were  moderate  in  the  pursuit,  and  exact  in  the  dis- 
charge of  it.  Trajan  revived  the  ancient  oath,  and  swore  before  the 
consul's  tribunal  that  he  would  obscr\'e  the  laws,  (Plin.  Panegjiic 
c.  64.) 

•  It  13  also  in  the  oditior.i  of  Tacitus  by  Ryck,  (Annal.  p.  420,  421,)  and 
Ernesti,  (Excurs.  ad  lib.  iv.  6  ;)  but  this  fVas^inout  contains  so  miiny  i'ncon- 
Idstencies,  both  in  matter  and  form,  that  its  authenticity  may  te  douot^d. 


B2  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL- 

cancl'date.^"^  But  we  may  ventv.re  to  ascribe  to  1  is  counc-la 
\he  first  measure  of  the  succeeding  reign,  by  which  the  elec 
lions  were  transferred  to  the  senate.'*^  The  assemblies  of  the 
people  were  forever  abolished,  and  the  emperors  were  deliv- 
ered from  a  dangerous  multitude,  who,  without  restoring  lib- 
erty, might  have  disturbed,  and  perhaps  endangered,  the 
established  government. 

Bv  declaring  themselves  the  protectors  of  the  people, 
Marius  and  Ca?sar  had  subverted  the  constitution  of  their 
coimtry.  But  as  soon  as  the  senate  had  been  humbled  and 
disarmed,  such  an  assembly,  consisting  of  five  or  six  hundred 
persons,  vas  found  a  much  more  tractable  and  useful  instru- 
ment of  dominion.  It  was  on  the  dignity  of  the  senate  tliat 
Augustus  and  his  successors  founded  their  new  empire ;  and 
they  affected,  on  every  occasion,  to  adopt  the  language  and 
principles  of  Patricians.  In  the  administration  of  their  own 
powers,  they  frequently  consulted  the  great  national  council 
and  seemed  to  refer  to  its  decision  the. most  important  concerns 
of  peace  and  war.  Rome,  Italy,  and  the  internal  provinces, 
W'ere  subject  to  the  immediate  jurisdiction  of  the  senate. 
With  regard  to  civil  objects,  it  was  the  supreme  court  of 
appeal  ;  with  regard  to  criminal  matters,  a  tribunal,. constitut- 
ed for  the  trial  of  all  offences  that  were  committed  by  men 
in  any  j)ublic  station,  or  that  affected  the  peace  and  majesty 
of  the  Roman  people.  The  exercise  of  the  judicial  power 
became  the  most  frequent  and  serious  occupation  of  the 
senate  ;  and  the  im.portant  causes  that  were  pleaded  before 
them  afforded  a  last  refuge  to  the  s[)irit  of  ancient  eloquence. 
As  a  council  of  state,  and  as  a  court  of  justice,  the  senate  pos- 
sessed very  considerable  prerogatives  ;  but  in  its  legislative 
capacity,  in  which   it  was  supposed  virtually  to  represent  the 

"  Quoties  Magistrutuum  (Joniitii.s  iiitciessct.  Tribus  tnim  candiaa- 
tis  suis  clrcuibat:  suj)plic-;il)aliiue  more  solcmni.  Furehat  ot  ijisc 
Buii'ragium  in  tribubus,   ut  unus  e  populo.      Suetonius    in    August. 

C.  01). 

'*  Turn  priniuni  Coraitia  c  caiiipo  ad  patrcs  transhita  sunt.  Tacit. 
Annal.  i.  15.  The  word  primum  seems  to  allude  to  some  iaint  aai 
unsuc  ;essl'ul  efforts  which  were  made  towards  restoring  them  to  iho 
people* 

*  The  emperor  Caligula  made  the  attempt  :  he  restored  the  Comlfia  tf 
the  people,  hut,  in  a  short  time,  took  them  away  aj^ain.  Suet,  in  Can. 
J.  If)  Dion.  lix.  'J,  20.  Nevertheless,  at  tic?  time  of  Uion,  they  preserved 
»ti'.l  the  form  of  tlK  Comitia.     Dion.  Iviii.  2(J.  —  W. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE, 


83 


people,  the  rights  of  sovereignty  were  acknowlerlged  to  resida 
in  that  assembly.  Every  power  was  derived  froin  tlieir  au- 
thority, every  law  was  ratified  by  their  sanction.  Their  regu- 
lar meetings  were  held  on  three  stated  days  in  every  moiilh- 
the  Calends,  the  Nones,  and  the  Ides.  The  debates  were  con- 
ducted with  decent  freedom  ;  and  the  emperors  themselves, 
who  gloried  in  the  name  of  senators,  sat,  voted,  and  divided 
with  their  equd.s. 

To  resume,  in  a  few  words,  the  system  of  the  Imperial 
government  as  it  Avas  instituted  by  Augustus,  and  main- 
tamed  by  those  princes  who  understood  their  own  interest  and 
that  of  the  people,  it  may  be  defined  an  absolute  monarchy 
disguised  by  the  forms  of  a  commonwealth.  The  masters  ol 
the  Roman  world  surrounded  tlieir  throne  with  darkness,  con- 
cealed their  irresistible  strength,  and  humbly  professed  them- 
selves the  accountable  ministers  of  the  senate,  whose  supreme 
decrees  they  dictated  and  obeyed. ^^ 

The  face  of  tlie  court  corresponded  with  the  forms  of  the 
administration.  The  emperors,  if  we  except  those  tyrants 
whose  capricious  folly  violated  every  law  of  nature  and  de- 
cency, disdained  that  pomp  and  ceremony  wiiich  might  offend 
their  countrymen,  but  could  add  nothing  to  their  real  power. 
In  all  the  olhces  of  life,  they  affected  to  confound  themselves 
with  their  subjects,  and  maintained  with  them  an  equal  inter- 
course of  visits  and  entertainments.  Their  habit,  their  palace, 
their  table,  were  suited  only  to  the  rank  of  an  opulent  sena- 
tor. Their  family,  however  numerous  or  splendid,  was  com- 
posed entirely  of  their  domestic  slaves  and  frcedmen.^o 
Augustus  or  Trajan  would  have  blushed  at  employing  the 
meanest  of  the  Romans  in  those  menial  offices,  which,  in  the 


'9  Dion  Cassius  (1.  liii.  p.  703—714)  has  given  a  very  loose  and 
partial  sketch  of  tho  Imperial  system.  To  illustrate  and  often  to  cor- 
rect him,  I  have  meditated  Tacitus,  examined  Suetonius,  and  consulted 
the  following  moderns:  the  Abbe  do  la  Blctcric,  in  the  jSIcmoires  do 
VAcadimie  des  Inscrijjtions,  torn.  six.  xxi.  xxiv.  xxv.  xxvii.  Beau- 
fort, Republiciue  llomainc,  torn.  i.  p.  256—275.  Tho  Dissertations  of 
Noodt  and  Gronovius,  de  Icje  licgia,  printed  at  Leyden,  in  the  year 
17;}].  Gravina  de  Imperio  Romano,  p.  479 — 544  of  his  Opusculu 
Maflci,  Verona  lllustrata,  p.  i.  p.  245,  &c. 

^^  A  weak  jjrincc  will  always  be  governed  by  his  domestics.  Tlie 
power  of  slaves  ag^^avated  the  shame  of  the  Romans ;  and  the  senaifl 
paid  court  to  a  i'alhis  or  a  Narcissus.  Th'.irc  is  a  chance  that  u 
cxiodem  favorite  may  be  a  ger  iemaii. 


84  THE    DECLINE   AND    FALL 

household   and   bedchamber  of  a   limited   monarch,  are    so 
eagerly  solicited  by  the  proudest  nobles  of  Britain. 

The  deification  of  the  emperors-^  is  the  only  instance  in 
which  they  departed  from  their  accustomed  prudence  and 
modesty.  The  Asiatic  Greeks  were  the  first  inventors,  tho 
successors  of  Alexander  the  first  objects,  of  this  servile  and 
impious  mode  of  adulation.*  It  was  easily  tra-nsferred  from 
the  kings  to  the  governors  of  Asia ;  and  the  Roman  magis- 
trates very  frequently  were  adored  as  provincial  deities,  with 
the  pomp  of  altars  and  temples,  of  festivals  and  sacrifices.^^ 
It  was  natural  that  the  emperors  should  not  refuse  what  the 
proconsuls  had  accepted  ;  and  the  divine  honors  which  both 
the  one  and  the  other  received  from  the  provinces,  attested 
rather  the  despotism  than  the  servitude  of  Rome.  But  the 
conquerors  soon  imitated  the  vanquished  nations  in  the  arts 
of  flattery  ;  and  the  imperious  spirit  of  the  first  Coesar  too 
easily  consented  to  assume,  during  his  lifetime,  a  place  among 
the  tutelar  deities  of  Rome.  The  milder  temper  of  his  suc- 
cessor declined  so  dangerous  an  ambition,  which  was  never 
afterwards  revived,  except  by  the  madness  of  Caligula  and 
Domitian.  Augustus  permitted  indeed  some  of  the  provincial 
cities  to  erect  temples  to  his  honor,  on  condition  that  they 
should  associate  the  worship  of  Rome  with  that  of  the  sove- 
reign ;    he  tolerated  private  superstition,  of  which  he  might  be 

"  See  a  treatise  of  Vandale  de  Consocratione  Principium.  It 
would  bo  easier  for  me  to  copy,  than  it  has  been  to  verify,  the  quota- 
tions of  that  learned  Dutchman. 

^^  See  a  dissertation  of  the  Abb6  Mongault  in  the  first  volume  of 
llie  Academy  of  Liscriptions. 


*  This  is  inaccurate.  The  successors  of  Alexander  were  not  the  first 
deilied  sovereigns  ;  the  Egyptians  had  deified  and  worsliipped  niaTy  of 
their  kings  ;  the  Olympus  of  the  Greeks  was  peopled  with  divinities  who 
had  reigned  on  earth  ;  finally,  llonmlus  himself  had  received  the  honors 
of  an  apotheosis  (Tit.  Liv.  i.  IG)  a  long  time  before  Alexander  and  his 
successors.  It  is  also  an  inaccuracy  to  confound  the  honors  oii'cred  in  the 
provinces  to  the  Iloman  governors,  by  temples  and  altars,  with  the  true 
apothci^sis  of  the  emperors  ;  it  was  not  a  religious  worship,  for  it  iiad 
ncitlier  priests  nor  sacrifices.  Augustus  was  severely  blamed  for  having 
permitted  himself  to  be  worshipped  as  a  god  in  the  provinces,  tTac.  Ann. 
I.  10:)  he  would  not  have  incurred  that  l)lanie  if  lie  had  only  dcnie  what 
the  governors  were  accustomed  to  do.  —  G.  from  W.  M.  (iuizot  hasjiein 
Kuilty  of  a  still  greater  inaccuracy  in  confounding  the  deification  of  the 
living  with  the  apotheosis  of  the  dead  emperors.  The  nature  of  the  king- 
worship  of  Egypt  is  still  very  obscure;  the  hcro-worsiiip  of  the  Greeks 
tcry  diirerunt  from  the  adoration  of  the  "  priEsens  numen  "  in  the  reigni.ig 
sovereign.  —  M 


CF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  8S 

(liO  object;  23  but  he  contented  himself  with  being  revered  bv 
the  senate  and  the  people  in  ids  human  character,  and  wisely 
left  to  his  successor  the  care  of  his  public  deification.  A  reg- 
ular custom  was  introduced,  that  on  the  decease  of  cvcrj' 
emperor  who  had  neither  lived  nor  died  like  a  tyrant,  th? 
senate  by  a  solemn  decree  should  place  him  in  the  number  of 
the  gods  :  and  the  ceremonies  of  his  apotheosis  were  blended 
with  those  of  his  funeral. t  This  legal,  and,  as  it  should 
seem,  injudicious  profanation,  so  abhorrent  to  our  stricter 
principles,  was  received  with  a  very  faint  murmur,-"*  by  the 
easy  nature  of  Polytheism  ;  but  it  was  received  as  an  institu- 
tion, not  of  religion,  but  of  policy.  We  should  disgrace  the 
virtues  of  the  Antonines  by  comparing  them  with  the  vices 
of  Hercules  or  Jupiter.  Even  the  characters  of  Ccesar  or 
Augustus  were  far  superior  to  those  of  the  popular  deities. 
•  But  it  was  the  misfortune  of  the  former  to  live  in  an  enlight- 
■  ened  age,  and  their  actions  were  too  faithfully  recorded  to 
admit  of  such  a  mixture  of  fable  and  mystery,  as  the  devotion 
of  the  vulgar  requires.  As  soon  as  their  divinity  was  estab- 
lished by  law,  it  sunk  into  oblivion,  without  contributing  either 
to  their  own  fame,  or  to  the  dignity  of  succeeding  princes. 

In  the  consideration  of  the  Imperial  government,  we  have 
frequently  mentioned  the  artful  founder,  under  his  well-known 
title  of  Augustus,  which  was  not,  however,  conferred  upon  him 
till  the  edifice  was  almost  completed.  The  obscure  name  of 
Octavianus  he  derived  from  a  mean  family,  in  the  little  town 
of  Aricia.|     It  was  stained  with  the  blood  of  the  proscription  ^ 

*^  Jurandasque  tuum  per  nomen  ponimus  aras,  says  Horace  to  the 
emperor  himseli",  and  Horace  was  -well  acquainted  with  the  court  of 
Augustus.* 

^*  See  Cicero  in  Philippic,  i.  6.  Julian  in  Caesaribus.  Inque  De(in3 
tcmplis  jurabit  lloma  per  umbras,  is  the  indignant  expression  of 
Lucan  ;  but  it  is  a  patriotic,  rather  than  a  devout  indignation. 


*  The  cood  princes  ;vcre  not  those  who  alone  obtained  the  honors  of  an 
apotheosis:  it  was  conferred  on  many  tyrants.  See  an  excellent  treatise 
of  Schicpflin,  de  Consecratione  Iinperatorum  Romanorum,  in  his  Commen- 
tationes  historica;  et  critica;.     Bale,  1741,  p.  184.  — W. 

t  The  curious  satire  the  inoKoXwrwan,  in  the  works  of  Seneca,  is  the 
Btrongest  remonstrance  of  profaned  religion.  —  M. 

X  Octavius  was  not  of  an  obscure  family,  but  of  a  considerable  one  of 
the  equestrian  order.  His  father,  C.  Octavius,  who  possessed  great  prop- 
erty, had  been  pra;tor,  governor  of  ^Macedonia,  adorned  with  the  title  of 
Imperator,  and  was  on  the  point  of  becoming  consul  when  he  died,  llij 
mother,  Attia,  was  daughter  of  M.  Attiiis  Balbus,  vbo  had  also  been 
urxtor.     M.  Anthony  reproached  Octavius  with  having  been  born  in  Aricia 


86  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

and  he  was  desirous,  had  it  been  possible,  to  erase  all  memory 
of  his  former  life.  The  ilkistrious  surname  of  Casar  he  had 
assumed,  as  the  adopted  son  of  the  dictator:  but  he  haa  too 
m-.ich  good  sense,  either  to  hope  to  be  confounded,  or  to  wish 
to  be  compared,  with  that  extraordiaiy  man.  It  was  proposed 
in  the  senate  to  dignify  tiieir  minister  with  a  new  appellation  ; 
and  after  a  serious  discussion,  that  of  Augustus  was  chosen, 
among  several  others,  as  being  the  most  expressive  of  iho 
character  of  peace  and  sanctity,  which  he  uniformly  affect- 
ed.2"  Augustus  was  therefore  a  personal,  CcBsar  a  family 
dis.inction.  The  former  should  naturally  have  expired  with 
the  j)rince  on  whom  it  was  bestowed  ;  and  however  the  lattei 
was  difTused  by  adoption  and  female  alliance,  Nero  was  the 
last  prince  who  could  allege  any  hereditary  claim  to  the  hon- 
ors of  the  Julian  line.  But,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  thtj^ 
practice  of  a  century  had  inseparably  connected  those  appel 
lations  with  the  Imperial  dignity,  and  they  have  been  pre- 
served by  a  long  succession  of  emperors,  Romans,  Greeks, 
Franks,  and  Germans,  from  the  fall  of  the  republic  to  thu 
present  time.  A  distinction  was,  however,  soon  introduced. 
The  i^acred  title  of  Augustus  was  always  reserved  for  the 
monarch,  whilst  the  name  of  Csesar  was  more  freely  commu- 
nicated to  his  relations ;  and,  from  the  reign  of  Hadrian,  at 
least,  was  appropriated  to  the  second  person  in  the  state,  who 
was  considered  as  the  presumptive  heir  of  the  empire.* 

The    tender   respect   of  Augustus   for  a  free   constitution 
which  he  had  destroyed,  can  only  be  explained  by  an  atteu- 

**  Dion   Cassius,  1.  liii.  p.   710,  with  the  curious  Annotations  of 
Reimar. 


which,  nevertheless,  was  a  considerable  municipal  city  :  he  was  vigorously 
refute'l  by  Cicero.  Pliilip.  iii.  c.  G.  —  W.  Gibbon  probably  meant  that  the 
family  had  but  recently  emerged  into  notice.  —  M. 

*  The  princes  wlio  by  their  birth  or  their  adoption  belonged  to  the  family 
of  the  Cicsars,  took  the  name  of  Caesar.  After  the  death  of  Nero,  this 
name  designated  tlie  Imperial  dignity  itself,  and  afterwards  the  appointed 
successor.  The  time  at  which  it  was  employed  in  the  latter  sense,  cannot 
bo  lixed  with  certainty.  Bach  (Hist.  Jurispiud.  Rom.  304)  affirms  from 
Tacitus,  11.  1.  15,  and  Suetonius,  Galba  17,  that  Galba  conferred  on  I'iso 
licimanus  the  title  of  Ca'sar,  and  from  iliat  lime  the  term  had  this  mean- 
ing :  but  these  two  historians  simply  say  that  he  appointed  Piso  his  suc- 
cessor, and  do  not  mention  the  word  Ciesar.  Aurelius  Victor  (in  Traj.  348, 
ed.  Artzen)  says  that  Hadrian  first  received  this  title  on  his  adopti  in ;  but 
as  the  adoption  of  Hadrian  is  still  doubtful,  and  besides  .his,  as  Trajau, 
on  his  death-bed,  was  not  likely  to  have  created  a  new  title  fr.  r  his  suc- 
cessor, it  is  more  probable  that  yElius  Verus  was  the  lirst  who  was  calltni 
Uaesar,  when  adopted  by  Hadrian.     Spart.  in  yElio  Vero,  102.-  W. 


OF    THE    nOHAN    EMPIRE.  t*"? 

ti'/e  consitloration  of  the  cliaracter  of  that  subtle  tyrant.  A 
cool  head,  an  unfeeling  heart,  and  a  cowardly  dis'>nsiticn, 
prompted  him  at  the  age  of  nineteen  to  assume  the  mask  of 
hypocrisy,  which  he  never  afterwards  laid  aside.  With  the 
same  hand,  and  prol)ably  with  the  same  temper,  lie  signed 
the  proscription  of  Cicero,  and  the  pardon  of  Cinna.  His 
virtues,  and  even  his  vices,  were  artificial  ;  and  according  to 
the  various  dictates  of  his  interest,  he  was  at  first  the  enemy, 
and  at  last  the  father,  of  the  Roman  world.-"  When  he 
framed  the  artful  system  of  the  Imperial  authority,  his  mod- 
eration was  inspired  by  his  fears.  He  wished  to  deceive  the 
people  by  an  image  of  civil  liberty,  and  the  armies  by  an 
image  of  civil  government. 

I.  The  death  of  Cuesar  was  ever  before  his  eyes.  He  had 
lavished  wealth  and  honors  on  his  adherents  ;  but  the  most 
favored  friends  of  liis  uncle  were  in  the  number  of  the  con- 
spirators. The  fidelity  of  the  legions  might  defend  his 
authority  against  open  rebellion  ;  but  their  vigilance  could 
not  secure  his  person  from  the  dagger  of  a  determined 
republican  ;  and  the  Romans,  who  revered  the  memory  of 
Brutus,-"  would  applaud  the  imitation  of  his  virtue.  Caesai 
had  provoked  his  fate,  as  much  by  the  ostentation  of  his 
power,  as  by  his  power  itself.  The  consul  or  the  tribune 
might  have  reigned  in  peace.  The  title  of  king  had  armed 
the  Romans  against  his  life.  Augustus  was  sensible  that  man- 
kind is  governed  by  names  ;  nor  was  he  deceived  in  his  ex- 
pectation, that  the  senate  and  people  would  submit  to  slavery, 
provided  they  were  respectfully  assured  that  they  still  enjoyed 
their  ancient  freedom.  A  feeble  senate  and  enervated  people 
cheerfully  acquiesced  in  the  pleasing  illusion,  as  long  as  it 
was  supported  by  the  virtue,  or  even  by  the  prudence,  of  tho 

*®  As  Octavianus  advanced  to  the  banquet  of  the  Cccsars,  his  color 
changed  like  that  of  the  chameleon ;  pale  at  first,  then  red,  afterwards 
black,  he  at  last  assumed  the  mild  livery  of  Venus  and  the  Graces, 
(Ciesars,  p.  309.)  This  image,  employed  by  Julian  in  his  ingenious 
hction,  is  just  and  elegant ;  but  when  he  considers  this  change  of 
character  as  real,  and  ascribes  it  to  the  power  of  philosophy,  he  dou» 
too  much  honor  to  philosophy  and  to  Octavianus. 

^'  Two  centuries  after  the  establishment  of  monarchy,  the  emperor 
Marcus  Antoninus  recommends  the  character  of  Brutus  as  a  perfect 
model  of  lloman  virtue.* 


*  Tn  a  very  ingenious  essay.  Gibbon  has  ventured  to  call  in  question  tho 
prci-'minent  virt  ae  of  Brutus.     Misc.  Work^   iv.  06.  —  M. 


^8  THE    DE  CLINK   AND    FALL 

Buccessors  of  Augustus.  It  was 'a  motive  of  self-preserva» 
lion,  not  a  principle  of  liberty,  that  animaied  the  conspirators 
against  Caligula,  Nero,  and  Domitian.  They  attacked  the 
person  of  the  tyrant,  without  aiming  their  blow  at  the  author- 
ity of  the  emperor. 

There  appears,  indeed,  one  memoraole  occasion,  in  >vnich 
the  senate,  after  seventy  years  of  patience,  made  an  inefiec- 
tual  attempt  to  reassume  its  long-forgottnn  rights.  When  the 
throne  was  vacant  by  the  murder  of  Caligula,  the  consuls 
convoked  that  assembly  in  the  Capitol,  condemned  the  mem- 
ory of  the  Ccesars,  gave  the  watchword  liherty  to  the  few 
cohorts  who  faintly  adhered  to  their  standard,  and  during 
eight-and-forty  hours  acted. as  the  independent  chiefs  of  a 
free  commonwealth.  But  while  they  deliberated,  the  praeto- 
rian guards  had  resolved.  The  stupid  Claudius,  brother  of 
Germanicus,  was  already  in  their  camp,  invested  with  the 
Imperial  purple,  and  prepared  to  support  his  election  by  arms. 
The  dream  of  liberty  was  at  an  end  ;  and  the  senate  awoke 
to  all  the  horrors  of  inevitable  servitude.  Deserted  by  the 
people,  and  threatened  by  a  military  force,  that  feeble  assem- 
bly was  compelled  to  ratify  the  choice  of  the  praetorians,  and 
to  embrace  the  benefit  of  an  amnesty,  which  Claudius  had 
the  prudence  to  offer,  and  the  generosity  to  observe.-^ 

11.  The  insolence  of  the  armies  inspired  Augustus  with 
fears  of  a  still  more  alarming  nature.  The  despair  of  the 
citizens  could  only  attempt,  what  the  ])ower  of  the  soldiers 
was,  at  any  time,  able  to  execute.  How  precarious  was  his 
own  authority  over  men  whom  he  had  taught  to  violate  every 
social  duty !  He  had  heard  their  seditious  clamors ;  he 
dreaded  their  calmer  moments  of  reflection.  One  revolution 
had  been  purchased  by  immense  rewards;  but  a 'second  revo- 
lution might  double  those  rewards.  The  troops  professed  the 
fondest  attachment  to  the  house  of  Crcsar ;  but  the  attach- 
ments of  tne  multitude  are  capricious  and  inconstant. 
Augustus  summoned  to  his  aid  whatever  remained  in  those 
fierce  minds  of  Roman  prejudices ;  enforced  the  rigor  of 
discipline  by  the  sanction  of  law;  and,  inter[)osing  the 
majesty  of  the  senate   between  the  emperor  and   the  army 

'"■  It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  A^chavc  lost  the  part  of  Tacitus 
which  treated  of  that  transaction.  ^\'o  arc  forced  to  content  our- 
selves Avith  the  popular  rumors  of  Josephus,  and  the  i-upcrfsct  hint* 
of  Dion  and  Suetonius. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  89 

twldly  claimed  their  allegiance,  as  the  first  magistrate  of  ihe 
republic.S'J 

During  a  long  period  of  two  hundred  and  twtnty  years 
from  the  establishment  of  this  artful  system  to  the  death  of 
Commodus,  the  dangers  inherent  to  a  military  government 
were,  in  a  great  measure,  suspended.  The  soldiers  were 
seldom  roused  to  that  fatal  sense  of  their  own  strength,  and  ol 
the  weakness  of  tiie  civil  autiiority,  which  was,  before  and 
afterwards,  producUi^e  of  such  dreadful  calamities.  Caligula 
and  ]>omitian  we/e  assassinated  in  their  palace  by  their  own 
domestics  :*  the  convulsions  which  agiialed  Rome  on  the 
death  of  the  former,  were  confined  to  the  walls  of  the  city. 
But  Nero  involved  the  whole  empire  in  his  ruin.  In  the 
space  of  eighteen  months,  four  princes  perished  by  the 
sword  ;  and  the  Roman  world  was  shaken  by  the  fury  of  the 
contending  armies.  Excepting  only  this  short,  though  vio- 
lent eruption  of  military  license,  the  two  centuries  from 
Augustus  to  Commodus  passed  away  unstained  with  civil 
blood,  and  undisturbed  by  revolutions.  The  emperor  was 
elected  by  the  authority  of  the  senate^  and  the  consent  of  the 
soldiers?^  The  legions  respected  their  oath  of  fidelity ;  and 
it  requires  a  minute  inspection  of  the  Roman  annals  to 
discover    three    inconsiderable     rebellions,    which    were    all 

^^  Augustus  restored  the  ancient  severity  of  discipline.  After  the 
civil  wars,  he  dropped  the  endearing  name  of  Fellow-Soldiers,  and 
called  them  only  Soldiers,  (Sueton.  in  August,  c.  25.)  See  the  use 
Tiberius  made  of  the  Senate  in  the  mutiny  of  the  Pannonian  legions, 
(Tacit.  Annal.  i.) 

'"  These  words  seem  to  have  been  the  constitutional  language.  Se« 
Tacit.  Annal.  xiii.  4.  t 


♦  Caligula  perished  by  a  conspiracy  formed  by  the  officers  of  the  prseto 
rian  troops,  and  Domitian  would  not,  perhaps,  have  been  assassinated 
without  the  participation  of  the  two  chiefs  of  that  guard  in  his  death. 

t  This  panegyric  on  the  soldiery  is  rather  too  liberal.  Claudius  war 
oblii^ed  to  purchase  their  consent  to  his  coronation :  the  presents  wliich  he 
made,  and  those  which  the  praetorians  received  on  other  occasions,  consid- 
erably embarrassed  the  finances.  Moreover,  this  formidable  guard  favored, 
in  general,  the  cruelties  of  the  tyrants.  Tlie  distant  revolts  were  more 
frequent  than  Gibbon  thinks  :  already,  under  Tiberius,  the  legions  of  Ger 
many  would  have  seditiously  constrained  Germanicus  to  assume  the  Im- 
perial purple.  On  the  revolt  of  Claudius  Civilis,  under  Vespasian,  the 
legions  of  Gaul  murih  red  their  general,  and  offered  their  assistance  to  the 
Gauls  who  were  in  ins\irrection.  Julius  Sabinus  made  himself  be  pro 
claimed  empL-ror,  &C.  The  wars,  the  merit,  and  the  severe  discipline  o' 
Trajan,  Hadrian,  and  tlie  two  Antonines,  estabUshed,  for  seme  time,  s 
greater  degree  of  subordination.  —  W. 

7 


90  triE    DECLINJ:   AND   FALL 

suppfessed   iii  a  few   months,  and  without  ev<;n  (he  hazard 
of  a   battle. 31 

In  elective  nionarchies,  the  vacancy  of  the  throne  is  a  mo- 
nient  big  with  danger  ana  inischiet".  The  Roman  emperors, 
desirous  to  spare  the  >ogions  that  interval  of  suspense,  and  the 
temptation  of  an  irregular  choice,  invested  their  designed  suc- 
cessor with  so  large  a  share  of  present  power,  as  should  ena- 
ble him,  after  their  decease,  to  assume  the  remainder,  without 
suffering  the  empife  to  perceive  the  change  of  masters.  Thus 
Augustus,  after  all  his  fairer  prospects  had  been  snatched  from 
him  by  untimely  deaths,  rested  his  last  hopes  on  Tiberius, 
obtained  for  his  adopted  son  the  censorial  and  tribunitian  pow- 
ers, and  dictated  a  law,  by  which  the  future  prince  was  invested 
with  an  authority  equal  to  his  own,  over  the  provinces  and  the 
armies."'^  Thus  Vespasian  subdued  the  generous  mind  of  his 
eldest  son.  Titus  was  adored  by  the  eastern  legions,  which, 
under  his  command,  had  recently  achieved  the  conquest  of 
Judsea.  His  power  was  dreaded,  and,  as  his  virtues  were 
clouded  by  the  intempei'ance  of  youth,  his  designs  were  sus- 
pected. Instead  of  listening  to  such  unworthy  suspicions,  the 
prudent  monarch  associated  Titus  to  the  full  powers  of  the 
Imperial  dignity  ;  and  the  grateful  son  ever  approved  himself  - 
the  humble  and  faithful  minister  of  so  indulgent  a  father.-^-' 

The  good  sense  of  Vespasian  engaged  him  indeed  to  em- 
brace every  measure  that  might  confirm  his  recent  and  preca- 
rious elevation.  The  military  oath,  and  the  fidelity  of  the 
troops,  had  been  consecrated,  by  the  habits  of  a  hundred 
years,  to  the  name  and  family  of  the  Ceesars ;  and  although 
that  family  had  been  continued  only  by  the  fictitious  rite  of 
adoption,  the  Romans  still  revered,  in  the  person  of  Nero,  the 
grandson  of  Germanicus,  and  the  lineal  successor  of  Augus- 
tus. It  was  not  without  reluctance  and  remorse,  that  the  prae- 
torian guards  had  been  persuaded  to  abandon  the  cause  of  the 


"  The  first  was  Camillus  Scribonianus,  who  took  up  anns  in  Dal- 
matia  against  Claudius,  and  was  deserted  by  his  troo])s  in  five  days  •, 
the  second,  L.  Antonius,  in  Germany,  who  rebelled  against  Domitian  ; 
and  the  third,  Avidius  Cassius,  in  the  reign  of  M.  Antoninus.  Tlio 
two  last  reigned  but  a  few  months,  and  were  cut  off  by  their  own 
adherents.  We  may  observe,  that  both  Camillus  and  Cassius  colored 
their  ambition  with  the  design  of  restoring  the  republic ;  a  ta^k, 
jaid  Cassius,  peculiarly  reserved  for  his  name  and  family. 
•**  Vellcius  l*ator;'^us,  1.  ii.  c.  121.  Sueton.  in  Tihor  ;.  JO 
•*  Sueton.  in  Tit.  c.  G.     Plin.  in  Praefat.  Hist.  Natur. 


OF   THE   ROMAJI    EMPIRE.  91 

lyrant.34  The  rapid  downfall  of  Galba,  Otlio,  and  Vitellus 
taught  the  armies  to  consider  the  emperors  as  the  creatures  of 
their  will,  and  the  instruments  of  their  license.  The  birth  of 
Vespasian  was  mean :  his  grandfather  had  been  a  private  sol- 
dier, his  father  a  petty  othcer  of  the  revenue  ;  ^^  his  own  merit 
had  raised  him,  in  an  advanced  age,  to  the  empire  ;  but  hifl 
merit  was  rather  useful  than  shining,  and  his  virtues  were 
disgraced  by  a  strict  and  even  sordid  parsimony.  Such  a 
prince  consulted  his  true  interest  by  the  association  of  a  son, 
whose  more  splendid  and  amiable  character  might  turn  the 
public  attention  from  the  obscure  origin,  to  the  future  glories, 
of  the  Flavian  house.  Under  the  mild  administration  of  Titus, 
the  Roman  world  enjoyed  a  transient  felicity,  and  his  beloved 
memory  served  to  protect,  above  fifteen  years,  the  vices  of  his 
brother  Domitian. 

Nerva  had  scarcely  accepted  the  purple  from  the  assassins 
of  Domitian,  before  he  discovered  that  his  feeble  age  was 
unable  to  stem  the  torrent  of  public  disorders,  which  had  mul- 
tiplied under  the  long  tyranny  of  his  predecessor.  His  mild 
disposition  was  respected  by  the  good  ;  but  the  degenerate 
Romans  required  a  more  vigorous  character,  whose  justice 
should  strike  terror  into  the  guilty.  Though  he  had  several 
relations,  he  fixed  his  choice  on  a  stranger.  He  adopted 
Trajan,  then  about  forty  years  of  age,  and  who  commanded  a 
powerful  army  in  the  Lower  Germany  ;  and  immediately,  by 
a  decree  of  the  senate,  declared  him  his  colleague  and  suc- 
cessor in  the  empirc.^'^  It  is  sincerely  to  be  lamented,  that 
whilst  we  are  fatigued  with  the  disgustful  relation  of  Nero's 
crimes  and  follies,  we  are  reduced  to  collect  the  actions  of 
Trajan  from  the  glimmerings  of  an  abridgment,  or  the  doubt- 
ful liglit  of  a  panegyric.  There  remains,  however,  one  pane- 
gyric far  removed  beyond  the  suspicion  of  flattery.  Above 
two  hundred  and  fifty  years  after  the  death  of  Trajan,  the 
senate,  in  pouring  out  the  customary  acclamations  on  the 
accession  of  a  new  emperor,  wished  that  he  might  surpass  the 
felicity  of  Augustus,  and  the  virtue  of  Trajan.^" 

'*  This  idea  is  frcqxiently  and  strongly  inculcated  by  Tacitus.  See 
Hist.  i.  5,  16,  ii.  76. 

**  The  emperor  Vespasian,  with  his  usual  good  sense,  laughed  at 
.he  genealogists,  who  deduced  his  family  from  Flavins,  the  foiindei 
of  Rcate,  (his  native  country,)  and  one  of  the  companions  of  Her- 
cules.    Suet,  in  Vespasian,  c.  12. 

•"*  Dion,  1.  Ixviii.  p.  1121.     Plin.  Secund.  in  Panegyric. 

''  Feiicior  Augusto,  meliou  Thajano.     Eutrop.  viii.  6. 


92  THi:    DECLINE    AND    TALL 

We  may  readily  believe,  that  the  father  of  !nis  country 
hesitated  whether  he  ought  to  intrust  the  various  and  doubtfu. 
character  of  his  kinsman  Hadrian  with  sovereign  power.  In 
his  last  moments,  the  arts  of  the  empress  Plotina  either  fixed 
the  irresolution  of  Trajan,  or  boldly  supposed  a  fictitious  adop- 
tion ;-^^  the  truth  of  which  could  not  be  safely  disputed,  and 
Hadrian  was  peaceably  acknowledged  as  his  lawful  successor. 
Under  his  reign,  as  has  been  already  mentioned,  the  empire 
flourished  in  peace  and  prosperity.  He  encouraged  the  arts, 
reformed  the  laws,  asserted  military  discipline,  and  visited  all 
his  provinces  in  person.  His  vast  and  active  genius  was 
equally  suited  to  th«}  most  enlarged  views,  and  the  minute 
details  of  civil  policy.  But  the  ruling  passions  of  his  soul 
were  curiosity  and  vanity.  As  they  prevailed,  and  as  they 
were  attracted  by  different  objects,  Hadrian  was,  by  turns,  an 
excellent  prince,  a  ridiculous  sophist,  and  a  jealous  tyrant. 
The  general  tenor  of  his  conduct  deserved  praise  for  its  equity 
and  moderation.  Yet  in  the  first  days  of  his  reign,  he  put  to 
death  four  consular  senators,  his  personal  enemies,  and  men 
who  had  been  judged  worthy  of  empire  ;  and  the  tediousness 
of  a  painful  illness  rendered  him,  at  last,  peevish  and  cruel. 
The  senate  doubted  whether  they  should  pronounce  him  a  god 
or  a  tyrant  ;  and  the  honors  decreed  to  his  memory  were 
granted  to  the  prayers  of  the  pious  Antoninus.39 

The  caprice  of  Hadrian  influenced  his  choice  of  a  succes- 
sor. After  revolving  in  his  mind  several  men  of  distinguished 
merit,  whom  he  esteemed  and  hated,  he  adopted  -^Elius  Verus, 
a  gay  and  voluptuous  nobleman,  recommended  by  uncommon 
beauty  to  the  lover  of  Antinous.'*'*.  But  whilst  Hadrian  waa 
delighting  himself  with  his  own  applause,  and  the  acclama- 
tions of  the   soldiers,  whose  consent  had  been  secured  by  an 

^*  Dion  (1.  Ixix.  p.  1249)  affirms  the  whole  to  have  been  a  fiction, 
on  the  authority  of  his  father,  who,  being  governor  of  the  province 
where  Trajan  died,  had  very  good  opportunities  of  sifting  this  myste- 
rious transaction.  Yet  Dodv  ell  (Praslect.  Camden,  xvii.)  has  main- 
tained, that  Hadrian  was  called  to  the  certain  hope  of  the  empire, 
during  the  lifetime  of  Trajan. 

3»  Dion,  (1.  Ixx.  p.  1171.)     Aurel.  Victor. 

*"  The  deification  of  Antinous,  his  medals,  statues,  temples,  city, 
oratles,  and  constellation,  are  well  known,  and  still  dishonor  thft 
memory  of  Hadrian.  Yet  we  may  remark,  that  of  the  first  fifteen 
emperors,  Claudius  was  the  only  one  whose  taste  in  love  was  entirely 
correct.  For  the  honors  of  An-inous,  see  Spanhcim,  Commcntaire 
•ur  les  Ctesars  de  Julien,  p.  80 


OF    THE    SOMAN    EMPIRE.  93 

immense  donauve  the  new- Caesar''^  was  ravished  from  hig 
embraces  by  an  untimely  death.  He  let't  only  one  son.  Ha- 
drian commended  the  boy  to  the  gratitude  of  the  Antonines. 
He  was  adopted  by  Pius ;  and,  on  the  accession  of  Marcus, 
was  invested  with  an  equal  share  of  sovereign  power.  Among 
the  many  vices  of  this  younger  Verus,  he  possessed  one  vir- 
tue ;  a  dutiful  reverence  for  his  wiser  colleague,  to  whom  he 
willingly  abandoned  the  ruder  cares  of  empire.  The  philo- 
sophic emperoi  dissembled  his  follies,  lamented  his  early 
death,  and  cast  a  decent  veil  over  his  memory. 

As  soon  as  Hadrian's  passion  was  either  gratified  or  disap- 
pointed, he  resolved  to  deserve  the  thanks  of  posterity,  by 
placing  the  most  exalted  merit  on  the  Roman  throne.  His 
discerning  eye  easily  discovered  a  senator  about  fifty  years  of 
uge,  l)lameless  in  all  the  offices  of  life  ;  and  a  youth  of  about 
seventeen,  whose  riper  years  opened  a  fair  prospect  of  every 
virtue  :  the  elder  of  these  was  declared  the  son  and  successor 
of  Hadrian,  on  condition,  however,  that  he  himself  should 
immediately  adopt  the  younger.  The  two  Antonines  (for  it 
is  of  them  that  we  are  now  speaking)  governed  the  Roman 
world  forty-two  years,  with  the  same  invariable  spirit  of  wis- 
dom and  virtue.  Although  Pius  had  two  sons,'*-  he  preferred 
the  welfare  of  Rome  to  the  interest  of  his  family,  gave  his 
daughter  Faustina  in  marriage  to  young  Marcus,  obtained 
•from  the  senate  the  tribunitian  and  proconsular  powers,  and 
with  a  noble  disdain,  or  rather  ignorance  of  jealousy,  associ- 
ated him  to  all  the  labors  of  government.  Marcus,  on  the  other 
hand,  revered  the  character  of  his  benefactor,  loved  him  as  a 
parent,  obeyed  him  as  his  sovereign,"*-^  and,  after  he  was  no 

*'  Hist.  August,  p.  13.     Aurelius  Victor  in  Epitom. 

**^  Without  the  help  of  medals  and  inscriptions,  we  should  be 
ignorant  of  this  fact,  so  honorable  to  the  memory  of  Pius.* 

■'•'  I)uiin<^  the  twenty-three  years  of  Pius's  reij^n,  Marcus  -was  only 
two  nights  absent  from  the  palace,  and  even  those  were  at  different 
times,     llist.  August,  p.  25. 


*  Gibbon  attributes  to  Antoninus  Pius  a  merit  which  he  cither  did  not 
possess,  or  was  not  in  a  situatifrn  to  display.  1.  He  was  adopted  onlv  op 
the  condition  that  he  would  adopt,  in  hia  turn,  Marcus  Amelius  an^  L. 
Verus.  2.  His  two  sons  died  children,  and  one  of  them,  M.  Galerius, 
alone,  appears  to  have  survived,  for  a  few  years,  his  father's  coronation. 
Gibbon  is  also  mistaken,  when  he  says  (note  42)  that  "  without  the  help 
of  racdils  iHid  inscriptions,  we  should  be  ignorant  that  Antoninus  had  twa 
»ons."  Capitolinus  says  expressly,  (c.  1,)  Filii  mares  duo,  dua;  fceminie 
we  only  owe  their  names  to  the  medals.  Pagi.  Cont.  Baron,  i.  3li,  edit. 
Palis.  -W. 


94  IHE    DECLINE    AND    F.ILL 

more,  regulated  his  own  administration  by  the  example  and 
maxims  of  his  predecessor.  Their  united  reigns  are  possibly 
the  only  period  of  history  in  which  the  happiness  of  a  great 
people  was  the  sole  object  of  government. 

Titus  Antoninus  Pius  has  been  justly  denominated  a  second 
Nurna.  The  same  love  of  religion,  justice,  and  peace,  was 
the  distmguisliing  characteristic  of  both  princes.  But  the 
situation  of  the  latter  opened  a  much  larger  field  for  tlie  exer- 
cise of  those  virtues.  Numa  could  only  prevent  a  few  neigh- 
boring villages  from  plundering  each  other's  harvests.  Anto- 
ninus diffused  order  and  tranquillity  over  the  greatest  part  oi 
the  earth.  His  reign  is  marked  by  the  rare  advantage  of  fur- 
nishing very  few  materials  for  history  ;  which  is,  indeed,  little 
more  than  the  register  of  the  crimes,  follies,  and  misfortunes 
of  mankind.  In  private  life,  he  was  an  amiable,  as  well  as 
a  good  man.  The  native  simplicity  of  his  virtue  was  a  stran- 
ger to  vanity  or  affectation.  He  enjoyed  with  moderation  the 
conveniences  of  his  fortuiae,  and  the  innocent  pleasures  of 
society  ;'*'*  and  the  benevolence  of  his  soul  displayed  itself  in 
a  cheerful  serenity  of  temper. 

The  virtue  of  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus  was  of  a  severer 
and  more  laborious  kind.'^^  It  was  the  well-earned  harvest 
of  many  a  learned  conference,  of  many  a  patient  lecture,  and 
many  a  midnight  lucubration.  At  the  age  of  twelve  years  he 
embraced  the  rigid  system  of  the  Stoics,  which  taught  him  to 
submit  his  body  to  his  mind,  his  passions  to  his  reason  ;  to 
consider  virtue  as  the  only  good,  vice  as  the  only  evil,  all 
things  external  as  things  indifferent.'*'^  His  meditations,  com- 
posed in  the  tumult  of  a  camp,  are  still  extant ;  and  he  even 

^'  He  was  fond  of  the  theatre,  and  not  insensible  to  the  charms 
of  the  fair  sex.  Marcus  Antoninus,  i.  16.  Hist.  August,  p.  20,  21. 
Julian  in  Ca?sar. 

"•*  The  enemies  of  Marcus  char<:;ed  him  with  hypocrisy,  and  with  a 
want  of  that  simplicity  which  distinguished  Pius  and  even  Verus, 
(Hist.  August.  6,  34.)  This  suspicion,  unjust  as  it  was,  may  serve 
to  account  for  the  superior  apjjlause  bestowed  upon  personal  qualifi- 
cations, in  prclbrijnce  to  the  social  virtues.  Even  Marcus  Antoninus 
has  been  called  a  hypocrite ;  but  the  wildest  scepticism  never  insin- 
uated that  Caisar  miglit  possibly  be  a  coward,  or  TuUy  a  fool.  Wit 
and  valor  are  qualifications  more  easily  ascertained  than  humanity  or 
the  love  of  justice. 

"^  Tacitus  has  characterized,  in  a  few  woi  Is,  the  principles  of  tho 
portico  :  Doctores  sapiontiae  secutus  est,  qui  sola  bona  (jun;  honesta, 
tnnla  tantum  qwx  tur])ia;  potcntiam,  nohilitatem,  cajtergquc  extra 
•nimum,  netjuo  bonis  neque  malis  aduumurunt.     Tacit,  Hist.  iv.  6. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIKE.  95 

condcscencliHi  to  give  lessons  of  philosophy,  in  a  more  pul)hc 
inanner  tlian  was  perhaps  consistent  with  the  modesty  of  a 
sage,  or  the  dignity  of  an  emperor.'''^  But  his  life  was  the 
noblest  coiinnentary  on  tlie  precepts  of  Zcno,  He  was  severe 
to  himself,  ind-jlgent  to  the  imperfection  of  others,  just  and 
benefice :U  to  all  mankind.  He  regretted  that  Avidius  Cassius 
who  excited  a  rebcillion  in  Syria,  had  disappointed  him,  by  a 
voluntary  death,*  of  the  |)leasure  of  converting  an  enemy  "nto 
a  friend  ;  and  he  justified  the  sincerity  cif  that  sentiment,  by 
moderating  the  zeal  of  the  senate  against  the  adlierenls  of  th& 
traitor.'"^  War  he  detested,  as  the  disgrace  and  calamity  of 
human  nature ;  |  but  when  the  necessity  of  a  just  defence 
called  upon  him  to  take  up  arms,  he  readily  exposed  hia 
person  to  eight  winter  campaigns,  on  the  frozen  banks  of  tiie 
Danube,  the  severity  of  which  was  at  last  fatal  to  the  weak- 
ness of  his  constitution.  His  memory  was  revered  by  a  grate- 
ful posterity,  and  above  a  century  after  his  death,  many  per- 
sons preserved  the  image  of  Marcus  Antoninus  among  those 
of  their  household  gods.''^ 

If  a  man  were  called  to  fix  the  period  in  the  history  of  the 
world,  during  which  the  condition  of  the  human  race  was 
most  happy  and  prosperous,  he  would,  without  hesitation, 
name  that  which  elapsed  from  the  death  of  Domitian  to  the 
accession  of  Commodus.  The  vast  extent  of  the  Roman 
■empire  was  governed  by  absolute  power,  under  the  gui-danco 
of  virtue  and  wisdom.  The  armies  were  restrained  by  the 
firm   but    gentle    hand   of   four   successive  emperors,   whose 

*'  Before  lie  went  on  the  second  expedition  against  the  Germans, 
he  read  lectures  of  philosophy  to  the  Roman  people,  during  thre*; 
days  lie  Kad  ah-cady  done  the  same  in  the  cities  of  Greece  anu 
Asia.     Hist.  August,  in  Cassio,  c.  3. 

*•*  Dion,  1.  Ixxi.  ]>.  1190.     Hist.  August,  in  Avid.  Cassio.f 

*'  Hist.  Aui{ust.  in  Marc.  Antonin.  c.  18. 


•  Cassius  was  muifleietl  by  his  own  partisans.    Yulcat.  Gallic,  in  Casaiot 
c   7.     Dion,  l.\xi.  c.  27.  — W". 

t"  See  one  of  the   newly- rlisfovcrecl  passai^es  of  Dion  Cassias.     Marcu« 
wrote  to  the  senate,  who  urued  the  c.xeeution  of  the  |)artisaus  of  Cassius, 
in   these   words  :    "  L  entreat  and   beseech  you  to  preserve  my  reif^n  un 
Btai.ied    by  senatorial  blood.     None   of  your  order  must   perish   either  bj 
your  desire  or  niino."     Mai.  P'rasjm.  Vatican,  ii.  p.  224. — M. 

*  Marciis  would    luit  accept  the   services   of  any  of  the  barl)arian  alliei 
who  crowded  to  his   stanihird   in   the  war  aijainst  Avidius  Cassius.     "  Bar- 
^)a^iau^,"   he   said,  with   wise   h\it    \ain    sagacity,   "  luust   not    tjecome   ae 
quaiiited  with  tlic  dissei  ,sionB  of  the  Itoniaii  iieople."    Mai   1*  rut^ni.  VuticAn* 
i.  221  -  .M. 


96  THE    DECLINE    AND    FAt.lj 

characters  and  authority  comimanded  involuntary  respoct 
The  forms  of  the  civil  administration  were  carefully  preserved 
by  Nerva,  Trajan,  Hadrian,  and  the  Antonines,  who  delighted 
in  the  image  of  liberty,  and  were  pleased  with  considering 
themselves  as  the  accouniable  ministers  of  the  laws.  Such 
princes  deserved  the  honor  of  restoring  the  republic,  had  the 
Romans  of  their  days  been  capable  of  enjoymg  a  rational 
freedom. 

The  labors  of  these  monarchs  were  overpaid  by  the  immense 
reward  that  inseparably  wahed  on  their  success  ;  by  the  honest 
pride  of  virtue,  and  by  the  exquisite  delight  of  beholding  the 
general  happiness  of  which  they  were  the  authors.  A  jusi 
but  melancholy  reflection  imbittered,  however,  the  noblest 
of  human  enjoyments.  They  must  often  have  recollected  the 
instability  of  a  happiness  wliich  depended  on  the  character  of 
a  single  man.  The  fatal  moment  was  perhaps  approaching, 
when  some  licentious  youth,  or  some  jealous  tyrant,  would 
abuse,  to  the  destruction,  that  absolute  power,  which  they 
had  exerted  for  the  benefit  of  their  people;  The  ideal  re- 
straints of  the  senate  and  the  laws  might  serve  to  display  the 
virtues,  but  could  never  correct  the  vices,  of  the  emperor. 
The  milhary  force  was  a  blind  and  irresistible  instrument  of 
oppression  ;  and  the  corruption  of  Roman  manners  would 
always  supply  flatterers  eager  to  applaud,  and  ministers  pre-^ 
pared  to  serve,  the  fear  or  the  avaricCj  the  lust  or  the  cruelty,' 
of  their  masters. 

These  gloomy  apprehensions  had  been  already  justified  by 
the  experience  of  the  Romans.  The  annals  of  the  emperors 
exhibit  a  strong  and  various  picture  of  human  nature,  which 
we  should  vainly  seek  among  the  mixed  and  doubtful  charac- 
ters of  modern  history.  In  the  conduct  of  those  monarchs 
we  may  trace  the  utmost  lines  of  vice  and  virtue  ;  the  most 
exalted  perfection,  and  the  meanest  degeneracy  of  our  own 
species.  The  golden  age  of  Trajan  and  the  Antonines  had 
been  preceded  by  an  age  of  iron.  It  is  almost  superfluous  to 
enumerate  the  unworthy  successors  of  Augustus.  Their  un- 
paralleled vices,  and  the  splendid  theatre  on  which  they  were 
acted,  have  saved  them  from  oblivion.  The  dark,  unrelenting 
Tiberius,  the  furious  Caligula,  the  feeble  Claudius,  the  profli 
gate   and  cruel  Nero,  the   beastly  Vitellius,^"  and   the  timid, 


*"  VitelUus  consumed  in  rncrc  eating  at  least  six  millions  of  our 
^oncy  m  about  seven  months.     It  is  not  easy  to  express  his  vicos 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  97 

inhuman  Domitian,  are  condemned  to  everlasting  iiifaniy 
During  fourscore  years  (excepting  only  the  short  and  doubtful 
respite  of  Vespasian's  reign)  ^'  Rome  groaned  beneath  an 
Unremitting  tvranny,  which  exterminated  the  ancient  fa'iiiliea 
of  the  republic,  and  \v;is  fatal  to  almost  every  virtue  anJ 
Hvery  talent  that  arose  in  that  unhappy  period. 

Under  the  reign  of  these  monsters,  the  slavery  of  the 
Uonians  was  accompanied  with  two  peculiar  circumstances, 
the  one  occasioned  by  their  former  liberty,  the  o'her  by  their 
extensive  conquests,  which  rendered  their  con  .ition  mora 
coinpletelv  wretched  than  that  of  the  victims  of  tyranny  in 
any  other  age  or  country.  From  these  causes  were  derived, 
1.  The  exquisite  sensibility  of  the  sullerers ;  and,  2.  The 
mpossihilitv  of  escaping  from  the  hand  of  the  oppressor. 

1.  W'lieu  Persia  was  governed  by  the  descendants  of  Sefi, 
a  race  of  princes  whose  wanton  cruelty  often  stained  their 
divan,  their  table,  and  their  bed,  with  the  blood  of  their  favor- 
ites, there  is  a  saying  recorded  of  a  youiig  nobleman,  that  he 
never  departed  from  the  sultan's  presence,  without  satisfying 
himself  whether  his  head  was  still  on  his  shoulders.  Tlie 
experience  of  every  day  might  almost  justify  the  scepticism 
of  Rustan.-''-  Yet  tlie  fatal  sword,  suspended  above  him  by  u 
single  thread,  seems  not  to  have  disturbed  the  slumbers,  or 
interrupted  the  tranquillity,  of  the  Persian.  The  monarch's 
frown,  he  well  knew,  could  level  him  with  the  dust  ;  but  the 
stroke  of  lightning  or  apoplexy  might  be  equally  fatal  ;  and  it 
was  the  part  of  a  wise  man  to  forget  the  inevitable  calamities 
of  human  life  in  the  enjovment  of  the  fleeting  hour.  He  was 
dignified  with  the  appellation  of  the  king's  slave  ;  had,  per- 
haps, been  purchased  from  obscure  parents,  in  a  country 
which  he  had  never  known  ;  and  was  trained  up  from  his 
infancy  in  the  severe  discipline  of  the  seraglio.-''''     His  name, 

•with  dii;nity,  or  oven  decency.  Tacitus  fairly  calls  iiim  a  ho^,  t)ut 
it  i«  by  substitutiui^  tor  a  coarse  word  a  very  tine  iinaj^e.  "  At  Vitei- 
liiis,  unibraculis  hortorum  abditus,  ut  ignava  animalia,  quilnLS  si 
cibum  sU'i;L!;cras,  jaeent  tor])ontque,  jjra^torita,  instantia,  futurn,  pari 
oblivione  diniisorat.  Alquc  ilium  nemore  Aricino  desidcni  ot  luarcen- 
tcm,"  &c.  Tacit.  Ilisl.  iii.  3G,  ii.  35.  Suetoii.  in  Vitell.  c.  13.  Dioa 
Oassivis,  1.  Ixv.  p.  1()()2. 

*'  'I'ho  execution  of  Ilelvidius  Priscus,  and  of  the  virtuous  Epoidiia, 
disgraced  the  reign  of  Vespasian. 

*'  Voyage  dc  CMiardin  en  Perse,  vol.  iii.  p.  293. 

**  The  i)ractice  of  raising  slaves  to  the  groat  otlices  of  state  ia  still 
«»ore  conuuon   anionjj'   the  Turks  than  among  the  Persians.      Th« 


98  THE    PKCLINE    AND    FALL 

his  wealth,  his  honors,  were  the  gift  of  a  master,  who  might, 
without  injustice,  resume  what  he  had  bestowed.  Rostand's 
knowledge,  if  he  possessed  any,  could  on  y  serve  to  confirm 
his  habits  by  prejudices.  His  language  afforded  not  words 
for  any  form  of  government,  except  absolute  monarchy.  The 
history  of  the  East  informed  him,  that  such  had  ever  been  the 
condition  of  mankind.^"*  The  Koran,  and  the  interpreters  of 
that  divine  book,  inculcated  to  him,  that  the  sultan  was  the 
descendant  of  the  prophet,  and  the  vicegerent  of  heaven 
that  patience  was  the  first  virtue  of  a  Mussulman,  and  un 
limited  obedifuice  the  great  duty  of  a  subject. 

The  minds  of  the  Romans  were  very  differently  prepared 
for  slavery.  Oppressed  beneath  the  weight  of  their  own  cor- 
ruption and  of  military  violence,  they  fur  a  long  while  pre 
served  the  sentiments,  or  at  least  the  ideas,  of  their  free-born 
ancestors.  The  education  of  Helvidius  and  Thrasea,  of  Taci- 
tus and  Pliny,  was  the  same  as  that  of  Cato  and  Cicero.  From 
Grecian  philosophy,  they  had  imbibed  the.  justest  and  mus' 
liberal  notions  of  the  dignity  of  human  nature,  and  the  origin 
of  civil  society.  The  history  of  their  own  country  had  taught 
them  to  revere  a  free,  a  virtuous,  and  a  victorious  common- 
wealth ;  to  abhor  the  successful  crimes  of  Caesar  and  Augus- 
tus ;  and  inwardly  to  despise  those  tyrants  whom  they  adored 
with  the  most  abject  flattery.  As  magistrates  and  senators, 
they  were  admitted  into  the  great  council,  which  had  once 
dictated  laws  to  the  earth,  whose  name  still  gave  a  sanction  to 
the  acts  of  the  monarch,  and  whose  authority  was  so  often 
prostituted  to  the  vilest  purposes  of  tyranny.  Tiberius,  and 
'.hose  emperors  who  adopted  his  maxims,  attempted  to  disguise 
their  murders  by  the  formalities  of  justice,  and  perhaps  en- 
•oyed  a  secret  pleasure  in  rendering  the  senate  their  accom 
plice  as  well  as  their  victim.  By  this  assembly,  the  last  of 
he  Romans  were  condemned  for  imaginary  crimes  and  real 
virtues.  Their  infamous  accusers  assumed  the  language  of 
independent  patriots,  who  arraigned  a  dangerous  citizen  before 
the  tribunal  of  his  country  ;  and  the  public  service  was  re- 
warded by  riches  and  honors.^^     The  servile  judges  professed 

miserable  countries  of  Georgia  and  Circassia  supply  rulers  to  the 
greatest  part  of  the  East. 

^  Chardin  says,  that  European  travellers  have  diffused  aii;ong  the 
Persians  some  ideas  of  the  freedom  and  mildness  of  our  governiuenta, 
I'hey  have  done  them  a  very  ill  ofKce. 

'''  Tbey  alleged  tlie  example  of  ycipio  and  Ctto,  (Tacit.  Annal.  ill 


OF    THE    RO.M.VW    EMPIBE-  9S 

to  assert  tho  majesty  of  the  commonwealth,  violated  in  llio 
person  of  its  first  magistrate,''*'  whose  clemency  they  most 
applauded  when  they  tnMnbled  the  most  ai  iiis  inexorable  and 
impending  cruelty.^''  The  tyrant  beheld  their  baseness  with 
just  contempt,  and  encountered  their  secret  sentiments  of 
detestation  with  sincere  and  avowed  hatred  for  the  whole  body 
of  the  senate. 

II.  The  division  of  Europe  into  a  number  of  independent 
states,  connected,  however,  with  each  otiier  by  the  general 
resemblance  of  religion,  hmguage,  and  manners,  is  productive 
of  the  most  beneficial  consequences  to  the  liberty  of  mankind. 
A  modern  tyrant,  who  should  find  no  resistance  either  in  his 
own  breast,  or  in  his  [)eople,  would  soon  experience  a  gentle 
restraint  from  llie  example  of  his  equals,  the  dread  of  present 
censure,  the  advice  of  his  allies,  and  the  apprehension  of  his 
enemies.  The  object  of  his  displeasure,  escaping  from  tho 
narrow  limits  of  liis  dominions,  would  easily  obtain,  in  u  hap- 
pier climate,  a  secure  refuge,  a  new  fortune  adequate  to  his 
merit,  the  freedom  of  complaint,  and  perhaps  the  means  of 
revenge.  But  the  empire  of  the  Romans  filled  the  world,  and 
when  that  empire  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  single  person,  tlie 
world  became  a  safe  and  dreary  prison  for  his  enemies.  The 
slave  of  Imperial  despotism,  whether  he  was  condemned  to 
drag  his  gilded  chain  in  Rome  and  the  senate,  or  to  wear  out 
a  life  of  exile  on  the  barren  rock  of  Seriphus,  or  tlie  frozen 

66.)  MfUcoUus  Ejiirus  and  Crispus  Vibius  had  acfinired  two  millions 
end  a  hall"  under  Nero.  Their  wealth,  which  U[^i;rav!ited  their  crimes, 
protected  them  under  Vespasian.  Soe  Tacit.  Hist.  iv.  4H.  Dialog, 
dc  Orator,  c.  8.  For  one  accusation,  Hegulus,  the  just  object  of 
Pliny's  satire,  received  from  the  senate  the  consular  ornaments,  and 
a  uroucnt  of  .sixty  thousand  pounds. 

•'"'  'I'ho  crime  of  innji'stij  was  formerly  a  treasonable  offence  af^ainst 
tne  Koman  jieople.  A<<  tribunes  of  the  people,  Aujiustus  and  Tibe- 
rius uppiiecl  it  to  their  own  persons,  and  extended  it  to  an  inlinitf* 
latitude.  • 

'"'  After  the  virtuous  and  unfortunate  widow  of  Germanicus  had 
been  put  to  death,  Tiberius  received  the  thanks  of  the  senate  for  his 
clemency,  felie  had  not  been  luibUcly  stiangk>d,  nor  was  the  body 
drawn  with  a  ho:)k  to  the  (jemoniie,  where  tliost-  of  common  male- 
factors were  oxpOBcd.     See  Tacit.  Annal.  vi.  2o.     Sueton.  in  Tiberio, 


•   It  w.Ts  Tiboritis,  not  Augustus,  wlui  first  took  in  this  sense  the  wordu 
aiiuei;  la^sa'  Ulaic.^tatis.     Buclui  Tiajanus,  27. —  W. 


lUU  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

banks  of  the  Danube,  expected  his  /ate  in  silent  despair.^  To 
resist  was  fatal,  and  it  was  impossible  to  fly.  On  every  side 
he  was  encompassed  with  a  vast  extent  of  sea  and  land,  which 
he  could  never  hope  to  traverse  without  being  discovered, 
seized,  and  restored  to  his  irritated  master.  Beyond  the 
frontiers,  his  anxious  view  could  discover  nothing,  except  the 
ocean,  inhospitable  deserts,  hostile  tribes  of  barbarians,  of 
fierce  manners  and  unknown  language,  or  dependent  kings, 
who  would  gladly  purchase  the  emperor's  protection  by  the 
sacrihce  of  an  obnoxious  fugitive.^^  "  Wherever  you  are," 
said  Cicero  to  the  exiled  Marcellus,  "  remember  that  you  are 
equally  within  the  power  of  the  conqueror."^" 

^8  Scriphiis  was  a  (small  rocky  island  in  the  .'Egean  Sea,  the  inhab- 
itants of  which  were  despised  for  their  ignorance  and  obscurity.  The 
place  of  Ovid's  exile  is  well  known,  by  his  just,  but  unmanly  lamen- 
tations. It  should  seem,  that  he  only  received  an  order  to^  leave 
Rome  in  so  many  days,  and  to  transport  himself  to  Tomi.  Guards 
and  jailers  v/ere  unnecessary. 

*9  Under  Tiberius,  a  lioman  knight  .ittempted  to  fly  to  thePnrtliians. 
He  was  stopi)e(l  in  tiie  straits  of  Sicily  ;  but  so  little  danger  did  tlicre 
apptar  in  the  e>;ami)te,  tiiat  tlie  niost  jealous  of  tyrants  liisdaiiu-d  to 
punish  it.     Tacit.  Ai!i;:il   vi.  i-l 

*^  Cicero  ad  Farailiares,  iv.  7. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE    CRUELTY,    FOLLIES,   AND    MURDER    OF    COMMODUS.         EL»C 

TION  OF  PERTINAX.  HIS  ATTEMPTS  TO  REFORM  THE  STATB. 

HIS    ASSASSINATION    BY    THE    PRAETORIAN    GUARDS. 

The  mildness  of  Marcus,  which  tlie  rigid  discipline  of  tho 
Stoics  was  unable  to  eradicate,  formed,  at  the  same  time,  the 
most  amiable,  and  the  only  defective,  part  of  his  character. 
His  excellent  understanding  was  often  deceived  by  the  unsus- 
pecting goodness  of  his  heart.  Artful  men,  who  study  the 
passions  of  princes,  and  conceal  their  own,  approached  his 
person  in  the  disguise  of  philosophic  sanctity,  and  acquired 
riches  and  honors  by  affecting  to  despise  them.'  His  exces- 
sive indulgence  to  his  brother,*  his  wife,  and  his  son,  exceeded 
the  bounds  of  private  virtue,  and  became  a  public  injury,  by 
the  example  and  consequences  of  their  vices. 

Faustina,  the  daughter  of  Pius  and  the  wife  of  Marcus,  has 
been  as  much  celebrated  for  her  gallantries  as  for  her  beauty. 
The  grave  simplicity  of  the  philosopher  was  ill  calculated  to 
engage  her  wanton  levity,  or  to  fix  that  unbounded  passion  for 
variety,  which  often  discovered  personal  merit  in  the  meanest 
of  mankind. 2  The  Cupid  of  the  ancients  was,  in  general,  a 
very  sensual  deity  ;  and  the  amours  of  an  empress,  as  they 
e.xact  on  her  side  the  plainest  advances,  are  seldom  suscepti- 
ble of  much  sentimental  delicacy.  Marcus  was  the  only  man 
in  the  emj)ire  who  seemed  ignorant  or  insensible  of  the  irreg- 
ularities of  Faustina  ;  which,  according  to  the  prejudices  of 
every  age,  reflected  some  disgrace  on  the  injured  husband. 

'  See  tho  complaints  of  Avidius  Cassius,  Hist.  August,  p.  45 
These  are,  it  is  true,  the  complaints  of  faction ;  but  even  faction 
cxaggt'ratcs,  rather  than  invents.  ^ 

*  Faustinara  satis  constat  apud  Cajctam  conditiones  sibi  et  nauticaa 
et  gladiatorias,  elcgisse.  Hist.  August,  p.  30.  Lampridius  explains 
the  sort  of  merit  which  Faustina  chose,  and  the  conditions  wliich  sho 
exacted.     Hist.  August,  p.  102. 


•  His  brother  by  adoption,  and  his  colleague,  L.  Verus.     Marcjs  Aure- 
Uus  hid  no  other  brother.  —  W. 

101 


10^2  TKii    DECLINE    AND    FALL    . 

He  promoted  several  of  her  lovers  to  posts  of  honor  and  profit ,3 
and  during  a  connection  of  thirty  years,  invariably  gave  her 
proofs  of  the  most  tender  confidence,  and  of  a  respect  which 
ended  not  with  her  Hfe.  In  his  Meditations,  he  thanks  the 
•gods,  who  had  bestowed  on  him  a  wife  so  faithful,  so  gentle, 
and  of  such  a  wonderful  sim|3licity  of  manners.''  The  obse- 
quious senate,  at  his  earnest  request.  d(!c.!ared  her  a  goddess. 
She  was  represented  in  her  leinpuis,  wun  the  attrihutfss  of 
Juno,  Venus,  and  Ceres  ;  and  it  was  uecreed,  that,  on  the  day 
of*  their  nuptials,  the  youth  of  either  sex  should  pay  their  vows 
before  the  altar  of  their  chaste  patroness.-'' 

The  monstrous  vices  of  the  son  have  cast  a  shade  on  the 
purity  of  the  father's  virtues.  It  has  been  objected  to  .\hircus, 
tViat  he  sacrificed  the  liap|)iness  of  millions  to  a  fond  partiality 
for  a  worthless  boy  ;  and  that  he  chose  a  successor  in  his  own 
family,  rather  than  in  the  republic.  Nothing,  however,  waa 
neglected  by  the  anxious  father,  and  by  the  men  of  virtue  and 
learning  whom  he  sunmioned  to  his  assistance,  to  expand  the 
narrow  mind  of  young  Commodus,  to  correct  his  growing 
vices,  and  to  render  him  worthy  of  the  throne  fur  which  he 
was  designed.  But  the  power  of  instruction  is  seldom  of 
much  efficacy,  excejjt  in  those  happy  dispositions  where  it  is 
almost  superfluous.  The  distasteful  lesson  of  a  grave  philos- 
opher was,  in  a  moment,  obliterated  by  the  whisper  of  a  [)rofli- 
gate  favorite  ;  and  Marcus  himself  blasted  the  fruits  of  this 
labored  education,  by  admitting  his  son,  at  the  age  of  fourteen 
or  fifteen,  to  a  fidl  participation  of  the  Imperial  power.  He 
lived  but  four  years  afterwards  :  but  he  lived  long  enough  to 
repent  a  rash  measure,  which  I'aised  the  impetuous  youth 
above  the  restraint  of  reason  and  authority. 

Most  of  the  crimes  which  disturb  the  internal  peace  of 
society,  are  produced  by  the  restraints  which  the  necessary 
but  unequal  laws  of  property  have  imposed  on  the  appetites 
of  mankind,  by  confining  to   a   few   the   possession   of  those 

*'  Hist.  Au^nist.  p.  34. 

*  Mcditat.  1.  i.  The  world  has  hiughed  at  the  credulity  of  Marcus  ; 
?>ut  Mada*  Dacier  assures  us,  (and  \vc  may  credit  a  lady,)  that  the 
nusband  will  always  be  deceived,  it'  the  wile  condescend-*  to 
dissemble. 

*  Dion  Cassius,  1.  Ixxi.  [c.  31,]  j).  119.5.  Hist.  Augu«t.  \).  ,V,i. 
Commeiitaire  de  Spauheim  sur  los  Ca>sars  dc  Julicn,  p.  '2.S9.  Th« 
deification  of  Faustina  is  the  only  defect  whicli  Julian's  critii;ism  is 
ahle  to  discover  iii  the  ull-accomplishcd  chiu'act"r  of  Marcus. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRK.  103 

objects  that  are  coveted  by  many.  Of  all  our  passions  and 
appetites,  the  love  of  power  is  of  the  most  unperious  and 
unsociable  nature,  since  the  pride  of  one  man  requires  the 
submission  of  the  multitude.  In  the  tumult  of  civil  discord, 
the  laws  of  society  lose  their  force,  and  tlieii  place  is  seldom 
supplied  by  those  of  humanity.  The  ardor  of  contention,  the 
pride  of  victory,  the  despair  of  success,  the  memory  of  past 
injuries,  and  the  fear  of  future  dangers,  all  contribute  to  in 
flame  the  mind,  and  to  silence  the  voice  of  pity.  From  such 
motives  almost  every  ])age  of  history  has  been  stained  with 
civil  blood  ;  but  these  motives  will  not  account  for  the  unpro- 
voked cruelties  of  C'ommodus,  who  had  nothing  to  wish,  and 
every  thing  to  enjoy.  The  beloved  son  of  Marcus  succeedea 
to  his  (htlier,  amidst  the  acelaiiiationsof  the  senate  and  armies  ;^ 
and  wUv.n  he  ascended  the  throne,  the  happy  youth  saw  round 
him  neither  competitor  to  remove,  nor  enemies  to  punish.  In 
this  calm,  elevated  station,  it  was  surely  natural  that  he  should 
prefer  the  love  of  matdcind  to  their  detestation,  the  mild  glo- 
ries of  his  five  predecessors  to  the  ignominious  fate  of  Nero 
and  Domitian. 

Yet  Commodus  was  not,  as  he  has  been  represented,  a  tiger 
born  with  ;m  insatiate  thirst  of  human  blood,  and  capable,  from 
his  infancy,  of  the  most  inhuman  actions."  Nature  had  formed 
him  of  a  weak  rather  than  a  wicked  disposition.  His  sim- 
plicity and  timidity  rendered  him  the  slave  of  his  attendants, 
who  gradually  corrupted  his  mind.  His  cruelty,  wb.ich  at  first 
obeyed  the  dictates  of  others,  degenerated  into  habit,  and  at 
length  became  the  ruling  passion  of  his  soul.^ 

Upon  the  death  of  his  father,  Commodus  found  himself 
embarrassed  with  tlie  command  of  a  great  army,  and  the  con- 
duct of  a  difficult  war  against  the  Quadi  and  Marcomanni.'J 
The  servile  and  |)rofligate  youths  whom  Marcus  had  banished, 
Boon  regained  their  station  and  influence  about  the  new  em- 
pe'ror.     They  exaggerated   the   hardships   and   dangers   of  a 


5  Commodus  was  the  first  Porphijrogenitiis,  (t)orii  since  his  lather's 
accession  to  the  throne.)  ]5y  a  new  strain  oi'  tiattcry,  the  Egyptian 
medals  date  by  the  years  of  his  lite ;  as  ii"  they  were  synonymous  to 
those  of  his  reign.     Tillcmont,  Hist,  des  Emj-ereurs,  tom.  ii.  p.  752. 

'  Hist.  August,  p.  40. 

*  Dion  Cassius,  1.  Ix.xii.  p.  1203. 
According  to   TertuUian,  (Apolog.    c.  25,)  he  died   at   Sirmium. 
But  the  situation  of  V'indobona,  or  Vienna,  where  bcith  tlie  Victors 
place  his  death,  is  better  adajitcil  to  the  operations  of  the  war  agaiist 
t)i»>  Marcomanni  and  Ciuadi. 


104  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

campaign  in  Jhe  wild  countries  beyond  the  Danube ;  and  they 
assurea  the  indolent  prince  that  the  terror  of  his  name  and 
the  arms  of  his  lieutenants  would  be  sufficient  to  complete 
the  conquest  of  the  dismayed  barbarians,  or  to  impose  such 
conditions  as  were  more  advantageous  than  any  conquest. 
By  a  dexterous  application  to  his  sensual  appetites,  they  com- 
pared the  tranquillity,  the  splendor,  the  refined  pleasures  of 
Rome,  with  the  tumult  of  a  Paimonian  camp,  which  atrorded 
neither  leisure  nor  materials  for  luxury.'"  Commodus  lis- 
tened to  the  pleasing  advice  ,  but  whilst  he  hesitated  between 
his  own  inclination  and  the  awe  which  he  still  retained  for 
his  father's  counsellors,  the  summer  insensibly  elapsed,  and 
his  triumphal  entry  into  the  capital  was  deferred  till  the 
autumn.  His  graceful  person,"  popular  address,  and  ini' 
agined  virtues,  attracted  the  public  favor  ;  the  honorable 
peace  which  he  had  recently  granted  to  the  barbarians,  dif- 
fused a  universal  joy;  ^^  his  impatience  to  revisit  Rome  was 
fondly  ascribed  to  the  love  of  his  country  ;  and  his  dissolute 
course  of  amusements  was  faintly  condemned  in  a  prince  of 
nineteen  vears  of  age. 

During  the  three  first  years  of  his  reign,  the  forms,  and 
even  the  spirit,  of  the  old  administration,  were  maintained  by 
those  faithful  counsellors,  to  whom  Marcus  had  recommended 
his  son,  and  for  wliose  wisdom  and  integrity  Commodus  still 
entertained  a  reluctant  esteem.  The  young  prince  and  his 
profligate  favorites  revelled  in  all  the  license  of  sovereign 
power;  but  his  hands  were  yet  unstained  with  blood  ;  and  he 
had  even  displayed  a  generosity  of  sentiment,  which  might 
perhaps  have  ripened  into  solid  virtue.'-^  A  fatal  incident 
decided  his  fluctuating  character. 

Orie  evening,  as  the  emperor  was  returning  to  the"  palace 
through  a  dark  and  narrow  portico  in  the  amphitheatre,''*  an 
assassin,  who  waited  his  passage,  rushed  upon  him  with  a 
drawn  sword,  loudly  exclaiming,  "  The  senate  sends  you 
f/tis."     The  menace    prevented    the   deed  ;  the  assassin  was 

'^'  Herodian,  1.  i.  p.  12. 

"  Herodian,  1.  i.  p.  16.  i 

*  This  universal  joj*  is  well  described  (from  the  me  lals  as  weU  as 
llifltorians)  by  Mr.  WoUon,  Hist,  ol"  Koine,  p.  19'2,  193. 

"  Manilius,  the  confidential  secretary  of  Avidius  Cassius,  was  dip- 
covered  after  he  had  lain  concealed  several  years.  The  emperor  no'  ^ y 
relieved  the  public  anxiety  by  refusing  to  see  him,  and  burning  '« 
pa])f;rs  witliout  ojieninn  them.     Dion  Cassius,  1.  IxxiL  p.  1'209. 

'*  See  Mallei  degli  Amphitheatri,  p.  126. 


OF   THE    ROMAN    EMPIT.E.  105 

seized  by  the  guards,  and  immediately  revealed  the  authors 
of  the  conspiracy.  It  had  been  formed,  not  in  the  state,  but 
within  the  walls  of  the  palace.  Lucilla,  the  emperor's  sister, 
and  widow  of  Lucius  Verus,  impatient  of  the  second  rank 
and  jealous  of  the  reigning  empress,  had  armed  the  murderer 
against  her  brother's  life.  She  had  not  ventured  to  communi- 
cate the  black  design  to  her  second  husband,  Claudius  Poiri- 
peianus,  a  senator  of  distinguished  merit  and  unshaken  loy* 
alty  ;  but  among  the  crowd  of  her  lovers  (for  she  imitated 
llie  manners  of  Faustina)  she  found  men  of  desperate  for- 
tunes and  wild  ambition,  who  were  prepared  to  serve  her 
more  violent,  as  well  as  her  tender  passions.  The  conspira- 
tors experienced  the  rigor  of  justice,  and  the  abandoned 
princess  was  punished,  first  with  exile,  and  afterwards  with 
death. 15 

But  the  words  of  the  assassin  sunk  deep  into  the  mind  of 
Commodus,  and  left  an  indelible  impression  of  fear  and 
hatred  against  the  whole  body  of  the  senate.*  Those  whom 
he  had  dreaded  as  im[)ortunate  ministers,  he  now  suspected 
as  secret  enemies.  The  Delators,  a  race  of  men  discouraged, 
and  almost  extinguished,  under  the  former  reigns,  again  be- 
came formidable,  as  soon  as  they  discovered  that  the  emperor 
was  desirous  of  finding  disaffection  and  treason  in  the  senate. 
That  assembly,  whom  Marcus  had  ever  considered  as  the 
great  council  of  the  nation,  was  composed  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished of  the  Romans  ;  and  distinction  of  every  kind  soon 
became  criminal.  The  possession  of  wealth  stimulated  the 
diligence  of  the  informers  ;  rigid  virtue  implied  a  tacit  cen- 
sure of  the  irregularities  of  Commodus  ;  important  services 
implied  a  dangerous  superiority  of  merit  ;  and  the  friendship 
of  the  father  always  insured  the  aversion  of  the  son.  Sus- 
picion was  equivalent  to  proof;  trial  to  condemnation.  The 
execution  of  a  considerable  senator  was  attended  with  tlie 
death  of  all  who  might  lament  or  revenge  his  fate  ;  and  when 
Commodus  had  once  tasted  human  blood,  he  became  incapu 
ble  of  pity  or  remorse. 

Of  these    innocent    victims  of  tyranny,  none    died    m?re 
lamented   than   the    two    brothers    of  the  Quinlilian    family, 


"  Dion,  1.  Ixxii.    p.   1203.     Herodian,  1.  i.    pi  16.     Hist.   August 
>46. 

•  The  coiispirators  were  senators,  even  the  assassin  himself     flerod  i 
8).  ~  G 


(Ofi  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL. 

Maxiniua  r  i,d  Condianus  ;  whose  fraternal  love  has  s^ved! 
then  naints  from  oblivion,  and  endeared  their  memory  to 
posterity.  Their  studies  and  their  occupations,  their  pursuits 
and  their  pleasures,  were  still  the  same.  In  the  enjoyment 
of  a  great  estate,  they  never  admitted  the  idea  of  a  separate 
•nteresl  :  some  fragments  are  now  extant  of  a  treatise  wiiich 
they  composed  in  common;*  and  in  every  action  of  life  it 
Wis  observed  that  their  two  bodies  were  animated  by  one 
Si?v.v.  The  Antonines,  who  valued  their  virtues,  and  delighted 
m  their  union,  raised  them,  in  the  same  year,  to  the  consul- 
ship ;  and  Marcus  afterwards  Uitrusled  to  their  joint  care  the 
civil  administration  of  Greece,  and  a  great  military  command, 
in  which  they  obtained  a  signal  victory  over  th^s  Germans. 
The  kind  cruelty  of  Commodus  united  them  in  death. '"^ 

The  tyrant's  rage,  after  having  shed  the  noblest  blood  of 
the  senate,  at  length  recoiled  on  the  principal  instrument  of 
his  cruelty.  Whilst  Commodus  was  immersed  in  blood  and 
luxury,  he  devolved  the  detail  of  the  public  business  on  Percn- 
nis,  a  servile  and  ambitious  minister,  who  had  obtained  his 
post  by  the  murder  of  his  predecessor,  but  who  possessed  a 
considerable  share  of  vigor  and  ability.  By  acts  of  extortion 
and  the  forfeited  estates  of  the  nobles  sacrificed  to  his  avarice 
he  had  accumulated  an  immense  treasure.  The  Praetorian 
guards  were  under  his  immediate  command  ;  and  his  son 
who  already  discovered  a  military  genius,  was  at  the  head  of 
the  lUyrian  liJgions.  Pereimis  aspired  to  the  empire  ;  oi 
what,  in  the  eyes  of  Commodus,  amounted  to  the  same  crime, 
he  was  cajiable  of  as|)iring  to  it,  had  he  not  been  prevented, 
surprised,  and  put  to  death.  The  fall  of  a  minister  is  a  very 
trifling  incident  in  the  general  history  of  the  empire  ;  but  it 
was  hastened  by  an  extraunlinarv  circumstance,  which  |)roved 
liow  niiieli  the  nerves  of  disci|)liiiu  were  alreadv  relaxcil.  The 
leiiions  oi'  liritain,  discuiitenU'd  with  the  ailniinisinilion  (j*" 
Pereimis,  formed  a  deputation  of  fifteen  hiui'Ircd  select  men, 
with  instructions  to  march  to  Rome,  and  lay  tiicir  coniitlaints 
before  the  enipenjr.  These  military  petitioners,  by  their  own 
determined  behavior,  by  innamiug  the  divisions  of  the  guards, 

'*  In  a  note  upon  the  Aujiiistan  History,  C'asFubon  has  ccllectcd 
n  iiunibor  of  j)aiticu}iu-.s  concerning  these  celebrated  brothers.  Se€ 
p.   96  of  his  Ipained  commentary. 


*  'this  work  was  on   agrifiiilturo,  and   is  often   (jiiotcfl   by  later  writers 
S»'e  P.  NfCcUjani    Piolog.  ad  Geoponic.  Canib.  1704  — W 


OP    THE    HOMAN    EMPIKE.  107 

by  exaggerf»tiiig  the  strength  of  the  British  army,  and  by 
alarming  the  fears  of  Commodiis,  exacted  and  obtained  tliH 
minister's  death,  as  the  only  redress  of  tLeir  grievances. •' 
This  presumption  of  a  distant  army,  and  their  discovery  of 
the  weakness  of  government,  was  a  sure  presage  of  the  most 
dreadful  convulsions. 

The  negligence  of  the  public  administration  was  betrayed, 
Scon  afterwards,  by  a  new  disorder,  which  arose  from  the 
smallesv  beginnings.  A  spirit  of  desertion  began  to  prevail 
among  the  troops  :  and  'he  deserters,  instead  of  seeking  their 
safety  in  flight  or  concealment,  infested  the  highways.  Ma- 
ternus,  a  private  soldier,  of  a  during  boldness  above  his  station, 
collected  these  bands  of  robbers  into  a  little  army,  set  open 
the  prisons,  invited  the  slaves  to  assert  their  freedom,  and 
plundered  with  impunity  the  rich  and  defenceless  cities  of 
Gaul  and  Spain.  The  governors  of  the  provinces,  who  had 
long  been  the  spectators,  and  perhaps  the  partners,  of  his 
depredations,  were,  at  length,  roused  from  their  supine  indo- 
lence by  the  threatening  commands  of  the  emperor.  Matcr- 
nus  found  that  he  was  encompassed,  and  foresaw  that  he 
must  be  overpowered.  A  great  effort  of  despair  was  his  last 
resource.  He  ordered  his  followers  to  disperse,  to  pass  the 
Alps  in  small  parties  and  various  disguises,  and  to  assemble 
at    Rome,    during    the    licentious    tumult    of    the   festival  of 

"  Dion,  1.  Ixxii.  p.  1210.  Herodian,  1.  i.  p.  22.  Hist.  August,  p.  48 
J!)ion  pives  a  mucli  less  odious  cliaraoter  of  Perennis,  than  the  other 
Historians.     His  moderation  is  ahuost  a  pledge  of  Ids  veracity.* 

*  Gibbon  praises  Dion  for  the  moderation  witli  which  he  speaks  of 
I'erennis  :  he  follows,  neveitheless,  in  his  own  narrative,  Herodian  ami 
l.anipridius.  Dinn  -speaks  of  I'erennis  not  only  with  nioderatiim,  but  with 
admiration;  he  represents  him  as  a  great  man,  virtuous  in  his  life,  and 
blameless  in  his  death:  perhaps  he  may  be  suspected  of  partiality;  but  it 
is  sinjruiar  that  Gibbon,  having  adopted,  from  Herodian  ami  I.anipridins 
their  iudjrment  on  this  minister,  follows  Dion's  improbable  aceount  of  1  ■.<» 
death!  What  likelihood,  in  fact,  that  fifteen  hundred  men  slKuild  have 
traverse. 1  Gaul  and  Italy,  and  have  arrived  at  Rome  without  any  undei- 
standing  with  the  I'rfEtorians,  or  without  detection  or  opposition  from 
Pcrenni",  the  Prcetorian  pnefect  V  Gibbon,  foreseeing,  perhaps,  this 
difficulty,  has  added,  that  the  military  deputation  intlMined  the  divisions 
of  the  guards;  but  Dion  says  expresslythm  they  ilid  not  reach  Home,  but 
that  tiie  emperor  went  out  "to  meet  them:  he  even  reproaclies  hir.i  for  not 
having  opposed  the'm  with  the  guards,  who  were  superior  in  number 
Herodian  relates  that  Commodus,  having  learned,  from  a  soblier,  tho 
ambitious  designs  of  I'erennis  and  Ids  son,  caused  them  to  he  attacked  and 
massacred  by  night. —  G.  from  W.  Dion's  narrative  is  reinarkLbly  circum- 
stantial, and  his  authority  hi'jlier  than  either  of  the  other  writers,  lie 
Bints  that  Oleander,  a  new  favorite,  had  already  undermined  ths  iidluence 
»f  I'eremu*. —  M. 


108  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

Cybele.^^  To  murder  Commodus,  and  to  ascend  the  vacant 
throne,  was  the  ambition  of  no  vulgar  robber.  His  measures 
were  so  ably  concerted  that  his  concealed  troops  already  fiUea 
the  streets  of  Rome.  The  envy  of  an  accomplice  discovered 
and  ruined  this  singular  enterprise,  in  the  moment  when  it 
was  ripe  for  execution. ^^ 

Suspicious  princes  often  promote  the  last  of  mankind  from, 
a  vain  persuasion,  that  those  who  have  no  dependence,  o.xcept 
on  their  favor,  will  have  no  attachment,  except  to  the  -«ison 
of  their  benefactor.  Oleander,  the  successor  of  Perennis, 
was  a  Phrygian  by  birth ;  of  a  nation  over  whose  stubbc  rn, 
but  servile  temper,  blows  only  could  prevail.^"  He  had  been 
sent  from  his  native  country  to  Rome,  in  the  capacity  of  a 
slave.  As  a  slave  he  entered  the  Imperial  palace,  rendered 
himself  useful  to  his  master's  passions,  and  rapidly  ascended 
to  the  most  exalted  station  which  a  subject  could  enjoy.  His 
influence  over  the  mind  of  Commodus  was  much  greater  than 
that  of  his  predecessor ;  for  Oleander  was  devoid  of  any  abil- 
ity or  virtue  which  could  inspire  the  emperor  with  envy  oi 
distrust.  Avarice  was  the  reigning  passion  of  his  soul,  and 
the  great  principle  of  his  administration.  The  rank  of  Con- 
sul, of  Patrician,  of  Senator,  was  exposed  to  public  sale  ;  and 
it  would  have  been  considered  as  disaffection,  if  any  one  had 
refused  to  purchase  these  empty  and  disgraceful  honors  with 
the  greatest  part  of  his  fortune.^i  In  the  lucrative  provincial 
employments,  the  minister  siiared  with  the  governor  the  spoils 
of  the  people.  The  execution  of  the  laws  was  venal  ana 
aibitrary.  A  wealthy  criminal  might  obtain,  not  only  the 
reversal  of  the  sentence  by  which  he  was  justly  condemned 
but  might  likewise  inflict  whatever  punishment  he  pleased  on 
the  accuser,  the  witnesses,  and  the  judge. 

By  these  means.  Oleander,  in  the  space  of  three  years,  had 
accumulated  more  wealth  than  had  ever  yet  been  possessed  by 

'^  During  the  second  Punic  war,  the  Romans  unportcd  from  Asia 
the  worship  of  the  mother  of  the  gods.  Her  festival,  the  Mvi/alcaia, 
began  on  the  fourth  of  April,  and  lasted  six  days.  The  streets  were 
crowded  with  mad  processions,  the  theatres  with  spectators,  and  the 
public  tables  with  unlnddcn  guests.  Order  and  police  were  suspend- 
ed, and  pleasure  was  the  only  serious  business  of  the  city.  Sec  Ovid, 
dc  Pastis,  1.  iv.  189,  &e. 

'»  Herodian,  1.  i.  p.  23,  28. 

*"  Cicero  pro  Flacco,  c.  27. 

"  One  of  these  dear-bought  promotions  occasionea  h  current  boa 
mot,  ty.at  Julius  Solon  was  ban  shed  into  the  senate. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  109 

Ally  frecdman.  -^  Commodus  was  perfectly  satisfied  vvitli  the 
inagniliccnl  i)rcscnts  whicli  the  artful  courtier  laid  at  his  feot 
/n  the  most  seasonable  moments.  To  divert  the  public  envy. 
Oleander,  under  the  emperor's  name,  erected  baths,  porticos, 
and  places  of  exercise,  for  the  use  of  the  people.^"^  He  flat- 
tered himself  that  the  Romans,  dazzled  and  amused  by  this 
apparent  liberality,  would  be  less  affected  by  the  bloody  scenea 
which  were  daily  exhibited  ;  that  they  would  forget  the  dcaih 
of  Byrriius,  a  senator  to  whose  superior  merit  the  late  emperor 
had  granted  one  of  his  daughters  ;  and  that  they  would  for- 
give the  execution  of  Arrius  Antoninus,  the  last  representative 
of  the  name  and  virtues  of  the  Antonines.  The  former,  with 
more  integrity  than  prudence,  had  attempted  to  disclose,  to 
his  brother-in-law,  the  true  character  of  Oleander.  An  equi- 
table sentence  pronounced  by  the  latter,  when  jiroconsul  of 
Asia,  against  a  worthless  creature  of  the  favorite,  proved 
fatal  to  him.-"*  After  the  fall  of  Perennis,  the  terrors  of 
Oommodus  had,  for  a  short  time,  assumed  the  appearance 
of  a  return  to  virtue.  Ke  repealed  the  most  odious  of  his 
acts ;  loaded  his  memory  witli  the  public  execration,  and  as- 
cribed to  the  pernicious  counsels  of  that  wicked  minister  all  the 
errors  of  his  inexperienced  youth.  But  his  repentance  lasted 
only  thirty  days  ;  and,  under  Oleander's  tyranny,  the  admin- 
istration of  Perennis  was  often  regretted. 

Pestilence  and  famine  contributed  to  fill  up  the  measure  of 
the  calamities  of  Rorne.--^  The  first  could  be  only  imputed 
to  the  just  indignation  of  the  gods  ;  but  a  monopoly  of  corn 
supported  by  the  riches  and  power  of  the  minister,  was  con- 
sidered as  the  immediate  cause  of  the  second.  The  popular 
discontent,  after  it  had  long  circulated  in  whispers,  broke  out 
in  the  assembled  circus.  The  people  quitted  their  favorite 
amusements  for  the  more  delicious  pleasure  of  revenge 
rushed  in  crowds  towards  a  palace  in  the  suburbs,  one  of  the 

"  Dion  (1.  Ixxii.  p.  12,  13)  observes,  that  no  froedman  had  pos- 
eesscd  riches  ei^uul  to  those  of  Oleander.  The  foitur,c  of  I'allas 
amounted,  however,  to  upwards  of  five  and  twenty  hundred  thou- 
sand jiounds ;   Tar  millies. 

**  Dion,  1.  Ixxii.  p.  12,  13.  Hcrodian,  1.  i.  p.  29.  Hist.  Augiust. 
p.  52.  These  baths  were  situated  near  the  Pc  r^a  Capena.  See  Nar- 
dini  Roma  Antica,  p.  79. 

**  Hist.  August,  p.  48. 

**  Herodian,  1.  i.  p.  28.  Dion,  1.  Ixxii.  p.  ;215.  The  latter  says, 
that  two  thousand  persons  died  every  day  at  Rome,  during  a  consid- 
erable length  of  time. 


HO  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

emperor's  rotirements,  and  demanded,  with  angry  clamora 
the  head  of  the  public  enemy.  Oleander,  who  coinmandeil 
tne  Pryetorian  guards,-*^  ordered  a  body  of  cavalry  to  sally 
forth,  and  disperse  the  seditious  multitude.  The  multitude 
fled  with  precipitation  towards  the  city  ;  several  were  slaiii, 
and  many  more  were  trampled  to  death  ;  but  when  the  caval- 
ry entered  the  streets,  their  pursuit  was  checked  by  a  shower 
of  stones  and  darts  from  the  roofs  and  windows  of  the  hous(!3. 
Tiie  foot  guards,^''  who  had  been  long  jealous  of  the  prerogatives 
ind  insolence  of  the  Praetorian  cavalry,  embraced  the  party 
of  the  people.  The  tumult  became  a  regular  engagement, 
tind  threatened  a  general  massacre.  The  Prsetorians,  at 
tength,  gave  way,  oppressed  with  numbers;  and  the  tide  of 
popular  fury  returned  with  redoubled  violence  against  the 
gates  of  the  palace,  where  Commodus  lay,  dissolved  in  lux- 
ury, and  alone  unconscious  of  the  civil  war.  It  was  death  to 
approach  his  persnn  whh  the  unwelcome  news.  He  would 
have  perished  in  ttiis  supine  security,  had  not  two  women,  his 
eldest  sister  Fadilla,  and  Marcia,  the  most  favored  of  his 
concubines,  ventured  to  break  into  his  presence.  Bathed  in 
tears,  and  with  dishevelled  hair,  they  threw  themselves  at  his 
feet ;  and  with  all  the  pressing  eloquence  of  fear,  discovered 
to  the  affrighted  emperor  the  crimes  of  the  minister,  the  rage 
of  the  people,  and  the  impending  ruin,  which,  in  a  few 
minutes,  would  burst  over  his  palace  and  person.  Commodus 
started  from  his  dream  of  pleasure,  and  commanded  that  the 
head  of  Oleander  should  be  thrown  out  to  the  people.  The 
desired  spectacle   instantly  appeased  the  tumult ;  and  the  son 

'*  Tuncque  primum  tres  prcaefccti  prsetorio  fucrc  :  inter  quos  liber- 
tinus.  From  some  remains  of  modesty,  Clcandcr  declined  the  title, 
whilst  he  assumed  the  powers,  of  Pnctorian  prfufect.  As  the  other 
fraedmen  were  styled,  from  their  several  departments,  a  rationibaa, 
ab  cpistolis,  Cleander  called  himself  «  pugione,  as  intrusted  with  the 
defence  of  his  master's  person.  Salmasius  and  Casaubon  seem  to 
have  talked  very  idly  upon  this  passage.* 

"  Ol  ri'ji  nuXfvtg  TifLvi  orQuTK'nut.  Herodian,  1.  i.  p.  31.  It  is 
doubtful  whether  he  means  the  Prietorian  infantry,  or  the  cohortea 
urbanai,  a  body  of  six  thousand  men,  but  whose  rank  and  discii)line 
were  not  equal  to  their  numbers.  Neither  Tillemont  nor  Wotton 
choose  to  decide  this  question.f 


*  LI.  Guizot  denies  that  Lampridius  means  Cleander  as  praefect  a 
pugione.     The  Libcrtinus  seems  to  me  t  >  moan  him.  —  M. 

t  It  sten;s  to  me  there  is  none.  The  passage  of  Ilorodian  is  clear,  aud 
designates  the  city  cohorts.     Compare  Dion,  p.  797-  —  W. 


OF    THE    RfiflA,\    EMPIRE.  Hi 

jf  Marcus    mifflit  oven   yet   have  regained  tl)c  uiTeclion  and 
confidence  ol'  liis  subjects.-^ 

But  every  sentiment  of  virtue  and  humanity  was  extinct  in 
:he  mind  of  Cominodus.  Whilst  he  thus  abamloned  the  reins 
ot  empire  to  these  unworthy  favorites,  lie  valued  nothing  \r 
sovereign  power,  except  the  unbounded  license  of  indulging 
his  sensual  appetites.  His  hours  were  spent  in  a  seraglio  of 
throe  hundred  beautiful  women,  and  as  many  boys,  of  every 
rank,  and  of  every  province  ;  and,  wherever  the  arts  of 
seduction  proved  ineffectual,  the  brutal  lover  had  recourse  to 
violence.  The  ancient  historians -^  have  expatiated  on  these 
abandoned  scenes  of  prostitution,  which  scorned  every  re- 
straint of  nature  or  modesty  ;  but  it  would  not  be  easy  to 
translate  their  too  faithful  descriptions  into  the  decency  of 
modern  language.  The  intervals  of  lust  were  filled  up  with 
the  basest  amusements.  The  influence  of  a  polite  age,  and 
the  labor  of  an  attentive  education,  had  never  been  able  to 
infuse  into  his  rude  and  brutish  mind  the  least  tincture  of 
learning ;  and  he  was  the  first  of  the  Roman  emperors  totally 
devoid  of  taste  for  the  pleasures  of  the  understanding.  Nero 
himself  excelled,  or  affected  to  excel,  in  the  elegant  arts  of 
music  and  poetry  :  nor  should  we  despise  his  pursuits,  had  he 
not  converted  the  pleasing  relaxation  of  a  leisure  hour  inta 
the  serious  business  and  ambition  of  his  life.  But  Commodus 
f;om  his  earliest  infancy,  discovered  an  aversion  to  whatever 
was  rational  or  liberal,  and  a  fond  attachment  to  the  amuse- 
ments of  the  populace  ;  the  sports  of  the  circus  and  amphi- 
theatre, the  combats  of  gladiators,  and  the  hunting  of  wild 
beasts.  The  masters  in  every  branch  of  learning,  whom 
Marcus  provided  for  his  son,  were  heard  with  inattention  and 
disgust  ;  whilst  the  Moors  and  Parthians,  who  taught  him  to 
dart  the  javelin  and  to  shoot  with  the  bow,  found  a  disciple 
who  delighted  in  his  application,  and  soon  equalled  the  most 
skilful  of  his  instructors  in  the  steadiness  of  the  eye  and  the 
dexterity  of  the  hand. 

The  servile  crowd,  whose  fortune  depended  on  their  mas- 
ter's vices,  applauded  these  ignoble  pursuits.     The  perfidious 

'"  Dion  Cassius,  1.  Ixxii.  p.  1215.  Ilcrodinn,  1.  i.  p.  32.  Hist. 
August,  p.  48. 

**  Sororibus  suis  constnprritis.  Ipsas  coiicubinas  suas  sub  oculii 
I'sis  .stU]U'ui  jiiliobat.  N(v  irrucutium  in  se  juvcnum  caicbat  in- 
fainri,  oinni  |>arn;  i-oiijoiu  u:  lUc  ore  in  sexuin  utruinque  poIl"ilufl 
Hist    Auji.  u-  -17. 


112  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

voice  of  flattery  reminded  him,  that  by  exploits  of  the  same 
nature,  by  the  defeat  of  the  Nemaean  Hon,  and  the  slaughter 
of  the  wild  boar  of  Erymanthus,  the  Grecian  Hercules  had 
acquired  a  place  among  the  gods,  and  an  immortal  memory 
among  men.  They  only  forgot  to  observe,  that,  in  the  first 
ages  of  society,  when  the  fiercer  animals  often  dispute  with 
man  the  possession  of  an  unsettled  country,  a  successful  war 
ngainst  those  savages  is  one  of  the  most  innocent  and  bene- 
ficial  labors  of  heroism.  In  the  civilized- state  of  the  Eoman 
empire,  the  wild  beasts  had  long  since  retired  from  the  face 
of  man,  and  the  neighborhood  of  populous  cities.  To  sur- 
prise them  in  their  solitary  haunts,  and  to  transport  them  to 
Rome,  that  they  might  be  slain  in  pomp  by  the  hand  of  an 
emperor,  was  an  enterprise  equally  ridiculous  for  the  prince 
and  oppressive  for  the  people. -^o  Ignorant  of  these  distinc- 
tions, Commodus  eagerly  embraced  the  glorious  resemblance, 
and  styled  himself  (as  we  still  read  on  his  medals  ^i)  the 
Roman  Hercules  *  The  club  and  the  lion's  hide  were  placed 
by  the  side  of  the  throne,  amongst  the  ensigns  of  sovereignty  , 
and  statues  were  erected,  in  which  Commodus  was  repre- 
sented in  the  character,  and  with  the  attributes,  of  the  god 
whose  valor  and  dexterity  he  endeavored  to  emulate  in  the 
daily  course  of  his  ferocious  amusements.^^ 

Elated  with  these  praises,  which  gradually  extinguished  the 
innate  sense  of  shame,  Commodus  resolved  to  exhibit  before 
the  eyes  of  the  Roman  people  those  exercises,  which  till  then 
he  had   decently  confined  within  the  walls  of  his  palace,  and 

* 
^°  The  African  lions,  when  pressed  by  hunger,  infested  the  open 
villages  and  cultivated  country  ;  and  they  infested  them  with  impu- 
nity. The  royal  beast  was  reserved  for  the  pleasures  of  the  cmpeior 
and  the  capital ;  and  the  unfortunate  peasant  who  killed  one  of  them, 
though  in  his  own  defence,  incurred  a  very  heavy  penalty.  Tliis 
exti-aordinary  r/a?ne-law  was  mitigated  by  Honorius,  and  finally  re- 
pealed by  Justinian.  Codex  Theodos.  t'om.  v.  p.  92,  et  Comment 
Gothofred. 

^'  Spanheim  do  Nuraismat.  Dissertat.  xii.  tom.  ii.  p.  493. 
*'  Dion,  1.  Ixxii.  p.  1216.     Hist.  August,  p.  49. 


•  Commodus  placed  his  own  head  on  the  colossal  statue  of  Hercules 
arith  the  inscription,  Lvcius  Commodus  Hercules.  The  wits  of  Rome 
accordiiis?  to  a  new  fragment  of  Dion,  published  the  following  epigram,  of 
which,  like  m:uiy  other  ancient  jests,  the  point  i-;  not  very  rl<>.r:  "Lot, 
Itaii  KiiXXnnKOi  'WpaKAfii,  ovk  d^ki  Aiixioi,  aAX'  i]viiyKn(iwni  ui ."  It  m'i  n:s  to  h* 
E  protest  of  the  god  against  being  confounded  w.th  ihe  empc.'/i.  ftiA)  . 
Fragm.  Vatican,  ii.  22o.  —  M 


OF   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  113 

to  the  presence  of  a  few  favorites.  On  the  appointed  day,  tho 
various  motives  of  llattciy,  foar,  and  curiosity,  attracted  to  the 
amphitheatre  an  innumerable  multitude  of  spectatoi*s ;  and 
some  degree  of  (i])plause  was  deservedly  be.stowed  on  the  un- 
common skill  of  the  Imperial  performer.  Whether  he  aimed 
at  the  head  or  heart  of  the  animal,  the  wound  was  alike  certain 
and  mortal.  With  arrows  whose  point  was  sljaped  into  the 
form  of  a  crescent,  Commodus  often  intercepted  the  rapid 
career,  and  cut  asunder  the  long,  bony  neck  of  the  ostrich.33 
A  panther  was  let  loose  ;  and  the  archer  waited  till  he  had 
leaped  upon  a  trembling  malefactor.  *  lu  the  same  instant  the 
shaft  (lew,  the  beast  dropped  dead,  and  the  man  remained 
unhurt.  The  dens  of  the  amphitheatre  disgorged  at  once  a 
hundred  lions  :  a  hundred  darts  from  the  unerring  hand  of 
Commodus  laid  them  dead  as  they  ran  raging  round  the  Arena. 
Neither  the  huge  bulk  of  the  elephant,  nor  the  scaly  hide  of 
the  rhinocpros,  could  defend  them  from  his  stroke.  ^Ethiopia 
and  India  yielded  their  most  extraordinary  produc-tions  ;  and 
several  animals  were  slain  in  the  amphitheatre,  which  had 
been  seen  only  in  the  representations  of  art,  or  perhaps  of 
fancy ."'^  In  ail  these  exhibitions,  the  securest  precautions 
were  used  to  protect  the  person  of  the  Roman  Hercules  from 
the  desperate  spring  of  any  savage,  who  might  possibly  dis- 
regard the  dignity  of  the  emperor  and  the  sanctity  of  the 
crod."^ 

^'  The  ostrich's  neck  is  three  feet  long,  and  composed  of  seventeen 
vertebra*.     Sec  Hutl'on,  Hist.  XaturcUc. 

^*  Commodus  killed  a  camelopardalis  or  Giraffe,  (Dion,  1.  Ixxii.  p. 
1211,)  the  tallest,  the  niost  gentle,  and  the  most  useless  of  the  large 
quadrupeds.  This  s;  .^ular  animal,  a  nativa  only  of  the  interior 
parts  of  Africa,  has  not  been  seen  in  Eui-ope  since  the  revival  of 
letters ;  and  tho\igh  M.  dc  Buffon  (Hist.  Naturellc,  torn,  xiii.)  has 
endeavored  to  describe,  he  has  not  ventured  to  delineate,  the 
Girafi'c.* 

2^  llorodian,  1.  i.  p.  37.     Hist.  August,  p.  50. 


*  The  naturalists  of  our  days  have  been  more  fortunate.  London  prob- 
ablj'  nov.'  contains  mom  sppcimens  of  this  animal  than  have  been  seen  in  Eu- 
rope since  the  full  of  the  Roman  empire,  unless  in  the  pleasure  gardens 
of  the  emperor  Frederic  II.,  in  Sicily,  which  possessed  several.  Frederic's 
collections  of  wild  beasts  were  exhibited,  for  the  popular  amusement,  in 
many  parts  of  Italy.  Raumer,  Geschichte  dcr  Ilohcnstaufcn,  v.  iii.  p.  -571. 
Gibbon,  moreover,  is  mistaken ;  as  a  giraffe  was  presented  to  Lorenzo  da 
Medici,  either  by  the  sultan  of  Egypt  or  the  king  of  Tunis.  Contnmpo 
raiy  authorities  are  quoted  in  the  old  work,  Gcsuer  ie  Quadrupedib**, 
p.  102.— M. 

8 


14  tHE    DECLINE    AND   FALL 

But  the  meanest  of  the  populace  were  afTected  with  shame 
nnd  indignation  when  they  beheld  their  sovereign  enter  the 
lists  as  a  gladiator,  and  glory  in  a  profession  wnich  the  laws 
and  manners  of  the  Romans  had  branded  with  the  jiistest  note 
of  infamy .■^*^  He  chose  the  habit  and  arms  of  the  Secutor 
whose  combat  with  the  Retiarms  form.ed  one  of  the  mo3. 
lively  scenes  in  the  bloody  sports  of  the  amphitheatre.  The 
Secutor  was  armed  whh  a  helmet,  sword,  and  buckler ;  \\\z 
iTiked  antagonist  had  only  a  large  net  and  a  trident ;  with  the 
one  he  endeavored  to  entangle,  with  the  other  to  despatch  hig 
enemy.  If  he  missed  fhe  first  throw,  he  was  obliged  to  fly 
from  the  pursuit  of  the  Secutor,  till  he  had  prepared  his  net  for  a 
second  cast.37  The  emperor  fought  in  this  character  seven 
lundred  and  thirty-five  several  times.  These  glorious  achieve- 
ments were  carefully  recorded  in  the  public  acts  of  the 
empire ;  and  that  he  might  omit  no  circumstance  of  infamy, 
he  received  from  the  common  fund  of  gladiators  a  stipend  so 
exorbitant  that  it  became  a  new  and  most  ignominious  tax 
upon  the  Roman  people.^^  It  may  be  easily  supposed,  that  in 
these  engagements  the  master  of  the  world  was  always  sue 
cessful  ;  in  the  amphitheatre,  his  victories  were  not  often 
sanguinary ;  but  when  he  exercised  his  skill  in  the  school  of 
gladiators,  or  his  own  palace,  his  wretched  antagonists  were 
frequently  honored  with  a  mortal  wound  from  the  hand  of 
Commodus,  and  obliged  to  seal  their  flattery  with  their  blood.^? 
He  now  disdained  the  appellation  of  Hercules.  The  name  of 
Paulus,  a  celebrated  Secutor,  was  the  only  one  which  delighted 
his  ear.  It  was  inscribed  on  his  colossal  statues,  and  repeated 
in  the  redoubled  acclamations  '^^  of  the  mournful  and  applaud- 

^8  The  virtuous  and  even  the  wise  princes  forbade  the  senators  and 
knights  to  embrace  this  scandalous  profession,  under  pain  of  infamy, 
or,  what  was  more  dreaded  by  those  profligate  wretches,  of  exile 
The  tyrants  allured  them  to  dishonor  by  threats  and  rewards.  Nero 
once  produced  in  the  arena  forty  senators  and  sixty  knights.  Seo 
Lipsius,  Saturnalia,  1.  ii.  c.  2.  He  has  happily  corrected  a  passage  of 
Suetonius  in  Neronc,  c.  12. 

"  Lipsius,   1.  ii.  c.   7,   8.     Juvenal,   in  the   eighth  satire,  gives 
picturcsqiie  description  of  this  combat. 

"^  Hist.  August,  p.  50.     Dion,  1.  Ixxii.  p.  1220.     He  received,  fo 
each  time,  decies,  about  8000  I.  sterling. 

3'  Victor  tells  us,  that  Commodus  only  allowed  his  antagonists  a 
leaden  weapon,  dreading  most  probably  the  consequences  of  theii 
despair. 

*"  They  were  obliged  1 1  repeat,  six  hundred  and  twenty-six  timos, 
^aulusjirst  of  ike  Secutoft   &o. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  115 

Ing  senate.''^  Claudius  Pompcianus,  the  virtuous  husbanf.  of 
r.ucilla,  was  the  only  senator  who  asserted  the  honor  of  his 
rank.  As  a  father,  he  permitted  his  sons  to  consult  their 
sufety  by  attending  the  amphitheatre.  As  a  Roman,  he 
declared,  that  liisowi  life  was  in  the  emperor's  hands,  but 
that  he  would  never  behold  the  son  of  Marcus  prostituting  his 
person  and  dignity.  Notwithstanding  his  manly  resohition, 
Pompcianus  escaped  the  resentment  of  the  tyrant,  and,  witli 
his  honor,  had  the  good  fortune  to  preserve  his  life.''^ 

Commodus  had  now  attained  the  summit  of  vice  and  infamy. 
Amidst  the  acclamations  of  a  flattering  court,  he  was  unable 
lo  disguise  from  liimself,  that  he  had  deserved  the  contempt 
and  hatred  of  every  man  of  sense  and  virtue  in  his  empire 
His  ferocious  spirit  was  irritated  by  the  consciousness  of  tha\ 
hatred,  by  the  envy  of  every  kind  of  merit,  by  the  just  appre- 
hension of  danger,  and  by  the  habit  of  slaughter,  which  he 
contracted  in  his  daily  amusements.  History  has  preserved  a 
long  list  of  consular  senators  sacrificed  to  his  wanton  suspicion, 
which  sought  out,  with  peculiar  anxiety,  those  unfortunate 
persons  connected,  however  remotely,  with  the  family  of  the 
Antonincs,  without  sparing  even  the  ministers  of  liis  crimes  or 
pleasures.'-^  His  cruelty  proved  at  last  fatal  to  himself.  He 
had  shed  with  impunity  the  noblest  blood  of  Rome:  he 
perished  as  soon  as  he  was  dreaded  by  his  own  domes- 
tics. Marcia,  his  favorite  concubine,  Eclectus,  liis  chamberlain, 
and  LfEtus,  his  Prtutorian  pra;fect,  alarmed  by  the  fate  of  their 
companions  and  predecessors,  resolved  to  prevent  the  destruc- 
tion which  every  hour  hung  over  their  heads,  either  from  the 
mad  caprice  of  the  tyrant,*  or  the  sudden   indignation  of  the 

*^  Dion,  1.  Lxxii.  p.  1221.  He  speaks  of  liis  own  baseness  and 
danger. 

*'^  He  mixed,  however,  some  prudence  with  his  courage,  and  passed 
the  greatest  part  of  his  time  in  a  country  retirement ;  alleging  his 
advanced  age,  and  the  weakness  of  his  eyes.  "  1  never  saw  liim  in 
the' senate,"  says  Dion,  "except  during  the  short  reign  of  Pcrtinax." 
All  his  infirmities  had  suddenly  left  him,  and  they  returned  as  sud- 
denly upon  the  murder  of  that  excellent  prince.  Dion,  1.  Ixxiiiu 
p.  1227. 

**  The  prsefccts  were  changed  almost  hourly  or  daily ;  and  the 
eapriDC  of  Commodus  was  often  fatal  to  his  most  favored  chamber- 
lains.    Hist.  August,  p.  4G,  51. 


*  Commodus  had  already  resolved  to  massacre  them  the  following  n.'ght 
thev  determined  to  ant.'cipiite  his  design.    Herod,  i.  17.  —  W. 


116  THE    DECLINE   AND    FALl- 

peop'ie.  Marcia  seized  the  occasion  of  presenting  a  draught 
of  wine  to  her  lover,  after  he  had  fatigued  himself  with  hunt- 
ing some  wild  beasts.  Conniiodus  retired  to  sleep,;  but  wliilst 
he"  was  laboring  whh  the  cilects  of  poison  and  drunkenness,  a 
robust  youth,  by  profession  a  wrestler,  entered  his  chamber, 
and  strangled  him  without  resistance.  The  body  was  secretly 
conveyed  out  of  the  palace,  before  the  least  suspicion  was 
ehtenaincd  in  the  city,  or  even  in  the  court,  of  the  emperor's 
death.  Such  was  the  fate  of  the  son  of  Marcus,  and  so  easy 
was  it  to  destroy  a  hated  tyrant,  who,  by  the  artificial  povvera 
or' govern m.ent,  had  oppressed,  during  thirteen  years,  so  many 
millions  of  subjects,  each  of  whom  was  equal  to  their  master 
in  personal  strength  and  personal  abilities.'*'* 

The  measures  of  the  conspirators  were  conducted  with  the 
deliberate  coolness  and  celerity  which  the  greatness  of  the 
occasion  required.  They  resolved  instantly  to  fill  the  vacant 
Jirone  with  an  emperor  whose  character  would  justify  and 
maintain  the  action  that  had  been  committed.  They  fixed  on 
Eertinax,  prtefect  of  the  city,  an  ancient  senator  of  consular 
rank,  whose  conspicuous  merit  had  broke  through  the  obscurity 
of  his  birth,  and  raised  him  to  the  first  honors  of  the  state. 
He  had  successively  governed  most  of  the  provinces  of  the 
empire ;  and  in  all  his  great  employments,  military  as  well  as 
civil,  he  had  uniformly  "distinguished  himself  by  the  firmness, 
the  prudence,  and  the   integrity  of  his  conduct.''^     He  now 

^■»  Dion,  1.  Ixxii.  p.  1222.     Ilerodian,  1.  i.  p.  43.      Hist.    August. 

p.  52. 

*''  Pertinax  was  a  native  of  Alba  Pompcia,  in  Piedmont,  and  s&?i 
of  a  timber  merchant.  The  order  of  his  employments  (it  is  marked 
by  Capitolinus)  well  deserves  to  be  set  down,  as  expressive  of  tho 
form  of  government  and  manners  of  the  age.     1.  He  was  a  centurion. 

2.  Pra-fect  of  a  cohort  in  Syria,  in  the  Parthian  war,  and  in  Britain. 

3.  He  obtaiuLHl  an  Ala,  or  squadron  of  horse,  in  Mxsia.  4.  lie  was 
commissary  of  provisions  on  the  yEmiUan  way.  5.  He  commanded 
the  fleet  upon  the  Rhine.  6.  He  was  procurator  of  Dacia,  with  a 
Balarj'  of  about  IC.OO^.  a  year.  7.  Ho  conunanded  tho  veterans  of  a 
legion.  8.  He  obtained  the  rank  of  senator.  9.  Of  pra2tor.  10.  AVith 
the  command  of  the  iirst  legion  in  Rhajtia  and  Noricinn.  11.  He  was 
consul  about  tho  vear  175.  12.  He  attended  Marcus  into  the  I'last. 
13.  He  commanded  an  army  on  the  Danube.  14.  He  was  consular 
legate  of  Majsia.  15.  Of  Dacia.  IG.  Of  Syria.  17.  Of  P.ritain. 
18.  Ho  had  the  care  of  tho  public  provisions  at  Rome.  19.  He  waa 
proconsul  of  Africa.  20.  Praifect  of  the  city.  Herodian  (1.  i.  p.  48) 
does  justice  to  his  disinterested  spirit ;  but  Capitolinus,  who  col- 
.ccted  every  popular  rumor,  charges  bini  with  a  great  fortune  acquired 
by  bribery  and  corruption 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  1  17 

remained  almost  alone  of  the  friends  and  ministers  of  Marcus; 
and  wiion,  at  a  late  hour  of  the  night,  he  was  awakened  with 
the  news,  that  the  chamberlain  and  the  pra)fect  were  at  hia 
do(«',  he  received  tliem  with  intrepid  resignation,  and  desired 
th;;y  would  execute  their  master's  orders.  Instead  of  death, 
Ihcy  oflered  him  the  throne  of  the  Roman  world.  During 
Kome  itioments  he  distrusted  their  intentions  and  assurances. 
Convinced  at  length  of  the  death  of  Commcdus,  he  accepted 
the  purple  with  a  sincere  reluctance,  the  natural  ctlect  of  his 
knowledge  both  of  the  duties  and  of  the  dangers  of  the  supreme 
rank.''G 

Ljctus  conducted  without  delay  his  new  emperor  to  the 
camp  of  the  Prcctorians,  diflusing  at  the  same  time  through 
the  city  a  seasonable  report  that  Commodus  died  suddenly  of 
an  apoplexy  ;  and  that  the  virtuous  Pertinax  had  already  suc- 
ceeded to  the  throne.  The  guards  were  rather  surprised  than 
pleased  with  the  suspicious  death  of  a  prince,  whose  indul- 
gence and  liberality  they  alone  had  experienced;  but  the 
emergency  of  the  occasion,  the  authority  of  their  pra;fect,  the 
reputation  of  Pertinax,  and  the  clamors  of  the  people,  obliged 
them  to  stifle  their  secret  discontents,  to  accept  the  donative 
promised  by  the  new  emperor,  to  swear  allegiance  to  him, 
and  with  joyful  acclamations  and  laurels  in  their  hands  to 
conduct  him  to  the  senate  house,  that  the  militaiy  consent 
might  be  ratified  by  the  civil  authority. 

This  important  night  was  now  far  spent;  with  the  dawn  of 
day,  and  the  commencement  of  the  new  year,  the  senators 
expected  a  summons  to  attend  an  ignominious  ceremony.* 
In  spite  of  all  remonstrances,  even  of  those  of  his  creatures 
who  yei  preserved  any  regard  for  prudence  or  decency,  Com- 
modus had  icsolved  to  pass  the  night  in  the  gladiators'  school, 
and  from  thence  to  take  possession  of  the  consulship,  in  the 
habit  and  wiui  the  attendance  of  that  infamous  crew.  On  a 
sudden,  befoie  the  break  of  day,  the  senate  was  called  together 
in  the  temple  of  Concord,  to  meet  the  guards,  and  to  ratify  the 
election  of  a  new  emperor.     For  a  few  minutes  they  sat  in 

*^  lul'rxn,  'Tn.  the  Caesars,  taxes  him  with  being  accessory  to  th« 
death  oi"  Commodus. 


*  The  scuate  always  assembled  at  the  bcE^inninc;  of  the  year,  on  th« 
night  of  tl-.c  1st  January,  (sec  .Savaron  on  Sid.  ApoU.  viii.  6,)  anA  thin 
happened  the  present  year,  as  usual,  without  any  particular  order.  —  Q. 
from  W. 


118  THE    DECLINE   AND    FALL 

si.ent  suspense,  doubtful  of  their  unexpected  deliverance,  and 
suspicious  of  the  cruel  artifices  of  Commodus  :  but  when  at 
'cngth  they  were  assured  tliat  the  tyrant  was  no  mere,  they 
resigned  themselves  to  all  the  transports  of  joy  and  indigna- 
rion.  Pertinax,  who  modestly  represented  the  meanness  of 
his  extraction,  and  pointed  out  several  noble  senators  more 
deserving  than  himself  of  the  empire,  was  constrained  by  their 
dutiful  violence  to  ascend  the  throne,  and  received  a',  the 
titles  of  Imperial  power,  confirmed  by  the  most  sincere  vowa 
of  fidelity.  The  memory  of  Commodus  was  branded  with 
eternal  infamy.  *  The  names  of  tyrant,  of  gladiator,  of  public 
enemy  resounded  in  every  corner  of  the  house.  They  de- 
creed in  tumultuous  votes,*  that  his  honors  should  be  reversed, 
his  titles  erased  from  the  public  monuments,  his  statues  thrown 
down,  his  body  dragged  with  a  hook  into  the  stripping  room 
of  the  gladiators,  to  satiate  the  public  fury  ;  and  they  ex- 
pressed some  indignation  against  those  ofilcious  servants  who 
had  already  presumed  to  screen  his  remains  from  the  justice 
of  the  senate.  But  Pertinax  could  not  refuse  those  last  rites  to 
the  memory  of  Marcus,  and  the  tears  of  his  first  protector  Clau- 
dius Pomjjeianus,  who  lamented  the  cruel  fate  of  his  brother- 
in-law,  and  lamented  still  more  that  he  had  deserved  it.'^'' 

These  effusions  of  impotent  rage  against  a  dead  emperor, 
whom  the  senate  had  flattered  when  alive  with  the  most  abject 
servility,  betrayed  a  just  but  ungenerous  spirit   of  revenge. 

*''  Capitolinus  gives  us  the  particulars  of  these  tumultuary  votes, 
which  were  moved  by  one  senator,  and  repeated,  or  rather  chanted, 
by  the  whole  body.     Kist.  August,  p.  52. 

*  "What  Gibbon  improperly  calls,  both  here  and  in  the  note,  tumultuous 
decrees,  were  no  more  than  the  applauses  and  acclamations  which  recur 
Bo  often  in  the  history  of  the  emperors.  The  custom  passed  from  the  tlie- 
atrc  to  the  forum,  from  the  forum  to  the  senate.  Applauses  on  the  adop- 
tion of  the  Imperial  decrees  were  first  introduced  under  Trajan.  (Plin. 
jmi.  Panegyr.  75.)  One  senator  read  tlie  form  of  tlie  decree,  and  all  tlie 
rest  answered  by  acclamations,  accompanied  with  a  kind  of  chant  or  rliythm. 
These  were  some  of  the  acclamations  addressed  to  Pertinax,  and  against 
the  memory  of  Conmiodus.  Hosti  patria;  honores  detraliantur.  Pairicida; 
honores  dctrahantur.  Ut  salvi  simus,  Jupiter,  optimc,  maxime,  serva 
nobis  Pertiiiaccm.  This  custom  prevailed  not  only  in  the  councils  of  state, 
but  in  all  the  meetings  of  the  senate.  However  inconsistent  it  may 
appear  with  the  solemnity  of  a  religious  assembly,  the  early  Christians 
adopted  and  introduced  it  into  their  synods,  notwithstanding  the  opposi- 
tion of  some  of  the  r'athers,  particularly  of  St.  Chrysostom.  tjee  the 
Coll.  of  Franc.  JJern.  Ferrarius  de  vetcrum  acclamatione  in  Graivii  The- 
•aur   Antiq   Kom.  i.  6.  —  W. 

This  note  is  rather  hypercritical,  as  regards  Gibbon,  but  appears  to  me 
Woithy  of  preservation.  — M. 


OF   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  119 

The  legality  of  these  decrees  was,  liowever,  supported  by  the 
nriiiciples  of  the  Imperial  constitution.  To  censure,  to  depose 
or  to  punish  with  death,  tlie  first  magistrate  of  the  republic, 
who  had  abused  his  delegated  trust,  was  the  ancient  and  un- 
doubted prerogative  of  the  Roman  senate  ;'"^  but  that  feeblf 
assembly  was  obliged  to  content  itself  with  inflicting  on  a 
lailen  tyrant  that  public  justice,  from  which,  during  his  life 
and  reign,  he  had  been  shielded  by  the  strong  arm  of  military 
despotism.* 

Pertinax  f;und  a  nobler  way  of  condemning  his  predcces- 
sor's  memory  ;  by  the  contrast  of  his  own  virtues  with  tiio 
vices  of  Commodus.  On  the  day  of  his  accession,  he  resigned 
over  to  his  wife  and  son  his  whole  private  fortune  ;  that  they 
might  have  no  pretence  to  solicit  favors  at  the  expense  of  the 
state.  He  refused  to  flatter  the  vanity  of  the  former  with  the 
title  of  Augusta  ;  or  to  corrupt  the  inexperienced  youth  of  the 
latter  by  the  rank  of  Cresar.  Accurately  distinguishing  be- 
tween the  duties  of  a  parent  and  those  of  a  sovereign,  he  edu- 
cated his  son  with  a  severe  simplicity,  which,  while  it  gave 
him  no  assured  prospect  of  the  throne,  might  in  time  have 
rendered  iiim  worthy  of  it.  In  public,  the  behavior  of  Per- 
tinax was  grave  and  adable.  He  lived  with  the  virtuous  part 
of  the  senate,  (and,  in  a  private  station,  he  had  been  acquainted 
with  the  true  character  of  each  individual,)  without  cither 
pride  or  jealousy  ;  considered  them  as  friends  and  compan- 
ions, with  whom  he  had  shared  the  dangers  of  the  tyranny 
and  with  whom  he  wished  to  enjoy  the  security  of  the  presen 
time.  He  very  frequently  invited  them  to  familiar  entertain 
n.ents,  the  frugality  of  which  was  ridiculed  by  those  who 
remembered  and  regretted  the  luxurious  prodigality  of  Corn- 
modus.^^ 

*'  The  senate  condemned  Nero  to  be  put  to  death  more  majonim. 
Suoton.  c.  49. 

■"  Dion  (1.  Ixxili.  p.  Vl'l?,)  speaks  of  those  entertainments,  as  a 
Bcnator  wlio  had  supped  with  the  emperor  ;  CapitoUnus,  (Hist.  Au- 
gust. 1'.  58,)  Uke  a  slave,  who  had  received  his  iiitelLigonce  fi-om  one 
of  the  scullions. 


*  No  particular  law  assigned  this  right  to  the  senate:  it  was  deduced 
from  the  ancient  principles  of  the  icp\il)lic.  Gibbon  appears  to  infer,  from 
.he  passat;e  of  Suetonius,  tliiit  the  senate,  accordinp;  to  its  ancient  right 
punished  Nero  witli  death.  The  words,  however,  7nore  tnajomm  refer  not 
to  the  decree  of  the  senate,  but  to  the  kind  of  death,  which  was  taken 
from  an  old  law  of  Romulus.     (Sec  Victor.  Epit.  Ed.  Artzen,  p.  484,  n.  7. 


120  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

To  Iie?.l.  as  far  as  it  was  possible,  the  wounds  inflicted  by 
the  hand  of  tyranny,was  the  pleasing,  but  melancholy,  task 
of  Pertinax.  The  innocent  victims,  who  yet  survived,  were 
recalled  from  exile,  released  from  prison,  and  restored  to  the 
full  possession  of  their  honors  and  fortunes.  The  unburied 
bodies  of  murdered  senators  (for  the  cruelty  of  Commodus 
endeavored  to  extend  itself  beyond  death)  were  deposited  in 
the  sepulchres  of  their  ancestors  ;  their  memory  was  justified  ; 
and  every  consolation  was  bestowed  on  their  ruined  and 
afflicted  families.  Among  these  consolations,  one  of  tlie  most 
grateful  was  the  punishment  of  the  Delators  ;  the  common 
enemies  of  their  master,  of  virtue,  and  of  their  country.  Yet 
even  in  the  inquisition  of  these  legal  assassins,  Pertinax  pro- 
ceeded with  a  steady  temper,  which  gave  every  thing  to  jus- 
lice,  and  nothing  to  popular  prejudice  and  resentment. 

The  finances  of  the  state  demanded  the  most  vigilant  carp 
of  the  emperor.  Thou<;h  every  measure  of  injustice  and  ex- 
lortion  had  been  adopted,  which  could  collect  the  property  of 
the  subject  into  the  coffers  of  the  prince,  the  rajiaciousnest 
of  Commodus  had  been  so  very  inadequate  to  his  extrava- 
gance, that,  upon  his  death,  no  more  thaji  eight  thousand 
pounds  were  found  in  the  exhausted  treasury,^"  to  defray  the 
current  expenses  of  government,  and  to  discharge  the  pressing 
demand  of  a  liberal  donative,  which  the  new  emperor  had 
been  obliged  to  promise  to  the  Praetorian  guards.  Yet  undci 
these  distressed  circumstances,  Perttoax  had  the  generous 
firmness  to  remit  all  the  oppressive  taxes  invented  by  Com- 
modus, and  to  cancel  all  the  unjust  claims  of  the  treasury ; 
declaring,  in  a  decree  of  the  senate,  "  that  he  was  better  sat  ■ 
isfied  to  administer  a  poor  republic  with  innocence,  than  to 
acquire  riches  by  the  ways  of  tyranny  and  dishonor."  Econ- 
omy and  industry  he  considered  as  the  pure  and  genuine 
sources  of  wealth  ;  and  from  them  he  soon  derived  a  copious 
supply  for  the  public  necessities.  The  expense  of  the  house 
Hold  was  immediately  reduced  to  one  half  All  the  instru- 
ments of  luxury  Pertinax  exposed  to  public  auction,^^  gold  and 

''"  Decies.  The  blameless  economy  of  Pius  left  his  successors  a 
treasure  of  vicics  septies  viillies,  above  two  and  twenty  millions  ster- 
ling.    Dion,  1.  Ixxiii.  jj.  1231. 

^^  Besides  the  design  of  convertings  these  useless  ornaments  into 
mone3\  Dion  (I.  Ixxiii.  p.  1221))  assigns  two  secret  motives  of  Pertinax. 
lie  wislied  to  expose  the  vices  of  Commodus,  and  to  discover  by  tiio 
purchasers  those  who  most  resembled  him. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    E-MI'lHE.  321 

silver  plate,  chariots  of  a  singular  construction,  a  .^^Ipon1llous 
warflrobo  of  sl!k  and  embroidery,  and  a  great  number  of 
beautiful  slaves  of  both  sexes ;  exeepting  only,  with  attentive 
humanity,  those  who  were  born  in  a  state  of  freedom,  and 
had  been  ravislied  from  the  arms  of  their  weeping  parents. 
At  the  same  time  that  he  obliged  the  worthless  favorites  of  the 
tyrant  to  resign  a  part  of  their  ill-gotten  wealth,  he  satistled 
the  just  creditors  of  the  state,  and  unexpectedly  discharged  tlio 
long  arrears  of  honest  services.  He  removed  the  oppressive 
restrictions  which  had  been  laid  upon  commerce,  and  granted 
all  the  uncultivated  lands  in  Italy  and  the  provinces  to  those 
v/ho  would  improve  them;  with  an  exemption  from  tribute 
diirmg  the  term  often  years.^- 

Such  a  uniform  conduct  had  already  secured  to  Pertinax 
the  noblest  reward  of  a  sovereign,  tiie  love  and  esteem  of  his 
ocople.  Those  who  remembered  the  virtues  of  Marcus  were 
liappy  to  contemplate  in  tlieir  new  emperor  the  features  of 
that  bright  original ;  and  flattered  tliemselves,  that  they  should 
long  enjoy  the  benign  infl.ucnce  of  his  administration.  A 
hasty  zeal  to  reform  the  corrupted  state,  accompanied  with 
less  prudence  than  might  have  been  expected  from  the  years 
and  experience  of  Pertinax,  proved  fatal  to  himself  and  to  his 
country.  His  honest  indiscretion  united  against  him  the  ser- 
vile crowd,  who  found  their  private  benefit  in  the  public  dis- 
orders, and  who  preferred  the  favor  of  a  tyrant  to  the  inexo- 
rable equality  of  the  laws.'''^^ 

Amidst  the  general  joy,  the  sullen  and  angry  countenance 
of  the  Prfctorian  guards  betrayed  their  inward  dissatisfaction, 
riiey  had  reluctantly  submitted  to  Pertinax  ;  they  dreaded  the 
^strictness  of  the  ancient  discipline,  which  he  was  preparing  to 
restore  ;  and  they  regretted  the  license  of  the  former  reign. 
Their  discontents  were  secretly  fomented  by  Lastus,  their 
pra^fect,  who  found,  when  it  was  too  late,  that  his  new  em- 
peror would  reward  a  servant,  but  would  not  be  ruled  by  a 
fuvfrite.  On  the  third  day  of  his  reign,  the  soldiers  seized 
on  a  noble  senator,  with  a  design  to  carry  him  to  the  camp, 
and  to  invest  him  with  the  Imperial  purple.  Instead  of  being 
dazzled  by  the  dangerous  honor,  the  atFrighted  victim  escaped 

*'  Though  Capitolinus  has  picked  up  many  idle  teles  of  the  private 
ILfe  of  Pertinax,  he  joins  with  Dion  and  llerodian  in  admiring  hia 
pubhc  conduct. 

^'  Leges,  rem  surdam,  incxorabilem  esse.     T.  Liv.  ii   3. 

8- 


122  THE    DECLINE   AND   FALL 

from  their  violence,  and  took  refuge  at  the  feet  of  Pertinax. 
A  short  time  afterwards,  Sosius  Falco,  one  of  the  conyuls  of 
the  year,  a  rash  youth,^"*  but  of  an  ancient  and  opuleni  family 
listened  to  the  voice  of  ambition ;  and  a  conspiracy  was  formed 
during  a  short  absence  of  Pertinax,  which  was  crushed  by 
nis  sudden  return  to  Rome,  and  his  resolute  behavior.  Falco 
was  on  the  point  of  being  justly  condemned  to  death  as  a  pub- 
lic enerny,  had  he  not  been  save  1  by  the  earnest  and  sincere 
entreaties  of  the  injured  emperor,  who  conjured  the  senate, 
that  the  purity  of  his  reign  might  not  be  stained  by  the  blood 
oven  of  a  guilty  senator. 

These  disappointments  served  only  to  irritate  the  rage  of 
the  Pra3torian  guards.  On  the  twenty-eighth  of  March, 
eighty-six  days  only  after  the  death  of  Commodus,  a  general 
sedition  broke  out  in  the  camp,  which  the  ofiicers  wanted 
either  power  or  inclination  to  suppress.  Two  or  three  hun- 
dred of  the  most  desperate  soldiers  marched  at  noonday,  with 
arms  in  their  hands  and  fury  in  their  looks,  towards  the  Im- 
perial palace.  The  gates  were  thrown  open  by  their  com- 
panions upon  guard,  and  by  the  domestics  of  the  old  court, 
who  had  already  formed  a  secret  conspiracy  against  the  life 
of  the  too  virtuous  emperor.  On  the  news  of  their  approach 
Pertinax,  disdaining  either  flight  or  concealment,  advanced  to 
meet  his  assassins  ;  and  recalled  to  their  minds  his  own  inno- 
cence, and  the  sanctity  of  their  recent  oath.  For  a  few  mo- 
ments they  stood  in  silent  suspense,  ashamed  of  their  atrocious 
design,  and  awed  by  the  venerable  aspect  and  majestic  firm- 
ness of  their  sovereign,  till  at  length,  the  despair  of  pardon 
reviving  their  fury,  a  barbarian  of  the  country  of  Tongres^^ 
levelled  the  first  blow  against  Pertinax,  who  was  instantly 
despatched  with  a  multitude  of  wounds.  His  head,  separated 
from  his  body,  and  placed  on  a  lance,  was  carried  in  triumph 
to  the  Praetorian  camp.,  in  the  sight  of  a  mournful  and  indig- 


"*  K  wo  credit  Capitolinus,  (which  is  rather  difiicuU.,)  Falco  be- 
haved with  the  most  petulant  indecency  to  Pertinax,  on  the  day  of 
his  accession.  The  wise  emperor  only  admonished  hun  of  his  youth. 
and  inexperience.     Hist.  Aui^ust.  p.  55. 

'*  The  modern  bishopric  of  Licfjc.  This  soldier  probably  belonged 
to  the  Batavian  horse-guards,  who  were  mostly  raised  in  the  duchy 
of  Gueldres  and  the  neigliborliood,  and  were  distinguished  by  theil 
valor,  and  by  the  boldness  with  which  they  swam  their  horses  acro.si 
the  broadest  and  most  rapid  rivers.  Tacit.  Hist  iv.  12.  Dion,  L  Iv 
p.  797.     Lipsiu.s  de  magnitudiuc  Uomaiiii,  I.  i.  c.  4. 


CF  THE  no:.iAN  empire.  123 

nant  j)copIc,  who  lamented  the  unworthy  fate  of  tliaf  excel' 
lent  prince,  and  the  traiisiciil  blessings  of  a  reign,  the  memory 
of  wliich  could  tjerve  only  to  aggravate  their  approaching 
misfortunes.^- 


"  Dion,  I.  Ixxiii.  p.  ^.c,VS■     tioroiliiin,  1.  ii.  p.  60.     Hist.  August  p.  il 
Vi  Uor  iu  Epitutu.  et  iu  Cwsiu'ib.  Kulropiub,  rill.  13. 


CHAPTER  V. 

PUBLIC    SALE    OF  THE    EMPIBE   TO    DIDIUS   JULIANUS    15T  TllHi 

rS.ETORLiN    GUARDS. CLODITJS    ALBINUS     IN    BiaXA  H,    FKS- 

CENXIUS  NIGER   IN    SYRIA,  APfD   SEPTIMIUS   SEVERUS    IN   FAN- 

KONIA,  DECLARE  AGAINST    THE    MURDERERS    OF   PERTINAX. 

CIVIL    WARS     AND    VICTORY     OF     SEVERUS    OVER     HIS    THREE 

RIVALS. RELAXATION    OF    DISCIFLINE. NEW    BIAXIMS    OF 

GOVERNMENT. 

The  power  of  the  sword  is  more  sensibly  felt  in  an  exten- 
sive monarchy,  than  in  a  small  community.  It  has  been  cal- 
culated by  the  ablest  politicians,  that  no  state,  without  being 
soon  exhausted,  can  maintain  above  the  lumdredth  part  of  its 
members  in  arms  and  idleness.  But  although  this  relative 
proportion  may  be  uniform,  the  influence  of  the  army  over 
the  rest  of  the  society  will  vary  according  to  the  degree  of 
its  })0sitive  strength.  The  advantages  of  military  science  and 
discipline  cannet  be  exerted,  unless  a  proper  number  of  sol- 
diers are  united  into  one  body,  and  actuated  by  one  soul. 
With  a  handful  of  men,  such  a  union  would  be  ineffectual ; 
with  an  unvvicldy  host,  it  would  be  impracticable  ;  and  ine 
powers  of  the  machine  would  be  alike  destroyed  by  the  ex- 
treme minuteness  or  the  excessive  weight  of  its  springs.  To 
illustrate  this  observation,  we  need  only  reflect,  that  there  is 
no  superiority  of  natural  strength,  artificial  weapons,  or  ac- 
quired skill,  which  could  enable  one  man  to  keep  in  constant 
subjection  one  hundred  of  his  fellow-creatures  :  the  tyrant  of 
a  single  town,  or  a  small  district,  would  soon  discover  that  a 
liundred  armed  followers  were  a  weak  defence  against  ten 
thousand  peasants  or  citizens  ;  but  a  hundred  thousand  well- 
disciplined  soldiers  will  command,  with  despotic  sway,  ten 
millions  of  subjocts ;  and  a  body  of  ten  or  fifteen  thousand 
guards  will  strike  terror  into  the  most  numerous  populace  that 
ever  crowded  the  streets  of  an  immense  capital. 

The  PrcCtcrian  bands,  whose  licentious  fury  was  the  first 
eympigm  and  cause  of  the  decline  of  the  Roman  empire, 
124 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  125 

scarcely  airiountcd  to  the  last-mentioned  number.^  They  do 
rived  their  institution  from  Augustus.  That  cmf„y  tyrant 
Bcnslble  that  hiws  might  color,  but  that  arms  alone  could 
maintain,  his  usurped  dominion,  had  gradually  formed  thia 
powerful  body  of  guards,  in  constant  readiness  to  protect  his 
person,  to  awe  the  senate,  and  either  to  prevent  or  to  crush 
the  first  motions  of  rebellion.  He  distinguished  these  favored 
troops  by  a  double  pay  and  superior  privileges ;  but,  as  their, 
formidable  aspect  would  at  once  have  alarmed  and  irritated 
the  Roman  people,  three  cohorts  only  were  stationed  in  the 
ca|)ital,  whilst  the  remainder  was  dispersed  in  the  adjacent 
towns  of  Italy.-  But  after  fifty  years  of  peace  and  servitude, 
Tiberius  ventured  on  a  decisive  measure,  which  forever  rivet, 
ted  the  fetters  of  his  country.  Under  the  fair  pretences  of 
relieving  Italy  from  the  heavy  burden  of  military  quarters, 
and  of  introducing  a  stricter  discipline  among  the  guards,  he 
assembled  them  at  Rome,  in  a  permanent  camp,^  which  wag 
fortified  with  skilful  care,''  and  placed  on  a  commanding  sit- 
uation.^ 

Such  formidable  servants  are  always  necessary,  but  often 
fatal  to  the  throne  of  despotism.  By  thus  introducing  the 
Praiorian  guards  as  it  were  into  the  palace  and  the  senate, 
the  emperors  taught  them  to  perceive  their  own  strength,  and 
the  weakness  of  the  civil  government ;  to  view  the  vices  of 
their  masters  with   familiar  contempt,  and  to  lay  aside  that 

*  They  v.cve  originally  nine  or  ten  thousand  men,  (for  Tacitus  and 
Dion  arc  not  agreed  upon  the  subject,)  divided  into  as  many  cohorts. 
Vitcllius  increased  them  to  sixteen  tliousand,  and  as  far  as  wc  can 
learn  from  inscrii)tions,  they  ncn-cv  afterwards  sunk  much  below  that 
number.     See  Lipsius  de  niagnitudine  llomand,  i.  4. 

^  vSucton.  in  August,  c.  49. 

^  Tacit.  Annal.  iv.  2.  Sueton.  in  Tiber,  c.  37.  Dion  Ch-jSius,  1. 
ivii.  p.  8G7. 

■*  In  tlic  civil  war  between  Yitellius  and  Vespasian,  the  Prxtorian 
canip  -was  attacked  and  defended  with  all  the  machines  used  in  tiie 
Biege  of  the  best  fortilicd  cities.     Tacit.  Hist.  iii.  84. 

'  Close  to  the  walls  of  the  city,  on  the  broad  summit  of  the  Quirinal 
nnd  Viminal  hills.  See  Nardini  llom^  Antica,  p.  174.  Donatus  de 
lioma  Auticjua,  p.  4G.* 

*  Not  on  both  these  hills  :  neither  Donatus  nor  Nardini  justuy  this 
position.  (Whitakcr's  Ileview,  p.  13.)  At  the  noith'^vn  extremity  of  this 
hill  (the  Viminal)  are  some  considerable  remains  of  a  walled  enclosure 
whioh  boars  all  the  appearance  of  a  Roman  camp,  and 'therefore  is  sener 
aliy  thought  to  correspond  with  the  Castra  rru.-toria.  Cramer's  liL,l\,  i 
1%.  —  M. 


126  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

reverential  awe,  which  distance  only,  and  mystery,  can  pre- 
serve towards  an  imaginary  power.  In  the  luxurious  idleness 
of  an  opulent  city,  their  pride  was  nourished  by  the  sense  of 
their  irresistible  weight ;  nor  was  it  possible  to  conceal  from 
them,  that  the  person  of  the  sovereign,  the  authority  of  the 
senate,  the  public  treasure,  and  the  seat  of  empire,  were  all 
in  their  hands.  To  divert  the  Praetorian  bands  from  these 
dangerous  reflections,  the  firmest  and  best  established  i)rince3 
were  obliged  to  mix  blandishments  with  commands,  rewards 
with  punishments,  to  flatter  their  pride,  indulge  their  pleas- 
ures, connive  at  their  irregularities,  and  to  purchase  their  pre- 
carious faith  by  a  liberal  donative  ;  which,  since  the  elevation 
jof  Claudius,  was  exacted  as  a  legal  claim,  on  the  accession  of 
every  new  emperor.*^ 

The  advocates  of  the  guards  endeavored  to  justify  by  argu- 
ments the  power  which  they  asserted  by  arms ;  and  to  main- 
tain that,  according  to  the  purest  principles  of  the  constitution 
their  consent  was  essentially  necessary  in  the  appointment  of 
an  emperor.  The  election  of  consuls,  of  generals,  and  of 
magistrates,  however  it  had  been  recently  usurped  by  the 
senate,  was  the  ancient  and  undoubted  right  of  the  Roman 
people.'''  But  where  was  the  Roman  people  to  be  found  .'' 
Not  surely  amongst  the  mixed  multitude  of  slaves  and  rtrangera 
that  filled  the  streets  of  Rome  ;  a  servile  populace,  as  devoid 
of  spirit  as  destitute  of  property.  The  defenders  of  the  state, 
selected  from  the  flower  of  the  Italian  youth,^  and  trained  in 
the  exercise  of  arms  and  virtue,  were  the  genuine  representa- 
tives of  the  people,  and  the  best  entitled  to  elect  the  military 
chief  of  the  republic.  These  assertions,  however  defective  in 
reason,   became    unanswerable    when    the    fierce    Praitoriana 

*  Cliuidius,  raised  by  the  soldiers  to  the  empire,  was  the  first  wlio 
gave  a  donative.  He  gave  (juuin  dcna,  1'20/.  (Sucton.  in  Claud,  c.  10:} 
when.  Marcus,  with  his  colleague  Lucius  Ycrus,  took  (juiet  possession 
of  the  throne,  ho  gave  vicena,  IGQl.  to  each  of  the  guards.  Hist. 
August,  p.  2.5,  (Dion,  1.  Ixxiii.  p.  1231.)  Wo  may  form  some  idea 
of  the  amount  of  these  sums,  by  Hadrian's  complaint  that  the  pro- 
motion of  a  Cit'sar  had  cost  him  ter  millios,  two  millions  and  a  half 
sterling.  * 

'  Cicero  de  T.ogihus,  iii.  3.  The  first  book  of  Tivy,  and  the  second 
of  Dionysius  of  Ilalicarnassus,  show  the  authority  of  the  people,  even 
in  the  election  of  the  kings. 

*  They  were  originally  recruited  in  I;atium,  Etrurla,  and  the  old 
colcnics,  (Tacit.  Annal.  iv.  5.)  The  emperor  0"ho  complimetits  thnil 
vanity  with  the  flattering  titles  of  Italitu  Alumr.. ,  llomaua  vcre  juvcii- 
U»a.     Tacit.  Hist.  i.  81. 


CF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  127 

increased  their  weiglit,  by  throwing,  like  the  barbarian  con« 
queror  of  Koine,  tiieir  swords  into  tiie  scale.'-' 

The  Prtetorians  had  violated  the  sanctity  of  the  throne  by 
the  atrocious  murder  of  Pertinax  ;  they  dishonored  the  majesty 
of  it  by  their  subsequent  conduct.  The  camp  was  without  u 
leader,  for  even  the  prajfect  Laetus,  who  had  excited  the  tem- 
pest, prudently  declined  the  public  indignation.  Amidst  the 
wild  disorder,  Sulpicianus,  t!ie  emperor's  i'alher-in-Iaw,  and 
governor  of  the  city,  who  had  been  sent  to  the  camp  on  tho 
first  alarm  of  mutiny,  was  endeavoring  to  calm  the  fury  of  thfl 
multitude,  when  he  was  silenced  by  the  clamorous  return  of 
the  murderers,  bearing  on  a  lance  the  head  of  Pertinax. 
Though  history  has  accustomed  us  to  observe  every  principle 
and  every  passion  yielding  to  the  imperious  dictates  of  am- 
bition, it  is  scarcely  credible  that,  in  these  moments  of  horsor, 
Sulpicianus  should  have  aspired  to  ascend  a  throne  polluted 
with  the  recent  blood  of  so  near  a  relation  and  so  excellent  a 
prince.  He  had  already  begun  to  use  the  only  effectual  argu- 
ment, and  to  treat  for  the  Imperial  dignity  ;  but  the  more  pru- 
dent of  the  Prffitorians,  apprehensive  that,  in  this  private  con- 
tract, they  should  not  obtain  a  just  price  for  so  valuable  a 
commodity,  ran  out  upon  the  ramparts  :  and,  with  a  loud  voice, 
proclaimed  that  the  Roman  world  was  to  be  disposed  of  to  the 
best  bidder  by  public  auction. ^"^ 

This  infamous  offer,  the  most  insolent  excess  of  military 
license,  dillused  a  universal  grief,  shame,  and  indignation 
throughout  the  city.  It  reached  at  length  th.e  ears  of  Didius 
Julianus,  a  wealthy  senator,  who,  regardless  of  the  public 
calamities,  was  indulging  himself  in  the  luxury  of  the  table. '^ 
His  wife  and  his  daughter,  his  freedmen  and  his  parasites, 
easily  convinced  him  that  he  deserved  the  throne,  and  earnestly 
conjured  him  to  embrace  so  fortunate  an  opportunity.  The 
vain  old  man  hastened  to  the  Praetorian  camp,  where  SuU 
picianus  was  still  in  treaty  with  the  guards,  and  began  to  bia 
against  him  frOm  the  foot  of  the  rampart.     The  unworthy 

In  the  siege  of  Rome  by  the  Gauls.  See  Livy,  v.  48.  Plutarch. 
in  Camill.  p.  li:>. 

'"  Dion,  1.  Ixxiii.  p.  1234.  ITerodian,  1.  ii.  p.  'i3.  Hist.  August. 
p.  GO.  Though  the  three  historians  agree  that  it  was  in  fact  an 
auction,  llcrodiau  alone  affirms  that  it  was  proclaimed  as  such  by  tlie 
eoUliers. 

'•  Spartianus  softens  the  most  odious  parts  of  the  character  and 
elevation  of  JuUuu. 


128  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

negotiation  was  transacted  by  foithful  emissaries,  wlio  passed 
altei-nateJy  fi'om  one  candidate  to  tiie  other,  and  acquainted 
each  of  them  with  the  offers  of  his  rival.  Sulpicianus  liad 
already  promised  a  donative  of  five  thousand  dracluns  (abova 
one  hundred  and  sixty  pounds)  to  each  soldier  ;  when  Julian, 
eager  for  the  i)i-ize,  rose  at  once  to  the  sum  of  six  thousand 
two  hundred  and  fifty  drachms,  or  upwards  of  two  hundred 
pounds  sterling.  The  gates  of  the  camp  were  instantly  thrown 
open  to  the  purchaser ;  he  was  declared  emperoi',  and  received 
an  oath  of  allegiance  from  the  soldiers,  who  retained  humanity 
enough  to  stipulate  that  he  should  pardon  and  forget  the  com 
petition  of  Sulpicianus.* 

It  was  now  incumbent  on  the  Praetorians  to  fulfil  ths  con- 
ditions of  the  sale.  They  placed  their  new  sovereign,  whom 
theiy  served  and  despised,  in  the  centre  of  their  ranks,  sur- 
rounded him  on  every  side  with  their  shields,  and  conducted 
him  in  close  order  of  battle  through  the  deserted  streets  of 
the  city.  The  senate  was  commanded  to  assemble  ;  and  those 
who  had  been  the  distinguished  friends  of  Pertinax,  or  the 
personal  enemies  of  Julian,  found  it  necessary  to  afiect  a  more 
than  common  share  of  satisfaction  at  this  happy  revolution.^: 
After  Julian  had  filled  the  senate  house  with  armed  soldiers, 
he  expatiated  on  the  freedom  of  his  election,  his  own  eminent 
virtues,  and  his  full  assurance  of  the  aflections  of  the  senate. 
The  obsequious  assembly  congratulated,  their  own  and  the 
public  felicity ;  engaged  their  allegiance,  and  conferred  on 
him  all  the  several  branches  of  the  Imperial  powcr.i^  From 
the  senate  Julian  was  conducted,  hy  the  same  military  pro- 
cession, to  take  possession  of  the  pa'toce.     The  first   objects 

^^  Dion  Cassius,  at  that  time  praetor,  had  been  a  personal  enemy  to 
Julian,  1.  Lxxiii.  p.  1235. 

'^  Hist.  A\igust.  p.  61.     We  learn  from  thence  one  cTirious  cii'cum 
Btance,  that  tfie  new  emperor,  whatever  had  been  his  birth,  was  im- 
mediately aggregated  to  the  number  of  patrician  families,  t 

*  One  of  the  principal  causes  of  the  proforcnce  of  Juliainis  by  the 
solclicvs,  was  the  dexterity  with  wliich  he  rcniinded  them  that  ISulpicianus 
would  not  fail  to  revcna:e  on  them  the  death  of  liis  son-in-law.  (See  Dion, 
p.  1234,  c.  11.     Ilerod/ii.  6.)  — W.  .      ,       ,         .        , 

t  A  new  fragment  of  Dion  shows  some  shrewdness  m  the  character  of 
Julian.  When  the  senate  voted  him  a  golden  statue,  he  preferred  one  of 
Drass,  as  more  lasting.  He  "had  always  ohservcd,"  he  said,  "  that  the 
Btatues  of  former  emperors  were  soon  destroyed.  Those  of  brass  alone 
remained."  The  indignant  historian  adds  that  he  was  wrong.  Ihe  virtue 
of  sovereigns  alone  preserves  their  images:  the  brizen  statue  ol  Juhaa 
Tas  bioken  to  pieces  at  l.is  death.     Mai.  Fragm.  Vatican,  p.  ii25.  -   M. 


OF    THE    RO.rlAN    EMPIRE.  129 

that  struck  Lis  eyes,  were  the  abandoned  trunk  of  Pcrtmax 
and  tlie  frugal  entertainment  prepared  for  liis  supper.  Tiie 
one  he  viewed  witli  indiirercnce,  the  other  with  contempt 
A  magnificent  feast  was- prepared  by  his  order,  aud  he  amusefl 
liinisoif,  till  a  very  late  hour,  with  dice,  and  the  performances' 
of  Pylades,  a  celebrated  dancer.  Yet  it  was  observed,  thai 
tiftei  the  crowd,  of  flatterers  dispersed,  and  left  him  to  dark- 
ne^^s,  solitude,  and  terrible  reflection,  he  passed  a  sleepless 
night ,  revolving  most  probably  in  his  mind  his  own  rash 
folly,  the  fate  of  his  virtuous  predecessor,  and  the  doubtfu. 
and  dangerous  tenure  of  an  empire  which  had  not  been  ac- 
quired by  merit,  but  purchased  by  money. !•* 

He  had  reason  to  tremble.  On  the  throne  of  the  world  ho 
found  himself  without  a  friend,  and  even  without  an  adherent. 
The  guards  themselves  were  ashamed  of  the  prince  whom 
their  avarice  had  persuaded  them  to  accept ;  nor  was  there  a 
citizen  who  did  not  consider  his  elevation  with  horror,  as  the 
last  insult  on  the  Roman  name.  The  nobility,  whose  conspic- 
uous station,  and  ample  possessions,  exacted  the  strictest  cau- 
tion, dissembled  their  sentiments,  and  met  the  alTected  civility 
of  the  emperor  with  smiles  of  complacency  and  professions 
of  duty.  But  the  people,  secure  in  their  numbers  and  obscu- 
rity,  gave  a  free  vent  to  their  passions.  Tiie  streets  and  pub- 
lic places  of  Rome  resounded  with  clamors  and  imprecations. 
The  enraged  multitude  affronted  the  person  of  Julian,  rejected 
his  liberality,  and,  conscious  of  the  impotefice  of  their  own 
resentment,  they  called  aloud  on  the  legions  of  the  frontiery 
to  assert  the  violated  majesty  of  the  Roman  empire. 

The  public  discontent  was  soon  ditTused  from  the  centre  to 
the  frontiers  of  the  empire.  The  armies  of  Britain,  of  Syria, 
and  of  lllyricum,  lamented  the  death  of  I'ertinax,  in  wliose 
company,  or  under  whose  command,  they  had  so  often  fought 
and  conquered.  They  received  with  surprise,  with  indigna- 
tion, and  perhaps  with  envy,  the  extraordinary  intelligence, 
that  the   Prtetorians  had  disposed  of  the  empire    by  public 

"  Dion,  1.  Ixxiii.  p.  1235.  Hist.  August,  p.  Gl.  I  have  endeavored 
'o  hlcncl  into  one  consistent  story  the  seeming  contradictions  of  tho 
tifo  writers.* 


*  The  contradiction,  asM.  Guizot  observed,  is  irreconcilable.  He  quotes 
both  passages  :  in  one  Julianas  is  represented  as  a  miser,  in  the  other  as  a 
voluptuary.  In  the  one  he  refuses  to  oat  till  the  body  of  I'ortinax  lias  been 
b  iried  ;  m  the  other  he  gluts  himself  with  every  hivujy  alnrost  iu  the  sight 
*!'  hi.s  headless  ranaius.  —  M. 


130  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

aucti(j/i;  and  they  sternly  refused  to  ratify  tlie  ignominious 
bargain.  Their  immediate  and  unanimous  revolt  was  fatal  to 
Jurian,  but  it  was  fatal  at  the  same  time  to  the  public  peace 
as  the  generals  of  the  respective  aimics,  Clodius  Albums, 
Pescennius  Niger,  and  Septimius  Severus,  were  still  more 
anxious  to  succeed  than  to  revenge  the  murdered  Pertinax. 
Their  forces  were  exactly  balanced.  Each  of  them  was  at  the 
head  of  three  legions, ^^  with  a  numerous  train  of  auxiliaries; 
and  however  ditierent  in  their  characters,  they  were  all  sol- 
diers of  experience  and  capacity. 

Clodius  Albinus,  governor  of  Britain,  surpassed  both  hi» 
competitors  in  the  nobility  of  his  extraction,  which  he  derived 
from  some  of  the  most  illustrious  names  of  the  old  republic  '^ 
But  the  branch  from  which  he  claimed  his  descent  was  sunk 
into  mean  circumstances,  and  transplanted  into  a  remote  prov 
ince.  It  is  difficult  to  form  a  just  idea  of  his  true  character. 
Under  the  philosophic  cloak  of  austerity,  he  stands  accused 
of  concealing  most  of  the  vices  which  degrade  liuman  nature. ^^ 
But  his  accusers  are  those  venal  writers  who  adored  the  for- 
.  tune  of  Severus,  and  trampled  on  the  ashes  of  an  unsuccessful 
rival.  Virtue,  or  the  appearances  of  virtue,  recommended 
Albinus  to  the  confidence  and  good  opinion  of  Marcus ;  and 
his  preserving  with  the  son  the  same  interest  which  he  hud 
acquired  with  the  father,  is  a  proof  at  least  that  he  was  pos- 
sessed of  a  very  flexible  disposition.  The  favor  of  a  tyrant 
does  not  always  suppose  a  want  of  merit  in  the  object  of  it; 
he  may,  without  intending  it,  reward  a  man  of  worth  and 
ability,  or  he  may  find  such  a  man  useful  to  his  own  service. 
It  does  not  appear  that  Albinus  served  the  son  of  Marcus,  either 
ns  the  minister  of  his  cruelties,  or  even  as  the  associate  of  his 
pleasures.  He  was  employed  in  a  distant  honorable  command, 
when  he  received  a  confidential  letter  from  the  emperor, 
acquainting  him  of  the  treasonable  designs  of  some  discon- 
tented generals,  and  authorizing  him  to  declare  himself  the 
guardian  and  successor  of  the  throne,  by  assuming  the  titlti  and 
ensigns  of  Cecsar.^**     The  governor  of  Britain  wisely  declined 

''  Dion,  1.  Ixxiii.  p.  123.5. 

'^  'J'he  I'ostluunian  and  the  C'ejonian  ;  tlin  former  of  -vvliom  was 
raised  to  the  consulship  in  the  fifth  year  alter  its  institution. 

'"  Spartianus,  in  Ids  undii^eslcd  collections,  mixes  up  all  the  virtues 
and  all  the  vices  that  enter  into  the  hun  \n  conipositio  i,  and  bestows 
them  on  the  same  object.  Such,  indeed,  arc  uuiny  of  the  (J.ai'octers 
bv  the  Auj^ustau  History. 

■"  Hist.  Au{:ust.  Y-  80.  84. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  131 

the  dangerojs  honor,  which  Mould  have  marked  't  inn  for  tha 
jealousy,  or  involved  him  in  the  approaching  ruin,  of  C>jmmo. 
dus.  ilc  courted  power  by  nobler,  or,  at  least,  b/  more 
specious  arts.  On  a  premature  report  of  the  death  of  the 
emperor,  he  assembled  his  troops  ;  and,  in  an  eloquent  dis- 
course, deplored  the  inevitable  mischiefs  of  despotism,  de- 
scribed the  happiness  and  glory  which  their  ancesiois  liad 
enjoyed  under  the  consular  g^overnment,  and  declared  his  firm 
resolution  to  reinstate  the  senate  and  people  in  their  legal 
authority.  Tliis  popular  harangue  was  answered  by  the  lou^ 
acclamations  of  the  British  legions,  and  received  at  Rome  witk 
a  secret  murmur  of  applause.  Safe  in  the  possession  of  his 
little  world,  and  in  the  command  of  an  army  less  distinguished 
indeed  for  discipline  than  for  numbers  and  valor,!''^  Albinus 
braved  the  menaces  of  Commodus,  maintained  towards  I'erti- 
nax  a  stately  ambiguous  reserve,  and  instantly  declared  against 
the  usurpation  of  Julian.  The  convulsions  of  the  capital  added 
new  weight  to  his  sentiments,  or  rather  to  his  professions  of 
patriotism.  A  regard  to  decency  induced  him  to  decline  the 
lofty  titles  of  Augustus  and  Emperor;  and  he  imitated  per- 
haps the  example  of  Galba,  who,  on  a  similar  occasion,  had 
styled  himself  the  Lieutenant  of  the  senate  and  people.-'* 

Personal  merit  alone  had  raised  Pcscennius  Niger,  from  an 
obscure,  birth  and  station,  to  the  government  of  Syria  ;  a  lucra- 
tive and  important  command,  which  in  times  of  civil  confusion 
gave  him  a  near  prospect  of  the  throne.  Yet  his  parts  seem 
to  have  been  better  suited  to  the  second  than  to  the  first  rank  ; 
he  was  an  unequal  rival,  though  he  might  have  approved  him- 
self an  excellent  lieutenant,  to  Severus,  who  afterwards  dis- 
played the  greatness  of  his  mind  by  ado|)ting  several  useful 
institutions  from  a  vanquished  enemy.-^  In  his  government. 
Niger  acquired  the  esteem  of  the  soldiers  and  the  love  of  the 
provincials.  His  rigid  discipline  fortified  the  valor  and  con- 
firmed the  obedience  of  the  fon-mer,  whilst  the  voluptuous 
Syrians  were  less  delighted  with  the  mild  firmness  of  his 
administration,  than  witii  the  allability  of  his  manners,  and  the 
apparent  pleasure  with  which  he  attended  their   frequent  and 

'*  Pcrtinax,  who  governed  Britain  a  few  years  before,  had  been 
left  for  dead,  in  a  mutiny  of  the  soldiers.  Hist.  August,  p.  64.  Yet 
they  loved  and  regretted  him  ;  admiranti^us  rmavirtutcm  cui  iraaco- 
bantur 

*^  Siieton.  in  Oalb.  c.  10. 

•'  Hist.  August,  p.  76. 


132  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

pompous  festiv .'.Is.23  As  soon  as  the  intelligence  of  the  atro« 
cious  murder  of  Pertinax  had  reached  Antioch,  the  wishes  of 
Asia  invited  Niger  to  assume  the  Imperial  purple  and  reveage 
his  death.  The  legions  of  the  eastern  frontier  embraced  his 
cause  ;  the  opulent  but  unarmed  provinces,  from  the  frontiers 
of  Ethiopia --^  to  the  Hadriatic,  cheerfully  submitted  to  his 
power;  and  the  kings  beyond  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates 
congratulated  his  election,  and  offered  him  their  homage  and 
services.  The  mind  of  Niger  was  not  capable  of  receiving 
this  sudden  tide  of  fortune  :  he  flattered  himself  that  his  acces- 
sion would  be  undisturbed  by  competition  and  unstained  by 
civil  blood  ;  and  whilst  he  enjoyed  the  vain  pomp  of  triumph, 
he  neglected  to  secure  the  means  of  victory.  Instead  of  en- 
tering intp  an  effectual  negotiation  with  the  powerful  armies 
of  the  West,  v/hose  resolution  might  decide,  or  at  least  must 
balance,  the  mighty  contest;  instead  of  advancing' whl)out 
delay  tov/ards  Rome  and  Italy,  where  his  presence  was  impa- 
tiently expected,-'^  Niger  trifled  away  in  the  luxury  of  Antioch 
those  irretrievable  moments  which  were  diligently  improved 
by  the  decisive  activity  of  Severus.^^ 

The  country  of  Pannonia  and  Dalmatia,  which  occupied 
the  space  between  the  Danube  and  the  Hadriatic,  was  one  of 
the  last  and  most  difficult  conquests  of  the  Romans.  In  the 
defence  of  national  freedom,  two  liundred  thousand  of  these 
barbarians  had  once  appeared  in  the  field,  alarmed  the  declining 
age  of  Augustus,  and  exercised  the  vigilant  prudence  of  Tibe- 
rius at  the  head  of  the  collected  force  of  the  empire.^'^  The 
Pannonians  yielded  at  length  to  the  arms  and  institutions  of 
Rome.  Their  recent  subjection,  however,  the  neighborhood, 
and  oven  the  mixture,  of  the  unconquered  tribes,  and  perhaps 


"  Ilcrod.  1.  ii.  p.  68.  The  Chronicle  of  John  ISIahila,  of  Antioch; 
Bho'.vs  the  zealous  attachment  of  his  countrymen  to  these  festivals, 
which  at  once  gratified  their  sui?crstition,  and  their  love  of  pleasure. 

^•"'  A  king  of  Thebes,  in  Egypt,  is  mentioned,  in  the  Augustan 
History,  as  an  ally,  and,  indeed,  as  a  personal  friend,  of  Niger.  If 
Spartianus  is  not,  as  I  strongly  suspect,  mistaken,  he  has  brought  to 
light  a  dynasty  of  tributary  princes  totally  unknown  to  history. 

^■*  Dion,  1.  L\xiii.  p.  1238.  Herod.  1.  ii.  p.  07.  A  verse  in  every 
one's  mouth  at  that  time,  seems  to  express  the  general  opinion  of  the 
three  rivals  ;  Optimus  est  Nif/cr,  [Fuscus,  which  preserves  the  qua-ntitv. 
— M.]  bonus  Afcr,  possimus  Albas.     Hist.  August,  p.  75. 

'^  iJcrodian,  1.  ii.  p.  71. 

'*  .See  an  account  of  that  memorable  war  in  Vclloius  Patcrculn*  u 
\  10,  &c.,  who  served  in  the  army  of  Tibcriua. 


€K   THE    ROMAN    E3IPIRE  133 

tne  climato,  adapted,  as  it  lias  been  observed,  to  tlio  produc- 
liou  (if  great  bodies  a.nd  slow  minds,--'  all  contribulcd  to  prc- 
Berve  some  remains  of  their  original  ferocity,  and  under  thy 
tiiino  and  uniform  countenance  of  Roman  provincials,  the 
Qardy  features  of  tne  natives  were  still  to  be  discerned.  Their 
v/arlike  youth  allbrded  an  inexhaustible  supply  of  recruits  ta> 
che  legions  stationed  on  the  banks  .of  the  Danube,  and  which, 
from  a  perpetual  warfare  against  the  Germans  and  Sarma- 
tians,  were  deservedly  esteemed  the  best  troops  in  the  service. 
The  Pannonian  army  was  at  this  time  commanded  by  Sep- 
th-nius  Severus,  a  native  of  Africa,  who,  in  the  gradual  ascent 
of  private  honors,  had  concealed  his  daring  ambition,  which 
was  never  diverted  from  its  steady  course  by  the  allurements 
of  pleasure,  the  apprehension  of  danger,  or  the  feelings  of 
humanity.^8  On  tlie  first  news  of  the  murder  of  Pertinax,  he 
assembled  his  troops,  painted  in  the  most  lively  colors  the 
crime, the  insolence,  and  the  weakrjess  of  the  Prtetorian  guards, 
and  animated  the  legions  to  arms  and  to  revenge.  He  con- 
cluded (and  the  peroration  was  thought  extremely  eloquent) 
with  promising  every  soldier  about  four  hundred  pounds  ;  an 
honorable  donative,  double  in  value  to  the  infamous  bribe  with 
which  Julian  had  purchased  the  empire.-^  The  acclamations 
of  the  army  immediately  saluted  Severus  with  the  names  of 
Augustus,  Pertinax,  and  Emperor ;  and  he  thus  attained  the' 
lofty  station  to  which  he  was  invited,  by  conscious  merit  and  a 
long  train  of  drcanis  and  omens,  the  fruitful  odsprings  either 
of  his  superstition  or  policy.^'^ 

27  Such  is  the  reflection  of  Hcrodian,  1.  ii.  p.  74.  Will  the  modern 
Austriiins  allow  the  iiillucnco  ? 

="*  In  the  letter  to  Albiinis,  already  mentioned,  Commodus  accuses 
Severus,  as  one  of  the  ambitious  generals  who  censured  liis  conduct, 
and  wished  to  occupy  his  jjlacc.     Hist.  August,  p.  80. 

'^  Pannouia  was  too  poor  to  supply  such  a  sum.  It  was  probably 
promised  in  the  camp,  and  paid  at  Rome,  after  the  victory.  In  fixing 
the  sum,  I  have  adopted  the  conjecture  of  C'asaubon.  See  Hist. 
August,  p.  66.     Comment,  p.  115. 

^"  lierodian,  1,  ii.  p.  78.  Severus  was  declared  emperor  on  the 
banks  of  the  Danube,  cither  at  Carnuntum,  according  to  Spartianus, 
(Ilist.  August,  p.  G'),)  or  else  at  Sabaria,  according  to  Victor.  Mr. 
Hume,  in  supposing  that  the  birth  and  dignity  of  Severus  were  loo 
much  infcrloi  to  the  Imperial  crown,  and  that  he  marched  into  Italy 
lis  general  only,  has  not  considered  this  transaction  with  his  usua. 
accuracy,  (Essay  on  the  original  contract.)  * 

•  Carnuntum,  opposite  to  the  mouth  of  the  Morara:  its  position  i» 
doubtful,  either  Feti-onel  or  llaimburg.    A  little  intermediate  village  seenis 


134  THE    DECLINE    AND    TALI. 

The  new  candidate  for  empire  saw  and  improved  thR  pecu- 
liar advantage  of  his  situation.  His  province  extended  to  the 
Julian  Alps,  which  gave  an  easy  access  into  Italy  ;  and  he 
remembered  the  saying  of  x\ugustus,  That  a  Pannonian  army 
might  in  ten  days  appear  in  sight  of  Rome.^i  By  a  celerity 
proportioned  to  the  greatness  of  the  occasion,  he  might  reason- 
ably hope  to  revenge  Pertinax,  punish  Julian,  and  receive  tho 
homage  of  the  senate  and  people,  as  their  lawful  emperor, 
before  his  competitors,  separated  from  Italy  by  an  immense 
tract  of  sea  and  land,  were  apprised  of  his  success,  or  even 
of  his  election.  During  the  whole  expedition,  he  scarcely 
allowed  himself  any  moments  for  sleep  or  food  ;  marching  on 
foot,  and  in  complete  armor,  at  the  head  of  his  columns,  no 
insinuated  himself  into  the  confidence  and  affection  of  his 
troops,  pressed  their  diligence,  revived  their  spirits,  animated 
their  hopes,  and  was  well  satisfied  to  share  the  hardships  of 
the  meanest  soldier,  whilst  he  kept  in  view  the  infinite  superi 
ority  of  his  reward. 

The  wretched  Julian  had  expected,  and  thought  himself 
prepared,  to  dispute  the  empire  with  the  governor  of  Syria , 
but  in  the  invincible  and  rapid  approach  of  the  Pannonian 
legions,  he  saw  his  inevitable  ruin.  The  hasty  arrival  of  every 
messenger  increased  his  just  apprehensions.  He  was  succes- 
sively informed,  that  Severus  had  passed  the  Alps  ;  that  the 
Italian  cities,  unwilling  or  unable  to  oppose  his  progress,  had 
received  him  with  the  warmest  professions  of  joy  and  duty ; 
that  the  important  place  of  Ravenna  had  surrendered  without 
resistance,  and  that  the  Hadriatic  fleet  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
conqueror.  The  enemy  was  now  within  two  hundred  and  fifty 
miles  of  Rome;  and  every  moment  diminished  the  narrow 
span  of  life  and  empire  allotted  to  Julian. 

He  attempted,  however,  to  prevent,  or  at  least  to  protract, 
his  ruin.  He  implored  the  venal  faith  of  the  Pra3torians,  filled 
the  >city  with  unavailing  preparations  for  war,  drew  lines  round 
the  suburbs,  and  even  strengthened  the  fortifications  of  tho 
palace  ;  as  if  those  last  intrenchments  could  be  defended, 
without  hope  of  relief,  against  a  victorious  invader.     Fear  and 

"•  Velleius  Paterculus,  1,  ii.  c.  3.  AVe  must  reckon  the  march  from 
the  nearest  verge  of  Pannonia,  and  extend  the  sight  of  the  city  as  far 
&H  two  hundred  miles. 


to  indicito  by  its  name   (AUenbiirg)    the  site  of  an  oH  '.own.    I^  Anvill« 
Ov  jgr.  At  c.  Sabaria,  now  Sarvar.  —  G.     Compare  note  37.  —  M. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  I.'i5 

sliumc  prevented  f!io  guards  from  deserting  liis  stnndar'J ,  but 
they  trembled  at  tbc  name  of  tbe  Pannonian  legions,  com- 
manded by  an  experienced  general,  and  accustomed  to  van- 
quish the  barbarians  on  tbc  frozen  Danube. 3-  Tbey  quitted 
witli  a  sigb,  tbe  pleasures  of  tbe  batlis  and  tlieatres,  to  pu: 
on  arms,  wbose  use  tbey  had  almost  forgotten,  and  beneath 
the  weight  of  which  they  were  oppressed.  The  unpractised 
elephants,  whose  uncouth  appearance,  it  was  hoped,  would 
strike  terror  into  the  army  of  tbc  north,  threw  their  unskiifui 
riders  ;  and  the  awkward  evolutions  of  the  marines,  drawn 
from  the  fleet  of  Misenum,  were  an  object  of  ridicule  to  the 
populace  ;  whilst  the  senate  enjoyed,  with  secret  pleasure,  the 
distress  and  weakness  of  the  usurper.'''^ 

Every  motion  of  Julian  betrayed  his  trembling  perplexity. 
He  insisted  that  Severus  should  be  declared  a  public  enemy 
by  the  senate.  He  entreated  that  the  I'annonian  general 
might  be  associated  to  the  empire.  He  sent  public  ambas- 
sadors of  consular  rank  to  negotiate  with  his  rival  ;  he  de- 
spatched private  assassins  to  take  away  his  life.  He  designed 
that  tbe  Vestal  virgins,  and  all  the  colleges  of  priests,  in  their 
sacerdotal  habits,  and  bearing  before  them  the  sacred  pledges 
of  the  Roman  religion,  should  advance  in  solemn  process'on 
to  meet  the  Pannonian  legions ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  he 
vainly  tried  to  interrogate,  or  to  appease,  tbc  fates,  by  magic 
ceremonies  and  unlawful  sacrifices."^' 

Severus,  who  dreaded  neither  his  arms  nor  his  enchant- 
ments, guarded  himself  from  the  only  danger  of  secret  con- 
spiracy, by  the  faithful  attendance  of  six  hundred  chosen  men, 
who  never  quitted  his  person  or  their  cuirasses,  either  by  night 

•''-  This  is  not  a  puerile  figure  of  rhetoric,  but  an  allusion  to  a  real 
fact  recorded  by  Dion,  1.  Ixxi.  p.  1181.  It  probably  happened  moro 
than  once. 

^■'  Dion,  1.  Ixxiii.  p.  1233.  Ilcrodian,  1.  ii.  p.  81.  There  is  no  surer 
proof  of  the  military  skill  of  the  llomans,  than  their  first  surmounting 
the  idle  terror,  and  afterwards  disdaining  tlie  dangerous  use,  of  ele- 
phants in  war.* 

^'  Hist.  August,  p.  62,  G3.t 


*  These  elephants  were  kept  for  processions,  perhaps  for  the  games. 
See  Herod,  in  loc.  —  M.  >■ 

t  Quaj  ad  speculum  dicunt  fieri  in  quo  pueri  prwligatis  oculis,  incantato 
vertice,  respieere  dicuntur.  *  •  *  Tuncque  puervidissc  dicitur  et  advcntum 
Scveri  et  Juliani  dccessionem.  This  seems  to  have  been  a  practice  soino- 
wliat  similar  to  tliat  of  which  our  recent  Egyptian  travellers  relate  such 
extraordinary  circumstance*.    Sec  also  Apuleius,  Orat,  de  Magia.  -^  M. 


136  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

or  by  day,  during  the  whole  march.  Advancing  v/iih  a  stea.ly 
and  rapid  course,  he  passed,  without  difficuhy,  the  defiles  of 
the  Apennine,  received  into  his  party  the  troops  and  anibas 
sadors  sent  to  retard  his  progress,  and  made  .a  short  halt  at 
Interamnia,  about  seventy  miles  from  Rome.  His  victory 
was  already  secure,  but  the  despair  of  the  Preetorians  might 
have  rendered  it  bloody ;  and  Severus  had  the  laudable  ain- 
bition  of  ascending  the  throne  without  drawing  the  sword.>^-'' 
His  emissaries,  dispersed  m  the  capital,  assured  the  guards, 
that  provided  they  would  abandon  their  worthless  prince,  and 
the  perpetrators  of  the  murder  of  Pertinax,  to  the  justice  of 
tlie  conqueror,  he  would  no  longer  consider  that  melancholy 
event  as  the  act  of  the  whole  body.  The  faithless  Praetorians, 
whose  resistance  was  supported  only  by  sullen  obstinacy,  gladly 
complied  with  the  easy  conditions,  seized  the  greatest  part  of 
the  assassins,  and  "signified  to  the  senate,  that  they  no  longer 
defended  the  cause  of  Julian.  That  assembly,  convoked  by 
the  consul,  unanimously  acknowledged  Severus  as  lawful  em- 
peror, decreed  divine  honors  to  Pertinax,  and  pronounced  a 
sentence  of  deposition  and  death  against  his  unfortunate  suc- 
cessor. Julian  was  conducted  into  a  private  apartment  of  the 
baths  of  the  palace,  and  beheaded  as  a  common  criminal,  after 
having  purchased,  with  an  immense  treasure,  an  anxious  and 
precarious  reign  of  only  sixty-six  days.^^  The  almost  incred- 
ible expedition  of  Severus,  who,  in  so  short  a  space  of  time, 
conducted  a  numerous  army  from  the  banks  of  the  Danube  to 
those  of  the  Tyber,  proves  at  once  the  plenty  of  provisions 
produced  by  agriculture  and  commerce,  the  goodness  of  the 
roads,  the  discipline  of  the  legions,  and  the  indolent,  subdued 
temper  of  the  provinces.^^ 

'*  Victor  and  Eutropius,  viii.  17,  mention  a  combat  near  the  Mil- 
vian  bridge,  the  Pontc  MoUe,  unkno^\■a  to  the  better  and  more  ancient 
Writers. 

^^  Dion,  1.  Lxxiii.  p.  1210.  Ilerodian,  1.  ii.  p.  83.  Hist.  August. 
p.  63. 

"  From  these  sixty-six  days,  we  must  first  deduct  sixteen,  as  Per- 
tvimx  was  murdered  "on  the  28th  of  March,  and  Severus  most  proba- 
bly elected  on  the  13th  of  April,  (see  Hist.  August,  p.  65,  and  TiUe- 
ciont,  Hist,  dcs  Empereurs,  tom.  iii.  p.  393,  note  7.)  "NVe  cannot 
rIIovv  less  Utian  ten  daj-s  after  his  election,  to  put  a  numerous  army 
111  motion.  Forty  days  remain  for  this  rapid  march ;  and  as  we  may 
compute  about  eight  hundred  miles  from  Rome  to  the  neighborhood 
of  Yicima,  the  army  of  Severus  marched  twenty  milca  oircry  day 
without  halt  or  intermission. 


OF    rilK     ROMAN    EMriRE.  137 

The  first  cares  of  Scvcrus  were  bestowed  on  two  nieasires, 
iht  ons  -JictateLl  In-  policy,  the  other  hy  decency  ;  tlio  revenge, 
and  the  honors,  due  to  the  memory  of  Pertinax.  Before  tho 
new  emperor  entered  Rome,  he  issued  his  commands  to  the 
Praetorian  guards,  directing  them  to  wait  his  arrival  on  a  large 
plain  near  the  city,  without  arms,  but  in  the  habits  of  ceremony, 
In  which  they  were  accustomed  to  attend  their  sovereign.  Ho 
was  obeyed  by  those  haughty  troops,  whose  contrition  was  tha 
elfect  of  tlieir  just  terrors.  A  chosen  part  of  the  Ulyrian  army 
encompassed  them  with  levelled  spears.  Incapable  of  flight 
or  resistance,  they  expected  their  fate  in  silent  consternation. 
Severus  mounted  the  tribunal,  sternly  re|)roached  them  with 
nerfidy  and  cowardice,  dismissed  them  with  ignominy  from 
the  trust  which  they  had  betrayed,  despoiled  them  of  their 
splendid  ornaments,  and  banished  them,  on  pain  of  death,  to 
the  distance  of  a  hundred  miles  from  the  capital.  During  tho 
transaction,  another  detachment  had  been  sent  to  seize  their 
arms,  occupy  their  camp,  and  prevent  the  hasty  consequences 
of  their  despair.^^ 

The  funeral  and  consecration  of  Pertinax  was  next  solem- 
nized with  every  circumstance  of  sad  magnificence.-^^  The 
senate,  with  a  melancholy  pleasure,  performed  the  last  rites  to 
that  excellent  prince,  whom  they  had  loved,  and  still  regretted. 
The  concern  of  his  successor  was  probably  less  sincere  ;  ho 
esteemed  the  virtues  of  Pertinax,  but  those  virtues  would  for- 
ever have  confined  his  ambition  to  a  private  station.  Severua 
pronounced  his  funeral  oration  with  studied  eloquence,  inward 
satisfaction,  and  well-acted  sorrow  ;  and  by  this  pious  regard 
to  his  memory,  convinced  the  credulous  multitude,  that  he 
alune  was  worthy  to  sup[)ly  his  place.  Sensible,  however,  that 
arms,  not  ceremonies,  must  assert  his  claim  to  the  empire,  he 
left  Rome  at  the  end  of  thirty  days,  and  without  suffering  him- 
self to  be  elated  by  this  easy  victory,  prepared  to  encounter 
Ills  more  formidable  rivals. 

The  uneonnuon  abilities  and  fortune  of  Severus  have  in- 
duced an  elegant  historian  to  compare  him  with  the  first  and 
greatest  of  the  Cajsars.-^^  The  parallel  is,  at  least,  impcr'ect. 
Where  shall  we  find,  in  the  character  of  Severus,  the  com- 
manding superiority  of  soul,  the  generous  clemency,  and  the 

2«  Pion,  1.  Ixxiv.  p.  12-tl.     Herodian,  1.  ii.  p.  84. 
=■»  Diuii,  (1.  Ixxiv.  p.  1214,)  who  assisted  at  tho  ceremony  as  a  sen- 
'^ator,  •j;Lvi;s  a  most  pompous  description  of  it. 
*'  Ilcroilian,  I  iii.  u-  11  — 

y 


138  THE    DECLlf«E    AND    FALL 

Various  genius,  which  cntilf]  reconcile  and  unite  the  love  of 
pleasure,  tlie  ihirat  of  knnwledge,  and  the  fire  of  ambition  >  4' 
In  one  instance  only,  thpy  may  be  compa/ed,  with  some 
degree  of  propriety,  in  the  celerity  of  their  motions,  and  their 
civil  victories.  In  less  than  luur  years,''^  Severus  subdued  the 
riches  of  the  East,  and  the  valor  of  the  West.  He  vanquished 
fwo  competitors  of  reputation  and  ability,  and  defeated  nunier- 
ous  armies,  provided  with  weapons  and  discipline  equal  to  his 
own.  In  that  age,  the  art  of  fortification,  and  the  principles 
of  tactics,  were  well  understood  by  all  the  Roman  general;;; 
and  the  constant  superiority  of  Severus  was  that  of  an  artist, 
who  uses  the  same  instruments  with  more  skill  and  industry 
than  his  rivals.  I  shall  not,  however,  enter  into  a  minute  nar- 
rative of  these  military  operations  ;  but  as  the  two  civil  wars 
against  Niger  and  against  Albinus  were  almost  the  same  in 
their  conduct,  event,  and  consequences,  I  shall  collect  into  one 
point  of  view  the  most  striking  circumstances,  tending  to 
develop  the  character  uf  the  conqueror  and  the  state  of  the 
empire. 

Falsehood  and  insincerity,  unsuitable  as  they  seem  to  the 
dignity  of  public  transactions,  offend  us  with  a  less  degrading 
idea  of  meanness,  than  when  they  are  found  in  the  intercourse 

■*'  Though  it  is  not,  most  assuredly,  the  intention  of  Lucan  to 
exalt  the  character  of  Cipsar,  yet  the  idea  he  gives  of  that  hero,  in 
the  tenth  book  of  the  Pharsalia,  whore  he  describes  him,  at  the  same 
time,  makin;;  love  to  Cleoj.atra,  sustaining  a  siege  against  the  power 
of  Egypt,  and  conversing  with  the  sages  of  the  country,  is,  in  reality, 
the  noblest  panegyric* 

**  Keckoning  from  his  election,  April  13,  193,  to  the  death  of  Albi- 
nus, February  19,  197.     See  Tillemont's  Chronology. 


*  Lord  Byron  wrote,  no  doubt,  from  a  reminiscence  of  that  passage  — 
*'  It  is  possilde  to  be  a  very  great  man,  and  to  be  still  very  inferior  to  Julius 
CaesiV,  the  niost  complete  character,  so  Lord  Bacon  thought,  of  all  anti- 
quity. Nature  seems  incapable  of  such  extraordinary  combinations  as 
composed  his  versatile  capacity,  which  was  tlic  wonder  even  of  the  Romans 
themselves.  The  first  general ;  the  only  triumphant  politician  ;  inferior  tc 
none  in  point  of  eloquence  ;  com|)aralde  to  aiiy  in  the  attainments  of  wis- 
dom, in  an  age  made  up  of  the  greatest  commanders,  statesmen,  orators., 
and  philosophers,  that  ever  appeared  in  the  world  ;  an  author  who  com- 
posed a  perfect  specimen  of  military  annals  in  his  travelling  carriage;  at 
one  time  in  a  controversy  with  Cato,  at  another  writing  a  treatise  on  pun- 
ning, and  collecting  a  set  of  good  sayings  ;  fighting  and  making  love  at 
the  same  moment,  and  willing  to  abandon  both  his  empire  and  his  mistress 
for  '  sight  of  the  fountains  of  the  Nile.  Such  lid  Julius  Caisar  appear  to 
his  contemporaries,  and  to  those  of  the  subse(iuent  ages  who  were  the  n"ost 
In' lined  to  deplore  and  e>;eciate  his  fatal  genius."  Note  47  to  Ci.nto  iv 
«f  Childe  Haro(d.  —  M. 


OP   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  189 

of  |)riviue  life.  In  the  latter,  they  discover  a  wani  ofecuruge; 
ill  the  otlicr,  only  a  defect  of  power :  and,  as  it  is  impossible 
for  the  most  able  statesmen  to  subdue  millions  of  followers 
nnfl  enemies  by  tlieir  own  personal  strengtli,  the  world,  under 
ihe  name  of  policy,  seems  to  have  granted  them  a  very  liberal 
indulgence  of  craft  and  dissimulation.  Yet  the  arts  of  Severus 
cannot  be  justitied  by  the  most  am[)le  privileges  of  state  rea- 
.«on.  He  promised  only  to  betray,  he  flattered  only  to  ruin; 
and  however  he  might  occasionally  bind  himself  by  oaths  and 
treaties,  his  conscience,  obsequious  to  his  interest,  always 
released  him  from  the  inconvenient  obligation.'''' 

If  his  two  competitors,  reconciled  by  their  common  danger, 
had  ad>anced  upon  him  without  delay,  perhaps  Severus  would 
have  sunk  under  their  united  effort.  Had  they  even  attacked 
him,  at  the  same  time,  with  separate  views  and  se[)arate  armies, 
the  contest  might  have  been  long  and  doubtful.  But  they  fell, 
singly  and  successively,  an  easy  prey  to  the  arts  as  well  as  arms 
of  their  subtle  enemy,  lulled  into  security  by  the  moderation  of 
his  professions,  and  overwhelmed  by  the  rapidity  of  his  action. 
He  first  marched  against  Niger,  whose  reputation  and  power 
he  the  most  dreaded  :  but  he  declined  any  hostile  declarations, 
suppressed  the  name  of  his  antagonist,  and  only  signified  to 
the  senate  and  people  his  intention  of  regulating  the  eastern 
provinces.  In  private,  he  spoke  of  Niger,  his  old  friend  and 
intended  successor,'*'*  with  the  most  atiectionate  regard,  and 
highly  applauded  his  generous  design  of  revenging  the  murder 
of  Pertinax.  To  punish  the  vile  usurper  of  the  throne,  was> 
the  duty  of  every  Roman  general.  To  persevere  in  arms, 
and  to  resist  a  lawful  em|)cror,  acknowledged  by  the  senate, 
would  alone  render  him  criminal. •^•^  The  sons  of  Nieer  had 
fallen  into  his  hands  among  the  children  of  the  provincial 
governors,  detained  at  Rome  as  pledges  for  the  loyalty  of  their 
parents.'"*     As  long  as  the  power  of  Niger  inspired  terror,  or 

*^  Horodian,  1.  ii.  p.  85. 

**  Whilst  Severus  was  very  dangerously  ill,  it  was  industriously 
given  out,  that  ho  intended  to  appoint  Niger  and  All^inis  his  succes- 
sors. As  he  could  not  be  sincere  mth  respect  to  both,  he  might  not  bo 
BO  with  rej,'ard  to  either.  Yet  Severus  carried  his  hypocrisy  so  far,  bb 
to  j^r^foss  that  intention  in  the  memoirs  of  his  own  life. 

*'"  Hist.  Au-'ust.  p.  65. 

*^  This  ]iracticc,  invented  by  Commodus,  proved  very  useful  to 
Sevcru-i.  ilc  found  at  Home  the  children  of  nvany  of  tlic  principaj 
Bdheriiits  ot  his  rivals  ;  and  ho  employed  them  more  than  once  tc 
mtiraidatc,  or  seduce,  the  parents. 


140  THE    1-ECLINE    AND    FALL 

even  respect,  they  were  educated  with  the  most  tender  cart 
with  the  children  of  Severus  himself";  but  they  were  soon  in 
volvtd  in  their  father's  ruin,  and  removed,  first  by  exile,  and 
afterwaids  by  death,  from  the  eye  of  public  compassion.'''^ 

Whilst  Severus  was  enijan-ed  in  his  eastern  war,  he  had 
reason  tc  apprehend  that  the  governor  of  Britain  might  pass 
the  sea  and  the  Alps,  occupy  the  vacant  seat  of  empire,  and 
oppose  his  return  with  the  authority  of  tiie  senate  and  the 
Ibrces  of  the  West.  The  aml)iguous  conduct  of  Albinus,  in 
not  assuming  the  Imperial  title,  left  room  for  negotiation. 
Forgevting,  at  once,  his  professions  of  patriotism,  and  the 
jealousy  of  sovereign  power,  he  accepted  the  precarious  rank 
of  Caesar,  as  a  reward  for  his  fatal  neutrality.  Till  the  first 
contest  was  decided,  Severus  treated  the  man,  whom  he  had 
doomed  to  destruction,  with  every  mark  of  esteem  and  re- 
gard. Even  in  the  letter,  in  which  he  announced  his  victory 
over  Niger,  he  styles  Albinus  the  brother  of  his  soul  and 
empire,  sends  him  the  atlectionate  salutations  of  his  wife 
Julia,  and  his  young  family,  and  entreats  him  to  preserve  the 
armies  and  the  republic  faitliful  to  their  common  interest. 
The  messengers  charged  with  this  letter  were  instructed  to 
accost  the  Caesar  with  respect,  to  desire  a  private  audience, 
and  to  plunge  tlxjir  daggers  into  his  hcart.''^  The  conspiracy 
was  discovered,  and  the  too  credulous  Albinus,  at  length, 
passed  over  to  the  continent,  and  prepared  for  an  unequal 
contest  with  his  rival,  who  rushed  upon  him  at  the  head  of 
a  veteran  and  victorious  army. 

The  military  labors  of  Severus  seem  inadequate  to  the 
importance  of  his  conquests.  Two  engagements,*  the  one 
near  the  Hellespont,  the  other  in  the  narrow  defiles  of  Cilicia, 
decided  the  fate  of  his  Syrian  competitor ;  and  the  troops  of 
Europe  asserted  their  usual  ascendant  over  the  effeminate 
natives  of  Asia.'^^     The  battle  of  Lyons,  where  one  hundred 

"  Hcrodian,  1.  iii.  p.  96.     Hist.  August,  p.  fi?,  68. 

*"  Hist.  August,  p.  84.  Spartianus  has  inserted  this  curious  letter 
at  full  length. 

**  Consult  the  third  book  of  Hcrodian,  and  the  seventy-fo\irth  book 
of  Dion  Cassius. 


•  There  were  three  actions ;  one  near  Cyzicus,  on  the  Hellespont,  on« 
near  Nice,  in  Bithynia,  the  third  near  the  Issus,  in  Cilicia,  where  Alexan- 
der conquered  Darius.  (Dion,  Ixiv.  c.  6.  Ilerodian,  iii.  2,  4.)  —  W 
Uerodian  represeuta  the  second  battle  as  of  lew  importance  than  Dion 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIUE  141 

und  fif  y  thousand  Romans  ^°  were  engaf^ed,  was  eqnnllv  fatal 
to  Albinus.  Tlie  valor  of  tlie  British  army  maintained,  ip. 
deed,  a  sharp  and  doubtful  contest,  with  the  hardy  discipline 
of  tlie  lllyrian  legions.  The  fame  and  person  of  Severua 
appeared,  during  a  few  moments,  irrecoverably  lost,  till  thai 
warlike  prince  rallied  his  fainting  troops,  and  led  them  on  to 
a  decisive  victory  •''  The  war  was  finished  by  that  memora- 
ble day.* 

The  civil  wars  of  modern  Europe  have  been  distinguished, 
not  only  by  the  fierce  animosity,  but  likewise  by  tlie  obstinate 
perseverance,  of  the  contending  factions.  They  have  gener- 
ally been  justified  by  some  principle,  or,  at  least,  colored  by 
some  pretext,  of  religion,  freedom,  or  loyalty.  The  leaders 
were  nobles  of  independent  property  and  iiereditary  influence. 
The  troops  fought  like  men  interested  in  the  decision  of  the 
quarrel  ;  and  as  military  spirit  and  party  zeal  were  strongly 
ditTused  throughout  the  whole  community,  a  vanquished  chief 
was  immedialely  su])|)lied  with  new  adherents,  eager  to  shed 
'.heir  blood  in  the  same  cause.  But  the  Romans,  after  the  fall 
of  the  republic,  combated  only  for  the  choice  of  masters.  Un- 
der the  standard  of  a  popular  candidate  for  empire,  a  few 
enlisted  from  aflection,  some  from  fear,  many  from  interest, 
none  from  principle.  The  legions,  uninflamed  by  party  zeal, 
were  allured  into  civil  war  by  liberal  donatives,  and  still  more 
liberal  promises.  A  defeat,  by  disabling  the  chief  from  the 
performance  of  his  engagements,  dissolved  the  mercenary 
allegiance  of  his  followers,  and  left  them  to  consult  their 
own  safety  by  a  timely  desertion  of  an  unsuccessful  cause. 
It  was  of  little  moment  to  the  jjrovinces,  under  whose  name 
they  were  oppressed  or  governed  ;  they  were  driven  by  the 
impulsion  of  the   present  power,  and  as  soon  as  that  power 


"'  Dion,  1.  Ixxv.  p.  1260. 

*'  Dion,  1.  l.xxv.  p.  12G1.  Ilciodiun,  1.  m.  p.  110.  Hist.  Au<;ust.  p. 
68.  The  battle  was  fouf^'ht  in  tlio  i)lain  of  Truvoux,  three  or  four 
leagues  from  Lyons.     See  Tilleniont,  torn.  iii.  p.  40G,  note  18. 

*  According  to  Ilcrodian,  it  was  his  lieutenant  Lsctus  who  led  back  the 
trcKijis  to  the  l);ittlo,  and  i!;;uni'(l  tlif  day,  which  Sovcrus  luid  almost  lost 
Dion  also  attiiljutes  to  Lietus  a  great  share  in  the  victory.  Sovcrus  alter- 
wards  put  him  to  death,  either  from  tear  or  jealousy.  —  W.  and  (i.  AN'enck, 
ind  M.  (jiiizot  have  not  given  the  real  statement  of  llerodian  or  of  Dion. 
According  to  the  former,  La;tus  apjieiued  with  his  own  army  entire,  which 
he  ^vas  suspected  of  having  designedly  kept  disengaged  when  the  battla 
was  still  doulitful,  or  rather  after  llie  rout  of  Severua.  Dion  says  that  he 
did  not  )nove  till  Irievurus  had  won  the  victOTV-  —  M. 


142  THE   fECLINE   AND   FALL 

yielded  1o  a  superior  force,  they  hastened  to  implore  the 
clemency  of  the  conqueror,  who,  as  he  had  an  immense  debt 
to  discharge,  was  obliged  to  sacrifice  the  most  guilty  countries 
to  the  avarice  of  his  soldiers.  In  the  vast  extent  of  the 
Roman  empire,  there  were  few  fortified  cities  capable  of 
protecting  a  routed  army;  nor  was  there  any  person,  or  fami- 
ly, or  order  of  men,  whose  natural  interest,  unsupported  by 
the  powers  of  government,  was  capable  of  restoring  the 
(tause  of  a  sinking  party. ^^ 

Yet,  in  the  contest  between  Niger  and  Severus,  a  single 
city  deserves  an  honorable  exception.  As  Byzantium  was 
one  of  the  greatest  passages  from  Europe  into  Asia,  it  had 
been  provided  with  a  strong  garrison,  and  a  fleet  of  five  hun- 
dred vessels  was  anchored  in  the  harbor. ^^  '£\^q  impetuosity 
of  Severus  disappointed  this  prudent  scheme  of  defence  ;  he 
left  to  his  generals  the  siege  of  Byzantium,  forced  the  lesa 
guarded  passage  of  the  Hellespont,  and,  impatient  of  a 
meaner  enemy,  pressed  forward  to  encounter  his  rival.  By- 
zantium, attacked  by  a  numerous  and  increasing  army,  and 
afterwards  by  the  whole  naval  power  of  the  empire,  sustained 
a  siege  of  three  years,  and  remained  faithful  to  the  name  and 
memory  of  Niger.  The  citizens  and  soldiers  (we  know  not 
from  what  cause)  were  animated  with  equal  fury  ;  several  of 
the  principal  officers  of  Niger,  who  despaired  of,  or  who  dis- 
dained, a  pardon,  had  thrown  themselves  into  this  last  refuge  : 
the  fortifications  were  esteemed  impregnable,  and,  in  the  de- 
fence of  the  place,  a  celebrated  engineer  displayed  all  the 
mechanic  powers  known  to  the  ancients.^"*  Byzantium,  at 
length,  surrendered  to  famine.  The  magistrates  and  soldiers 
were  put  to  the  sword,  the  walls  demolished,  the  privileges 
suppressed,  and  the  destined  capital  of  the  East  subsisted  only 
as  an  open  village,  subject  to  the  insulting  jurisdiction  of  Pe- 
rinthus.  The  historian  Dion,  who  had  admired  the  flourishing, 
and  lamented  the  desolate,  state  of  Byzantium,  accused  the 
revenge  of  Severus,  for  depriving  the  Roman  people  of  the 

*'  Montesquieu,  Considerations  sur  la  Grandeur  ct  la  Decadence 
des  Komains.  c.  xii. 

"  Most  of  these,  as  may  be  supposed,  were  small  open  vessels ; 
tfome,  however,  were  galleys  of  two,  and  a  few  of  three  ranks  of  oars 

'*  The  engineer's  name  was  Priscus.  His  skill  saved  liis  life,  and 
he  was  taken  into  the  service  of  the  conqueror.  For  the  particular 
facts  of  the  siege,  consult  Dion  Cassius  (1.  Ixxv.  p.  1251)  and  Ilero- 
dian,  (1.  iii.  p.  95 ;)  for  the  theory  of  it,  the  iiinciful  chevalier  da 
Folard  may  be  looked  into.     See  Polybe,  torn.  i.  p.  76. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE-  143 

•trongest  bulwark  against  the  barba:*ians  of  Pontus  nn  J  Asia.-"'' 
The  truth  uf  tliis  observation  was  but  too  well  justific  I  in  the 
succeediii'T  a^e,  when  tiie  (lothic   fleets  covered  the  Euxine 
and  passed  througli  the  undefined   Bosphorus  into  the   centre 
of  the  Mediterranean. 

Both  Niger  and  Albinus  were  discovered  and  put  to  death 
in  their  flight  from  the  field  of  battle.  Their  fate  excited 
neither  surprise  nor  compassion.  Tiiey  had  staked  their  lives 
against  the  chance  of  empire,  and  suffered  what  they  wouM 
liave  inflicted  ;  nor  did  Severus  claim  the  arrogant  siipericrity 
of  suflering  his  rivals  to  live  in  a  jjrivate  statioji.  But  his  un- 
foigiviiig  temper,  stimulated  by  avarice,  indulged  a  spirit  of 
revenge,  where  there  was  no  room  for  apprehension.  The 
most  considerable  of  the  [)rovincials,  who,  without  any  dislilo 
to  the  fortunate  candidate,  had  obeyed  the  governor  under 
whose  authority  they  were  accidentally  placed,  were  punished 
by  death,  exile,  and  especially  by  the  confiscation  of  their 
estates.  Many  cities  of  the  East  were  stripped  of  their  an- 
cient iionors,  and  obliged  to  pay,  into  the  tn^asury  of  Severus, 
four  times  the  amoufit  of  the  sums  contributcid  by  them  for 
the  service  of  Niger.^^ 

Till  the  final  decision  of  the  war.  the  cruelty  of  Severus 
was,  in  son)e  measure,  restrained  by  die  uncertainty  of  the 
event,  and  his  pretended  reverence  fi)r  the  senate.  The  head 
of  Albinus,  accompanied  with  a  menacing  hotter,  announced  lO 
the  Romans  that  he  was  resolved  to  S|)are  none  of  the  adherenta 


"  Notwithstanding  the  authority  of  Sniirtianii-^,  and  ''omc  modem 
Greeks,  we  may  be  assured,  from  Diou  and  ILrodian,  tliat  Uyzantiun^, 
many  yeai's  after  the  death  of  Severus,  hiy  in  ruins.* 

^  "liioii,  1.  bcxiv.  p.  125t). 


•  There  is  no  contradiction  between  the  relation  of  Dion  and  that  of 
Spartianiis  and  the  modern  Greeks.  Diun  does  not  say  lliut  Severus 
destroyed  Bv/.antiiim.  tint  tli;it  he  deprived  it  of  its  franchises  and  pii.i 
leges,  .stripped  the  iiihal)itants  of  their  property,  razed  the  f  ntiticatioi.s, 
and  subjected  the  city  to  tlu*  jnrisdietion  of  t'erinthus.  'I'hereforc,  whc  n 
Sp;irtian,  Snul.is,  Cetheniis,  s;iy  th:it  Severus  and  his  sou  Antoninui 
restored  to  Bvzantiuni  its  rights  ;ind  iVanehises,  ordered  'etnples  to  be  built, 
&c.,  this  is  easily  recon^'ilid  with  the  ndation  of  Dion.  Pe.haps  the  latter 
mentioned  it  in  some  of  the  !'r.i;.;ineuts  of  his  hi-tory  uhich  have  been 
lost.  As  to  Ilerodian,  his  expressions  are  evidfitly  exa<;i:er:ited,  and  he 
has  been  K"iUy  of  so  mini  in;tec\iraeies  in  the  historv  of  Severn^,  that  we 
have  a  ritrht  to  suppose  one  in  this  p;iss:it;e. — (i.  ..■tn,  W.  Wmek  :iiid 
M.  (iuizot  ha\e  omitted  U  cite  Zosimus,  who  mentions  a  partieula' por- 
tico built  1)V  Seveins,  and  railed,  ap|):irently,  by  llis  name.  Zosini.  Liivt. 
v   c.  Xks.  p.  151    1.j3,  edit   lleyne.  —  M. 


144  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

of  his  unfortunate  competitors.  He  was  irritated  by  tl£  jusj 
suspicion  that  he  had  never  possessed  the  alTections  of  the 
senate,  and  he  concealed  his  old  malevolence  under  ihe  re- 
cent discoveiy  of  some  treasonable  correspondences.  Thirty- 
five  senators,  however,  acciised  of  havintr  favored  the  party 
of  Albinus,  he  freely  pardoned,  and,  by  his  subsequent  beliii- 
vior,  endeavored  to  convince  them,  that  he  had  forifotten,  as 
well  as  forgiven,  their  supposed  oUences.  But,  at  the  same 
time,  he  condemned  forty-one  ^^  other  senators,  whose  names 
history  has  recorded  ;  their  wives,  children,  and  clients  attend- 
ed them  in  death,*  and  the  noblest  provincials  of  Spain  and 
Gaul  were  involved  in  the  same  ruin.f  Such  rigid  justice  — 
for  so  he  termed  it  —  was,  in  the  opinion  of  Severus,  the  only 
conduct  capable  of  insuring  peace  to  the  people  or  stability 
to  the  prince  ;  and  he  condescended  slightly  to  lament,  that 
to  be  mild,  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  first  be  cruel.^^ 

The  true  interest  of  an  absolute  monarch  generally  coin- 
cides whh  that  of  his  people.  Their  numbers,  their  wealth, 
^heir  order,  and  their  security,  are  the  best  and  only  founda- 
tions of  his  real  greatness  ;  and  were  he  totally  devoid  of 
virtue,  prudence  might  supply  its  place,  and  would  dictate  the 
same  rule  of\onduct.  Severus  considered  the  Roman  empire 
as  his  property,  and  had  no  sooner  secured  the  possession, 
than  he  bestowed  his  care  on  the  cultivation  and  improvement 
of  so  valuable  an  acquisition.  Salutary  laws,  executed  with 
inflexible  firmness,  soon  corrected  most  of  the  abuses  with 
which,  since  the  death  of  Marcus,  every  part  of  the  govern- 

"  Dion,  (1.  Ixxv.  p.  126-1: ;)  only  twenty-nine  senators  are  mentioned 
by  him,  but  forty-one  are  named  in  the  Augustan  History,  p.  G9, 
among  whom  were  six  of  the  name  of  Pesccnnius.  Herodian  (1.  iii. 
p.  llo)  speaks  in  general  of  the  cruelties  of  Severus. 

***  Aurchus  Victor. 


*  Wenck  denies  that  there  is  any  authority  for  this  massacre  of  t.  t 
wives  of  the  senators.  He  adds,  that  only  the  children  and  relatives  o. 
Niger  and  Albinus  were  put  to  death.  This  is  true  of  the  family  of  Albi- 
nus, whose  bodies  were  thrown  into  the  Rhone;  those  of  Niger,  according 
to  Lampridius,  were  sent  into  exile,  but  afterwards  put  to  deatl>.  Anii>ng 
the  partisans  of  All)inus  who  were  put  to  death  were  many  women  of  rank, 
mu.ta;  foemina;  illustres.     Lamprid.  in  Sever. — M. 

t  A  new  fragment  of  Dion  describes  the  state  of  Rome  during  this  con 
test.  All  pretended  to  be  on  the  side  of  Severus ;  but  their  secret  senti 
ments  were  often  betrayed  by  a  change  of  countenaiice  on  the  arrival  of 
some  sudden  report.  Some  were  detected  by  overacting  their  loyalty,  rni;., 
ic  K:Lt  Ik  Tuva<poip:t  upoanotelaOiu  n>/ui/  iyiidmKoiTo.  Mai.  Fragm.  V.atica'a. 
p.  227.  Severus  told  the  senate  he  would  rather  have  their  hearts  thaB 
their  votes,  rati  ipvxaU  ue  <l>i\uTe,  KM  fit)  roij  ^ri<p'iannaiv.  —  IbUi.  —  M. 


OF   THfi    ROMAN    ElvITMkE.  145 

ment  hud  heen  infecteH.  In  the  admiDij^rrMtion  of  justice  the 
ju<li;incii!s  of  the  emperor  were;  cMar;u;i(.ri/,ed  uy  attention 
riiscernmcnt,  and  iinpartiaiity  ;  and  whenever  he  deviated 
from  tin;  strict  line  of  etinity,  it  was  generally  in  favor  of  the 
[>oor  and  oi)[)ressed  ;  not  so  much  indeed  from  any  sense  of 
humanity,  as  from  tlie  natural  propensity  of  a  despot  to  hum- 
ble the  pride  of  greatness,  and  to  sink  all  his  subjects  to  the 
same  common  level  of  ahsoaite  dependence.  Mis  expensive 
tast(;  for  liuildini;,  magnificent  shows,  and  above  all  a  constant 
and  lil)eral  distribution  of  corn  and  provisions,  were  the  surest 
means  of  captivating  the  aiiection  of  the  Roman  people.^' 
I'he  misfortunes  of  civil  discord  were  obliterated.  'Jlie  calm 
of  peace  and  prospen.v  was  once  more  experienced  in  the 
provinces  ;  and  many  cities,  restored  by  tlie  munificence  of 
Severus,  assumed  the  tiue  of  his  colonies,  and  attested  by 
public  monuments  their  gratitude  and  felicity.''''  The  fame 
of  the  Roman  arms  was  revived  by  that  warlike  and  success- 
ful emperor,"'  and  he  boasted,  with  a  just  pride,  that,  having 
received  the  empire  oppressed  with  foreign  and  domestic 
wars,  he  left  it  cstablisned  in  profound,  universal,  and  honor- 
able peace."- 

Although  tlie  wounds  of  civil  war  appeared  completely 
healed,  its  mortal  poison  still  lurked  in  the  vitals  of  the  con- 
stitution. Severus  possessed  a  considerable  share  of  vigor 
and  ability  ;  but  the  (ianns  soul  of  the  first  Cajsar,  or  the 
deep  policy  of  Augustus,  were  scarcely  equal  to  the  task  of 
curbing  the  insolence  of  tne  victorious  legions.  By  gratitude, 
by  misguided    policy,  by  seeming   necessity,  Severus  was  re- 


*"  Dion,  1.  Ixxvi.  p.  1"272.  Hist.  Auijust.  p.  67.  Sovpinis  colcbrated 
the  secular  jiaiiics  with  pxtraoidiiiai v  iiiagiiirtfcuce,  and  lie  lol't  in  tlu 
public  jjranarios  a  provision  of  corn  tor  seven  years,  at  the  rate  of 
7"), 000  inodii,  or  about  2500  qu-.ivtors  \)0t  day.  I  am  persuaded  thr.. 
the  granaries  of  Severus  were  sipjjliecl  for  a  long  term,  but  I  am  not 
less  persuaded,  that  policy  on  one  liand,  and  adnurution  on  the  otliei, 
magiiiried  the  hoard  far  beyond  its  true  contents. 

*''  See  S])anheini's  treatise  of  ancient  mcthds,  the  inscriptions,  and 
our  learned  travel! ■  rs  Spon  and  M'heelor,  Shaw,  I'ocock,  &c.,  who,  in 
AJ'rica,  Greece,  and  Asia,  have  found  more  luoiuinients  of  Severus 
than  of  any  other  lioman  emperor  whatsoever. 

*'  He  carried  his  victorio\is  anns  to  Seleucia  and  Ctesi])hon,  th» 
cajiilals  of  the  l^artldtm  monarchy.  I  shall  have  occasion  to  mention 
this  war  m  its  proper  jilacc. 

""  E/iain  ill  Hrilaanis,  v.  us  hi.-5  o\\  n  just   and   eii.phatiu  exprebsiob 
Hist.  August.  73. 
!)* 


14b  THE    DECLINE    A.NP    FALL 

ducod  to  relax  tlie  nerves  of  discipline.^-'  The  vanity  of  his 
8old;ers  was  flattered  with  the  honor  of  wearing  gold  rings  : 
their  ease  was  indulged  in  the  permission  of  living  wilh  their 
wives  in  the  idleness  of  quarters.  He  increased  their  pay 
beyond  the  example  of  former  times  and  taught  the.Ti  to  ck* 
pect,  and  soon  to  claim,  extraordinary  donatives  on  every 
public  occasion  of  danger  or  festivity.  Elated  by  success, 
enervated  by  luxury,  and  raised  above  the  level  of  subjects 
by  their  dangerous  privileges,^*  they  soon  became  incapable 
of  military  fatigue,  oppressive  to  the  country,  and  impatient 
of  a  just  subordination.  Their  officers  asserted  the  superior- 
"ty  of  rank  by  a  more  profuse  and  elegant  luxury.  There  is 
still  extant  a  letter  of  Severus,  lamenting  the  licentious  state 
of  the  army,*  and  exhorting  one  of  his  generals  to  begin  the 
mcessary  reformation  from  the  tribunes  themselves;  since, 
as  he  justly  observes,  the  officer  who  has  forfeited  the  esteem, 
will  never  command  the  obedience,  of  his  soldiers.^^  Had 
the  emperor  pursued  the  train  of  reflection,  he  would  have 
discovered,  that  the  primary  cause  of  this  general  corruption 
might  be  ascribed,  not  indeed  to  the  example,  but  to  the  per 
nicious  indulgence,  however,  of  the  commander-in-chief. 

The  Praetorians,  who  murdered  their  emperor  and  sold  the 
emplic,  had  received  the  just  punishment  of  their  treason  ; 
but  the  necessary,  though  dangerous,  institution  of  guards 
was  soon  restored  on  a  new  model  by  Severus,  and  increased 
to  four  times  the  ancient  number.^^  Formerly  these  troops 
had  been  recruited  in  Italy  ;  and  as  the  adjacent  provinces 
gradually  imbibed  the  softer  manners  of  Rome,  the  levies 
were  extended  to  Macedonia,  Noricum,  and  Spain.  In  the 
room  of  these  elegant  troops,  better  adapted  to  the  pomp  of 
courts  than  to  the  '^ses  of  war,  it  was  established  by  Severus, 


"  Hcrodian,  i.  iii.  p.  115.     Hist.  August,  p.  68. 

^  Upon  the  insolence  and  privileges  of  the  soldiers,  the  16th  satire. 
falsely  ascribed  to  Juvenal,  may  be  consulted  ;  the  stylo  and  circum- 
Btances  of  it  would  induce  me  to  believe,  that  it  was  composed  under 
the  reign  of  Severus,  or  that  of  his  sou. 

**  Hist.  August,  p.  73. 

••  Ilerodian,  1.  iii.  p.   131. 

•  Not  of  the  army,  but  of  the  troops  in  Gaul.  The  c  ntcnts  of  this  let- 
ter seem  to  prove  that  Severus  was  really  anxious  to  restore  discipline 
Herodian  is  the  only  historian  who  accuses  him  of  being  tlie  first  cause  of 
Its  relaxation  —  G.  from  W.  SpArtiau  mentions  his  increase  of  lh« 
pay.  —  M 


or    THI-     RO.-MviN    tMPIRE.  14? 

that  from  all  the  l(!j2;ioiis  of  tlie  frontiers,  tlic  soitliors  ni  aX  ilis- 
tingiii.slieil  ibr  streiifflli,  valor,  and  fidelity,  slunild  Ix;  occasion 
ally  draughted;  and  promoted,  as  an  lioiior  and  reward,  into 
the  more  el[gil)lc  service  of  the  j^iiards.'''''  By  this  new  insti- 
•utlon,  the  Italian  youth  were  diverted  from  the  exercise  of 
arms  and  the  capital  was  terrified  by  the  strange  aspect  and 
•nanners  of  a  multitude  of  barbarians.  But  Severns  flattered 
.limself,  that  the  lernons  would  consider  tliese  chosen  Pia'to 
riuns  as  the  representatives  of  the  whoh;  n)ilitary  order  ;  and 
that  the  present  aid  of  fifty  tiiousand  men,  superior  in  ariiij 
and  appointments  to  any  force  that  could  be  brought  into  tiie 
field  aj'ainst  them,  would  forever  crush  the  iiopes  of  rcbel- 
hon,  and  secure  the  empire  to  himself  and  his  |)osterity. 

The  command  of  these  favored  and  formidable  troops  soon 
oecame  the  first  office  of  tlie  emi)ire.  As  the  government 
degenerated  into  military  despotism,  tlie  IVtetorian  Pricft'ct 
wlio  in  his  origin  had  been  a  simple  captain  of  the  guards,* 
was  placed  not  only  at  the  head  of  the  army,  but  of  the 
finances,  and  even  of  the  law.  In  every  departm<Mit  of  ad- 
/ninistration,  he  represented  the  person,  and  exercised  the 
authority,  of  the  emperor.  The  first  prajfect  who  enjoyed 
and  abused  tiiis  immense  power  was  Plautianus,  the  favorite 
minister  of  Severus.  His  reign  lasteii  aixive  ten  years,  till 
the  marriage  of  his  daughter  with  the  eldest  son  of  the  em- 
peror, which  seemed  to  assure  his  fortune,  proved  the  occa- 
sion of  his  ruin.*^**     The  animosities  of  the  palace,  by  irritat- 

«'  Dion,  1.  Ixxiv.  p.  1243. 

*•*  One  ot"  his  most  daring  and  wanton  nets  of  power,  was  the  cas- 
tration of  a  hundred  free  Romans,  soiro  of  them  married  men,  and 
even  fathers  of  families  ;  merely  that  his  daiif^nier,  on  her  marrias^e 
with  the  youn<^  emperor,  might  bo  attended  by  a  train  of  cvinucha 
worthy  of  an  eastern  queen.     Dion,  1.  l.xxvi.  p.  1271. 

•  The  Proetorian  Prncfect  had  never  been  a  simple  captain  of  the  puarda 
from  the  first  creation  of  tliis  ofhce,  under  Auu;ustus,  it  ]>osspssp(l  j^reat 
power.  Tliat  emperor,  tlierofore,  decreed  that  there  sliouhl  lie  alw;iys  two 
Praetorian  Pnufects,  wlio  could  only  be  taken  from  the  cfjuestrian  order. 
Tiberius  first  departed  <!rom  the  former  clause  of  this  edict ;  .Mexander 
Severus  violated  the  second  by  naming  senators  jinrleuts.  It  ajjjiears  that 
it  was  under  Comniodus  that  the  Pra-torian  Pru-focts  obtained  tlie  province 
of  civil  jurisdiction  :  it  extended  only  to  Italy,  with  the  exception  of  Rome 
and  its  district,  which  was  governed  l)y  the  Prafcctus  urbi.  As  to  the  con- 
trol of  the  finances,  and  the  levying  of  taxes,  it  was  not  intrusted  to  thcni 
.ijl  after  the  great  change  that  Con-.tantine  1.  made  in  the  organization  of 
theenipire;  at  least  I  know  no  passage  which  assigns  it  to  them  befor* 
that  time  ;  and  Drakenborch,  who  has  treated  this  (piestion  in  his  Disser 
tation  de  ottioio  pru-fectoium  pralorio,  c.  vi.,  does  not  quote  one.  —  W 


148  THE    UECLINK    AND    tALL 

Lng  the  unibition  and  alarming  the  fears  of  Plautianus,*  ll-rent- 
pned  to  produce  a  revolutioi),  antl  o!jli;j;ed  the  emperor,  wlio 
still  loved  him,  to  consent  with  reluciance  to  his  death.^'S 
After  the  fall  of  Plautianus,  an  ennneiit  ifiwver,  the  celebrated 
Papinian,  was  appointed  to  execute  the  motley  ollice  of  Pree 
torian  Prefect. 

Till  the  reijjn  of  Sevcriis,  the  virtue  and  even  the  good 
sense  of  the  emperors  had  been  distinguished  by  their  zeal  or 
nOected  reverence  for  ihe  senate,  and  bv  a  1endf>r  regard  to 
the  nice  frame  of  civil  poiicv  institutiid  bv  Augusiirs.  ]\u\ 
the  youth  of  Sevcrus  had  been  trained  in  the  imj)licit  obedi- 
ence of  camps,  and  his  riper  years  spent  in  the  despotism  of 
military  command.  His  haughty  and  inflexible  spirit  could 
not  discover,  or  would  not  acknowledge,  the  advantage  of 
preserving  an  intermediate  ]jovver,  however  imaginary,  be- 
tween the  emperor  and  the  army.  He  disdained  to  ])rofesi3 
himself  the  servant  of  an  assembly  that  detesleil  his  person 
and  trembled  at  his  frown  ;  he  issued  his  commands,  where 
his  requests  would  have  proved  as  effectual  ;  assumed  the 
conduct  and  style  of  a  sovereign  and  a  conqueror,  and  exer- 
cised, without  disguise,  the  whole  legislative,  as  well  as  the 
executive  nower. 

The  victory  over  the  senate  was  easy  and  inglorious. 
Every  eye  and  ^very  passion  were  directed  to  the  supreme 
magistrate,  who  possessed  the  arms  and  treasure  of  the  state  ; 
whilst  the  senate,  neither  elected  by  the  people,  nor  guarded 
by  military   force,  nor  animated   by   public   spirit,   reeled   its 


«9  Dion,  1.  lxx^'i.  p.  1274.     Hciodian,  1.  iii.  p.  122,  129.     Thesiani- 
marian  of  A.lexaudria  seems,  as  is  not  unusual,  much  better  acq  uaLut 
pd  -with  tins  mysterious  transaction,  and  more  a.-^sured  ot  the  gui.t  of 
Plautianus  tlian  the  Roman  senator  ventures  to  be. 


*  Plautianus  was  cnmy)afriot,  relative,  ana  the  old  friend,  nf  Foveru.«  , 
he  had  so  completely  shut  up  all  access  to  the  emperor,  that  tlie  latter  was 
ignorant  how  far  he  abused  his  powers  :  at  length,  being  inforuied  of  it,  hi 
began  to  limit  his  autlmrity.  I'lu'  uuiri'iage  of  Plautilla  with  Caraealla 
\yas  unfortunate ;  and  the  prince  who  had  been  forced  to  ronscul  to  it, 
menaced  the  fallicr  and  the  daughter  with  death  when  he  should  come  to 
the  throne.  It  was  feared,  after  that,  tlnit  Plautianus  wouhl  avail  hiaiself 
of  the  power  which  iTe  still  possessed,  against  the  Iniiierial  famil)  ;  and 
Eeverua  caused  him  to  be  assassinated  in  Ids  presence,  upon  tlie  pretext 
of  a  conspiracy,  wliich  Dion  considers  fictitious.  —  Vv'.  'I'liis  noU-  is  not, 
perhaps,  very  necessary,  and  does  not  contain  the  whole  facts.  Dion  C(m 
siders  the  conspiracy  the  invention  of  Caracalla,  by  wlioso  r-nmnaiui, 
almost  by  whoic  hand,  I'lautianus  was  siuin  in  the  pre'-eiice  ot  Sevp 
ru8.  —  M." 


OP    THE    ROMAN    KMPIRF,.  \4it 

rleclininsf  Miiiliority  on  llic  frail  cud  criunljlinr,'  In.^is  of  aiKMoiit 
0(»ini«iii.  'I'lic  fine  theory  of  a  re|r'ililic  iiiscii-:i;)lv  v;misli(!(l, 
and  made  way  for  the  more  natural  anil  snbMa.nlial  feelirifia 
of  nionareliy.  As  the  freedom  and  honors  of  Rome  were 
succ(!ssively  connuiinicated  to  the  provinces,  in  which  the  old 
government  had  been  either  unknown,  or  was  renu'mhercd 
with  abhorrencfj,  fhe  tradition  of  rej)uhlic;'.n  ma.xims  was 
gradually  obliterated.  The  (jlreek  historians  of  the  a,t!;e  of 
the  Anioiiines""  observe,  with  a  malicious  |)leas-ure,  that  al- 
thou<i;h  the  sovereiirn  of  Rouk;,  in  compliance  wilh  an  obsolete 
prejudice,  abstained  from  the  nan^e  of  kin^,  h(!  possessed  the 
lull  measure  of  re'ial  power.  In  the  reiij:;n  of  Severus,  the 
senate  was  Idled  with  polislied  and  (doquent  slaves  from  the 
eastern  provinces,  who  justified  personal  flattery  by  specula- 
tive principles  of  servitude.  Thi^se  new  advocates  of  pre- 
rogative were  heard  with  pleasure  by  fhe  court,  and  v/ith 
patience  by  the  people,  when  tlu^y  inculcated  the  duty  of  j)as- 
sive  obedience,  and  descanteil  on  the  inevitable  mischi(;fs  of 
freedom.  The  lawyers  and  historians  concurred  in  teaching, 
that  the  Imperial  authority  was  held,  not  by  the  delegated 
commission,  but  by  the  irrevocable  resignation  of  the  senate  ; 
cliat  the  emperor  was  freed  from  the  restraint  of  civil  laws, 
could  command  by  his  arbitrary  will  the  lives  and  fortunes  ot 
his  subjects,  and  might  dispose  of  the  empire  as  of  his  private 
patrimony."'  The  most  eminent  of  the  civil  lawyers,  and 
particularly  I'apinian,  Paulus,  and  Ulpian,  fiourisluid  under 
the  house  of  Sevcrus;  and  the  Roman  jurisprudence,  having 
closely  united  itself  with  the  system  oi"  monarchy,  was  sup- 
posed to  have  attained  its  full  maturity  and  perfection. 

The  contemporaries  of  Severus,  in  the  enjoyment  of  the 
peace  and  glory  of  his  reign,  forgave  the  crucdties  by  which 
it  had  been  introduced.  Posterity,  who  experienced  the  fatal 
eliecls  of  his  maxims  and  example,  justly  considered  him  as 
the  principal  author  of  the  decline  of  the  Roman  em[)ire. 


""  Api.ian  in  Pioa?in. 

•  Dion  L'as.-;iu.-(  seem-!  to  liavo  written  witli  no  otliur  view  tlian  to 
►orm  these  opinions  intn  an  historical  system.  The  I'r.iidcits  will 
ihow  how  assiduously  tlie  lawyers,  on  their  side,  labored  n  the  cuuae 
?1"  prerogative. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

TlfE    DEATH    OF    SEVERUS. TYRANNY  OF    CMIACALLA.-   •  USUH- 

PATION    OF     MACRINUS. FOLLIES     OF     ELAGaBALI'S.    —VIR- 
TUES   OF    ALEXANDER     SEVERUS. LICENTIOUSNESS    OF    TH« 

ARMY. GENERAL    STATE    OF    THE    ROMAN    FINANCES. 

The  ascent  to  greatness,  however  steep  and  dangerous,  may 
entertain  an  active  sf)irit  with  the  consciousness  and  exercise 
of  its  own  powers  :  hut  the  possession  of"  a  throne  could  never 
yet  airord  a  lasting  satisfaction  to  an  ambitious  mind.  This 
melancholy  truth  was  felt  and  acknowledged  by  Severus. 
Fortune  and  merit  had,  from  an  humble  station,  elevated  hini 
to  the  first  place  among  mankind,  "  lie  had  been  all  things," 
as  he  said  himself,  ■•'  and  all  was  of  little  value."  •  Distracted 
with  the  care,  not  of  acquiring,  but  of  preserving  an  empire, 
oppressed  with  age  and  infirmitieo,  careless  of  fame,'^  and 
satiated  with  power,  all  his  prospects  of  life  were  closed. 
The  desire  of  perpetuating  the  greatness  of  his  family  was 
the  only  remaining  wish  of  his  ambition  and  paternal  ten« 
derness. 

Like  most  of  the  Africans,  Severus  was  passionately  ad- 
dicted to  the  vain  studies  of  magic  and  divination,  deeply 
versed  in  the  interpretation  of  dreams  and  omens,  and  per- 
fectly acquainted  with  the  science  of  judicial  astrology  ;  which, 
in  almost  every  age,  except  the  present,  has  maintained  its 
dominion  over  the  mind  of  man.  He  had  lost  his  first  wife, 
while  he  was  governor  of  the  Lionnese  Gaul.^  In  the  choice 
of  a  second,  he  sought  only  to  connect  himself  with  some  fa- 
vorite of  fortune  ;  and  as  soon  as  he  had  discovered  that  the 

•  Hist.  August,  p.  71.     "Omnia  fui,  et  nihil  expedit." 

'  Dion  Cassius,    1.  Ixxvi.  p.  1284. 

'  About  the  year  ISG.  M.  dc  Tillemont  is  miserably  ombarrnsaod 
with  a  passage  of  Dion,  in  wliicli  the  empress  Faustina,  who  dieci  iii 
the  year  17o,  is  introduced  as  having  contributed  to  the  marriage  ot 
S»-«>rus  and  Julia,  (1.  Ixxiv.  p.  I'lA'.i.)  'Die  learned  compiler  forgot 
that  Dion  is  relating  not  a  real  lad,  but  a  dream  of  Severus;  a;;d 
dreams  are  circumscribed  to  no  limits  of  tin  c  or  space.  Did  M.  de 
riUcmont  imagine  that  marriages  were  con.summntcd  in  the  temple  of 
V'enus  at  Home  i  Hist,  des  Empcreurs,  torn.  iii.  p.  389.  Nottt  % 
loj 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMI'IRE  151 

yoiinf^  lu  iy  of  Emesa  in  Syria  luid  a  rni/nl  tidfiviti;,  he  solicit 
oa\  and  obluined  huv  hand."*  Julia  Domua  (fur  that  was  nor 
name)  deserved  all  that  the  stars  could  promise  lier.  Sha 
possessed,  even  in  advanced  age,  the  attractions  of  beauty,* 
and  united  to  a  lively  imagination  a  firmness  of  mind,  and 
strength  of  judgment,  seldom  bestowed  on  her  sex.  Her 
amiable  ([ualities  never  made  any  deep  impression  on  tlie 
dark  and  jealous  temper  of  her  husband  ;  i)ut  in  her  son's 
reign,  she  administered  the  principal  allairs  of  the  empire, 
with  a  prudence  that  supported  his  authority,  and  with  a  mod- 
eration that  sometimes  corrected  his  wild  extravagancies.'* 
Julia  appliec]  herself  to  letters  and  philosophy,  with  some  sue 
cess,  and  with  the  most  si)lendid  rejjutation.  She  was  the  pat- 
roness of  every  art,  and  the  friend  of  every  man  of  genius.'' 
The  grateful  flattery  of  the  learned  has  celebrated  lier  virtues  ; 
but,  if  we  may  credit  the  scandal  of  ancient  history,  chastity 
was  very  far  from  being  tlie  most,  conspicuous  virtue  of  the 
empress  Julia.^ 

Two  sons,  Caracalla^  and  Geta,  were  the  fruit  of  this  mar- 
riage, and  the  destined  heirs  of  the  empire.  The  fond  hopes 
of  the  fatiier,  and  of  the  Roman  world,  were  soon  disap- 
pointed by  these  vain  youths,  who  displayed  the  indolent  se- 
curity of  hereditary  princes ;  and  a  presumption  that  fortune 
would  supply  the  place  of  merit  and  application.  Without 
any  emulation  of  virtue  or  talents,  they  discovered,  almost 
from  their  infancy,  a  fixed  and  implacable  antipathy  for  each 
other. 

Their  aversion,  confirmed  by  years,  and  fomented  by  the 
arts  of  their  intc^rested  favorites,  broke  out  in  childish,  and 
graiiually  in  more  serious  comj)etilions  ;  and,  at  length,  divided 
the   theatre,  the  circus,  and  the  court,  into  two  factions,  actu- 

"*  Hist.  AuQ;ust.  p.  65. 

•  Hist.  Auj^ust.  p.  .5. 

"  Dion  C;i.s.sius,  1.  Ixxvii.  p.  in04,  1314. 

''  See  a  dissertation  of  Moiia;;c,  at  tho  end  of  liis  edition  of  Dioge- 
nt3  I^acrtius,  do  Fa'ininis  Philoso]jhis. 

■*  Dion,  1.  lx.xvi.  p.  128o.     Aurclius  Vict)r. 

•  l{as8ianus  was  his  first  name,  as  it  had  been  that  of  his  maternal 
grai.dfathcr.  Durinj;  his  reign,  he  assumed  the  appellation  of  An- 
toninus, which  is  employed  by  lawyers  and  ancient  historians.  Ai'tcl 
his  death,  tho  public  indignation  loaded  hini  with  the  nicknames  of 
Tarantus  n-nd  Caiaealla.  The  first  was  borrowed  from  a  celebrated 
Gladiator,  the  s=>cond  from  a  long  Uallic  gown  which  he  distrihuteu 

*j  the  ptijplo  of  Rome. 


152  THE    DECLINE    AI\D    FALL. 

ated  by  the  hopes  and  fear-i  of  their  respective  lead(;rs.  The 
prudent  emperor  endeavo.ed,  by  every  expedjent  of  advice 
and  authority,  to  allay  this  growing  animosity.  The  unhappy 
discord  of  his  sons  clouded  all  his  prospects,  and  threatened  to 
overturn  a  throne  raised  with  so  much  labor,  cemented  with 
so  much  blood,  and  guarded  with  every  defence  of  arms  and 
treasure.  With  an  impartial  hand  he  maintained  between 
the .11  an  exact  balance  of  favor,  conferred  on  both  the  rank 
of  Augustus,  with  the  revered  name  of  Antoninus ;  and  t'oi 
the  first  time  the  Roman  world  beheld  three  emperors  ^^  Yet 
even  this  equal  conduct  served  only  to  inflame  the  contest, 
whilst  the  fierce  Caracalla  asserted  the  right  of  primogeniture, 
and  the  milder  Geta  courted  the  affections  of  the  people  and 
the  soldiers.  In  the  anguish  of  a  disappointed  father,  Severu3 
foretold  that  the  weaker  of  his  sons  would  fall  a  sacrifice  to 
the  stronger;  who,  in  his  turn,  would  be  ruined  by  his  own 
vices. ^1 

In  these  circumstances  the  intelligence  of  a  war  in  Britain, 
and  of  an  invasion  of  the  province  by  the  barbarians  of  the 
North,  was  received  with  pleasure  by  Severus.  Though  the 
vigilance  of  his  lieutenants  might  have  been  sufficient  to  repel 
the  distant  enemy,  he  resolved  to  embrace  the  honorable  pre- 
text of  withdrawing  his  sons  from  the  luxury  of  Rome,  which 
enervated  their  minds  and  irritated  their  passions  ;  and  of  in- 
.  ring  their  youth  to  the  toils  of  war  and  government.  Not- 
withstanding his  advanced  age,  (for  he  was  above  threescore,) 
and  his  gout,  which  obliged  him  to  be  carried  in  a  litter,  he 
transported  himself  in  person  into  that  remote  island,  attended 
by  his  two  sons,  his  whole  court,  and  a  formidable  army.  He 
immediately  passed  the  walls  of  Hadrian  and  Antoninus,  and 
ntered  the  enemy's  country,  with  a  design  of  completing  the 
ong  attempted  conquest  of  Britain.  He  pcsnetrated  to  the 
northern  extremity  of  the  island,  without  meeting  an  enemy. 
I'ut  the  concealed  ambuscades  of  the  Caledonians,  who  hung 
unseen  on  the  rear  and  flanks  of  his  army,  the  coldness  of  the 
climate,  and  the  severity  of  a  winter  march  across  the  hills 
tnd  morasses  of  Scotland,  are  reported  to  have  cost  the 
Romans   above    fifty    thousand    men.      The    Caledonians   at 

'"  The  elevation  of  Caracalla  is  fixed  by  the'  accurate  M.  de  Tille- 
naont  to  the  year  19H  ;  the  association  of  Gcta  to  the  year  '208. 

"  llerodian,  1.  iii.  p.  130.  The  lives  of  Caracalla  uiul  (iota,  iii  the 
A.ugu»tau  History. 


OF  Till:  ROMAN   v:mpii?e.  15M 

length  yielded  to  llie  powerful  aiul  ob.stiniile  attack,  sued  for 
peace,  and  suiieiidercd  a  |)art  of  their  arms,  and  a  large  irac! 
of  territory-  But  tiieir  a|»[)arent  subinissioii  lasted  no  longe.* 
than  the  present  terror.  As  soon  as  the  Rom;in  legions  han 
retired,  they  resumed  their  hostile  independence.  Their  rest, 
less  spirit  provoked  Severus  to  send  a  new  army  inl-i  t  n'e* 
(Ionia,  with  the  most  bloody  orders,  not  to  subdue  hut  i"  «'^- 
tirpate  the  natives.  They  were  saved  l>v  the  deatii  ol  t).r'» 
hauglity  enemy. ''"= 

This  Caledonian  war,  neither  markerl  by  d(>cis:ve  event- 
nor  attended  with  any  important  consequences,  would  ill  de- 
serve our  at'ention  ;  but  it  is  sujtposed,  not  without  a  consi'l 
erable  degree  of  probability,  that  the  invasion  of  Severus  i> 
connected  with  the  most  shining  period  of  the  British  history 
or  fable.  Fingal,  whose  fame,  with  that  of  his  heroes  and 
bards,  has  been  revived  in  our  language  by  a  recent  publica- 
tion, is  said  to  have  commanded  the  Caledonians  in  that  mem- 
orable juncture,  to  h;ive  eluded  tjie  power  of  Severus,  and  to 
have  obtained  a  signal  victory  on  the  banks  of  the  Carun,  in 
which  the  son  of  the  King  of  the  World,  Caracul,  fled  from 
his  arms  along  the  fields  of  his  pride.'-'  Somethmg  of  a 
doubtful  naist  still  hangs  over  these  Highland  traditions  ;  nor 
can  it  be  entirely  dispelled  by  the  most  ingenious  res(>arches 
of  modern  criticism  ;  '•*  but  if  we  could,  with  safety,  indulge 
the  pleasing  supp(jsition,  that  Fingal  lived,  and  that  Ossian 
sung,  the  striking  contrast  of  the  situation  and  manners  of  the 
contending  nations  might  amuse  a  philosophic  mind.  The 
parallel  would   be  little  to  the  advantage  of  liie  more  civilized 


"  Dion,  1.  Ixxvi.  p.  ViSO,  &c.     Ilerodian,  1.  iii.  p.  132,  &c. 

'•'  Ossian's  Poems,  vol.  i.  p.  175. 

'■•That  the  Caracul  of  Ossian  is  the  Caracalla  of  the  Ronian  Histo- 
ry, is,  perhaps,  llic  only  point  of  British  antiquity  in  wliicli  Mr. 
Macphcrson  and  Mr.  Whitaker  are  of  the  same  opinton  ;  and  yet  the 
0])inion  is  not  without  ditnculty.  In  the  Caledonian  war,  tiie'son  of 
Severus  was  known  only  by  the  api:eIiation  of  Autnninu^s,  and  it  may 
seem  stranije  that  the  Highland  bard  should  describe  i\iin  by  n  nick- 
name, invented  four  years  afterwards,  scarcely  us(-d  by  the  Komaua 
till  alter  the  death  of  that  emperor,  and  scidoiu  cmploved  by  the 
most  ancient  historians.  See  Dion,  1.  Ixxvii.  p.  i:jl7.  Hist.  '  Au- 
gust.  p.  89.     Aurol.  Victor.     Euacb.  in  (Jlu-on.  ad  ann.  214.* 


*  The  historical  authority  of  Miicphorson's  Ossian  liiis  lut  increased 
since  Uilibon  wro'.c.  AVc  may,  indci'd,  cousifler  it  exploded.  Mr.  Wlila- 
Kcr,  in  a  1-tter  tn  f}ilil)(in,  (Slisc.  W(nks,  vol.  ii.  p  I'V),)  <.  tinai  ts,  not 
rery  succcseriilly.  to  weaken  this  objccliun  of  the  histv.rian.  -  -  M. 


15-4  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

peopU'  if  we  compared  the  unrelenting  revenge  of  Severuj 
with  t  le  generous  clemency  of  Fingal ;  the  timid  and  brutal 
crueltv  of  Caracalla  witli  the  bravery,  the  te  derness,  the 
elegant  genius  of  Ossian  ;  the  mercenary  chiets,  who,  from 
motives  of  fear  or  interest,  served  under  the  Imperial  stan- 
dard, with  the  free-born  warriors  who  started  Jo  arms  at  tho 
voice  of  the  king  of  Morven  ;  if,  in  a  word,  we  contemplated 
the  untutored  Caledonians,  glowing  vwith  the  warm  virtues  of 
nature,  and  the  degenerate  Romans,  polluted  with  ihe  mean 
vices  of  wealth  and  slavery. 

The  declining  health  and  last  illness  of  Severus  inflamed 
the  wild  ambition  and  black  passions  of  Caracalla's  soul 
Impatient  of  any  delay  or  division  of  empire,  he  attempted, 
more  than  once,  to  shorten  the  small  remainder  of  his  father's 
days,  a  ad  endeavored,  but  without  success,  to  excite  a  mutiny 
among  the  troops.^^  The  old  emperor  had  often  censured  the 
misguided  lenity  of  Marcus,  who,  by  a  single  act  of  justice, 
might  have  saved  the  Romans  from  the  tyranny  of  his  worth- 
less oon.  Placed  in  the  same  situation,  he  experienced  how 
easily  the  rigor  of  a  judge  dissolves  away  in  the  tenderness 
of  a  parent.  He  deliberated,  he  threatened,  but  he  could  not 
punish  ;  and  this  last  and  only  instance  of  mercy  was  more 
fatal  to  the  empire  than  a  long  series  of  cruelty. "J  The  dis- 
ordei  of  his  mind  irritated  the  pains  of  his  body  ;  he  wished 
impatiently  for  death,  and  hastened  the  instant  of  it  by  his 
impatience.  He  expired  at  York,  in  the  sixty-fifth  year  of 
his  life,  and  in  the  eighteenth  of  a  glorious  and  successful 
reign.  In  his  last  moments  he  recommended  concord  to  his 
sons,  and  his  sons  to  the  army.  The  salutary  advice  never 
reached  the  heart,  or  even  the  understanding,  of  the  impet- 
uous youths;  but  the  more  obedient  troops,  mindful  of  their 
oath  of  allegiance,  and  of  the  authority  of  their  deceased  mas 
fer,  resisted  the  solicitations  of  Caracalla,  and  proclaimed  both 
orothers  emperors  of  Rome.  The  new  princes  soon  left  the 
Caledonians  in  peace,  returned  to  the  capital,  celebrated  their 
father's  funeral  with  divine  honors,  and  were  cheerfully  ac- 
knowledged as  lawful  .sovereigns,  by  the  senate,  the  people 
md  the  provinces.  Some  preeminence  of  rank  seems  to 
luve  been  allowed  to  the  elder  brother;  but  they  botii  ailmin- 
istered  the  empire  with  equal  and  independent  power.'' 

'*  Dion,  I.  Ixxvi.  p.  1282.     Hist.  Auf,'ust.  p.  71.     Aurel.  Victor. 
'«  Dion,  1.  Ixxvi.  p.  I'lH-i.     Hist.  August,  p.  89. 
"'  Dion,  1.  Ixxvi.  p.  1281.     llcrodian,  1.  iii.  p.  135. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  155 

Such  a  'Jividea  form  of  govcrnmeit  would  have  proved  a 
lource  ot  discord  between  the  most  all'ectionate  brothers.  It 
was  impossible  that  it  could  long  subsist  between  two  impla- 
cable enemies,  wiio  neither  desired  nor  could  trust  a  reconcil- 
iation. It  was  visible  that  one  only  could  reign,  and  that  the 
other  must  fall  ;  and  each  of  them,  judging  of  his  rival':? 
desig.13  by  his  own,  guarded  his  life  with  the  most  jealous 
vigila-^;e  from  the  repeated  attacks  of  poison  or  the  sword. 
Their  rapid  journey  through  Gaul  and  Italy,  during  which 
Uiey  never  ate  at  the  same  table,  or  slept  in  the  same  house, 
displayed  to  the  provinces  the  odious  spectacle  of  fraternal 
discord.  On  their -arrival  at  Rome,  they  immediately  divided 
the  vast  extent  of  the  impcrlbl  palace. ^*^  No  communication 
was  allowed  between  their  apartments  ;  the  doors  and  pas- 
sages were  diligently  fortified,  and  guards  posted  and  relieved 
with  the  same  strictness  as  in  a  besieged  place.  The  empe- 
rors met  only  in  public,  in  the  presence  of  their  afflicted 
mother;  and  each  surrounded  by  a  numerous  train  of  armed 
followers.  Even  on  these  occasions  of  ceremony,  the  dissirn- 
alalion  of  courts  could  ill  disguise  the  rancor  of  tlieir  hearts. ^^ 

This  latent  civil  war  already  distracted  the  whole  govern- 
ment, when  a  scheme  was  suggested  that  seemed  of  mutual 
benefit  to  the  hostile  brothers.  It  was  proposed,  that  since  it 
was  impossible  to  reconcile  their  minds,  they  should  separate 
their  hiterest,  and  divide  the  empire  between  them.  The 
conditions  of  the  treaty  were  already  drawn  with  some  accu- 

'*  Mr.  Hume  is  justly  surprised  at  a  passage  of  Ilorodian,  (1.  iv.  p 
139,)  who,  on  this  occasion,  represents  tlio  Imperial  palace  as  equal 
m  extent  to  the  rest  of  Rome.  The  whole  region  of  the  I'alatina 
Mount,  on  which  it  was  built,  occuj)ied,  at  most,  a  circumference  of 
eleven  or  twelve  thousand  feet,  (see  the  Notitia  and  Victor,  in  Nar- 
dini'8  Roma  Antica.)  Rut  we  should  recollect  that  the  opulent 
senators  had  almost  surrounded  the  ci:y  with  their  extensive  gardens 
and  suburb  palaces,  the  greatest  part  of  which  had  been  gradually 
".ontiscatcd  by  the  em])erors.  If  (ieta  resided  in  the  gardens  that 
oore  his  name  on  the  Janiculum,  and  if  C.'aracalla  inhabited  the  gar- 
dens of  Miecenas  on  the  Es(juiline,  the  rival  brothers  were  scjiarated 
from  each  other  by  the  distance  of  several  miles ;  and  yet  the  m- 
tcrmediate  space  was  tilled  by  the  Imperial  gardens  of  8allu.st,  of 
LucuUus,  of  Agrippa,  of  Domitian,  of  Caius,  iS:c.,  all  skirting  round 
the  city,  and  all  connected  with  each  (ther,  ai.d  with  the  palace,  by 
bridges  thrown  ovc~  the  Tiber  and  the  streets.  But  this  ex])lanation 
•^f  Ilorodian  would  require,  though  it  ill  deserves,  a  particular  difser- 
lation.  illustrated  l)y  a  map  of  ancient  Rome.  (Hume,  Essay  on 
Poyulousncss  of  Ancient  Nations.  — M.'j 

'*  Hcrodian,  I.  iv.  p.  133. 


156  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

racy.  Il  was  agreed,  that  Caracalla,  as  the  elder  brother 
Bho'ild  remain  in  possession  of  Ejrope  and  the  western 
Africa  ;  and  that  he  should  relinquish  the  sovereignty  of  Asia 
and  Egypt  to  Geta,  who  might  fix  his  residence  at  Alexandria 
or  Antioch,  cities  little  inferior  to  Rome  itself  in  wealth  ana 
greatness ;  tliut  numerous  armies  should  be  constantly  en- 
camped on  either  side  of  the  Thracian  Bosphorus,  to  guard 
the  frontiers  of  the  rival  monarchies  ;  and  that  the  senators 
of  European  extraction  should  acknowledge  the  sovereign  of 
liome,  whilst  the  natives  o/  Asia  followed  the  emperor  of  the 
East.  The  tears  of  the  empress  Julia  interrupted  tne  nego- 
tiation, the  first  idea  of  which  had  filled  every  Roman  breast 
with  surprise  and  indignation.  The  mighty  mass  of  conquest 
was  so  intimately  united  by  the  hand  of  time  and  policy,  that 
it  required  the  most  forcible  violence  to  rend  it  asunder.  The 
Romans  had  reason  to  dread,  that  the  disjointed  membera 
would  soon  be  reduced  by  a  civil  war  under  the  dominion  of 
one  master ;  but  if  the  separation  was  permanent,  the  division 
of  the  provinces  must  terminate  in  the  dissolution  of  an  empire 
whose  unity  had  liitherto  remained  inviolate.^" 

Had  the  treaty  been  carried  into  execution,  the  sovereign 
of  Europe  might  soon  have  been  the  conqueror  of  Asia  ;  but 
Caracalla  obtained  an  easier,  though  a  more  guilty,  victory. 
He  artfully  listened  to  his  mother's  entreaties,  and  consented 
to  meet  his  brother  in  her  apartment,  on  terms  of  peace  and 
reconciliation.  In  the  midst  of  their  conversation,  some  cen 
turions,  who  had  contrived  to  conceal  themselves,  rushed  with 
drawn  swords  upon  the  unfortunate  Geta.  His  distracted 
mother  strove  to  protect  him  in  her  arms ;  but,  in  the  una- 
vailing struggle,  she  was  Avounded  in  the  hand,  and  covered 
with  the  blood  of  her  younger  son,  while  she  saw  the  elder 
animating  and  assisting  ^i  the  fury  of  the  assassins.  As  soon 
as  the  deed  was  perpeti-ated,  Caracalla,  with  liasty  steps,  and 
horror  in  his  countenance,  ran  towards  the  Pniitorian  camp, 
as  his  only  refuge,  and  threw  liims(;lf  on  the  ground  before 
the  statues  of  the  tutelar  deities.-^     The  soldiers  attempted  {.) 

*'  Ilcroclian,  1.  iv.  p.  144. 

"'  Caracalla  consecratod,  in  the  temple  of  Rcrapis,  the  sword  with 
which,  as  he  boasted,  he  had  slain  his  brother  Ueta.  Dion,  1.  Ixxvii. 
p.  l:J07. 

*'  Herodian,  1.  iv.  p.  147.  In  every  llonian  cnmp  there  was  a 
Bni'iU  chapel  near  tlic  head-quarters,  iv  which  the  statues  of  the 
tutelai  deities  were  preserved  and  udorcd  ,  and  wc  m.'iy  reuiai'lt,  that 


OF    THE    ROMAN    £311  IRE.  157 

raise  and  comfort  him.  In  broken  and  disoidcred  words  he 
informed  them  of  his  imminent  danger  and  fortunate  escape ; 
insinuating  that  he  had  prevented  the  designs  of  his  enemy, 
and  dechired  his  resolution  to  hve  and  die  with  his  faithful 
troops.  Geta  had  been  the  favorite  of  tlie  soldiers;  but  com- 
plaint was  useless,  revenge  was  dangerous,  and  they  still 
reverenced  the  son  of  Scverus.  Their  discontent  died  away 
in  idle  nmrmurs,  and  Caracalla  soon  convinced  them  of  the 
justice  of  his  cause,  by  distributing  in  one  lavish  donative  the 
accumulated  treasures  of  his  father's  reign.23  The  real  sen- 
timents  of  the  soldiers  alone  were  of  importance  to  his  power 
or  safety.  Their  declaration  in  his  favor  commanded  the 
dutiful  professions  of  the  senate.  The  obsequious  assembly 
was  always  prepared  to  ratify  the  decision  of  fortune  ;  *  but 
as  Caracalla  wished  to  assuage  the  first  emotions  of  public 
indignation,  the  name  of  Geta  was  mentioned  with  decency, 
and  he  received  the  funeral  honors  of  a  Roman  emperor.^'* 
Posterity,  in  pity  to  his  misfortune,  has  cast  a  veil  over  \\\s 
vices.  We  consider  that  young  |)rince  as  the  innocent  victim 
of  his  brother's  ambition,  without  recollecting  that  he  himself 
wanted  power,  rather  than  inclination,  to  consummate  the 
same  attempts  of  revenge  and  murder.t 

The  crime  went  not  unpunished.  Neither  business,  nor 
pleasure,  nor  flattery,  could  defend  Caracalla  from  the  stings 
of  a  guilty  conscience  ;  and  he  confessed,  in  the  anguish  of  a 
tortured  mind,  that  his  disordered  fancy  often  beheld  the  angry 
forms  of  his  father  and  his  brother  rising  into  life,  to  threaten 


the  eagles,  and  other  military  ensitjns,  were  in  the  first  rank  of  these 
deities  ;  an  excellent  institution,  which  contirmed  discipline  by  the 
sanction  of  relii^aon.     Sec  Lipsius  de  Militia  Komanii,  iv.  5,  v.  2. 

^'  Ilerodian,  1.  iv.  p.  118.     Dion,  1.  Ixxvii.  p.  1289. 

**  Geta  was  placed  among  the  gods.  Sit  diviis,  dura  non  sit  vivus, 
eaid  his  brother.  Hist.  August,  p.  91.  Some  marks  of  Geta'* 
consecration  are  still  found  upon  medals. 


•  The  account  of  this  transaction,  in  a  new  passage  of  Dion,  varies  in 
»iome  degree  from  this  statement.  It  adds  lluit  the  ilext  morning,  in  the 
senate,  Antoninus  roquested  their  indulgence,  not  because  he  had  killed  his 
brother,  but  because  he  was  hoarse,  and  could  not  address  them.  Mai. 
Fragm.  Vatican,  p.  228.  —  M. 

t  The  ftivorable  judgment  which  history  has  given  of  Geta  is  not  founded 
•olely  on  a  feeling  of  pity  ;  it  is  supported  by  the  testimony  of  coTitem- 
porary  historians  :  he  was  too  fond  of  the  pleasures  of  the  table,  and 
ihowed  great  mistrust  of  his  brother;  but  he  was  humane,  well  instructed; 
he  often  endeavored  to  mitigate  the  rigorous  decrees  of  Severus  and  Cara 
;alla.     Herod,  iv   3.      Spartian  in  Geta.  —  W. 


ll>8  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

and  upbraid  hiin."^  ^1^3  consciousness  of  his  crime  should 
have  induced  him  to  convince  mankind,  by  the  virtues  of  his 
reign,  that  the  bloody  deed  had  been  the  involuntary  efl'act 
of  fatal  necessity.  But  the  i^epentance  of  Caracalla  only 
prompted  him  to  remove  from  the  world  whatever  could 
remind  him  of  his  guilt,  or  recall  the  memory  of  his  murdered 
brother.  On  his  return  from  the  senate  to  the  palace,  h« 
found  his  mother  in  the  company  of  several  noble  matrons, 
weeping  over  the  untimely  fate  of  her  younger  son.  The 
jealous  emperor  threatened  them  with  instant  death  ;  the  sen- 
tence was  executed  against  Fadilla,  the  last  remaining  daughter 
of  the  emperor  Marcus;*  and  even  the  afflicted  Julia  waa 
obliged  to  silence  her  lamentations,  to  suppress  her  sighs,  and 
to  receive  the  assassin  with  smites  of  joy  and  approbation.  It 
was  computed  that,  under  the  vague  appellation  of  the  friends 
of  Geta,  above  twenty  thousand  persons  of  both  sexes  suffered 
death.  His  guards  and  freedmen,  the  ministers  of  his  serious 
business,  and  the  companions  of  his  looser  hours,  those  who 
by  his  interest  had  been  promoted  to  any  commands  in  the 
army  or  provinces,  with  the  long-connected  chain  of  their 
dependants,  were  included  in  the  proscription  ;  which  endeav 
ored  to  reach  every  one  who  had  maintained  the  smallest 
correspondence  with  Geta,  who  lamented  his  death,  or  who 
even  mentioned  his  name.-^  Helvius  Pertinax,  son  to  the 
prince  of  that  name,  lost  his  life  by  an  unseasonable  wit- 
ticism.2^     It  was  a  sufficient  crime  of  Thrasea  Priscus  to  be 

»■  -  I,  ■  ...  ,._,__■——  ■  __ .1         ,^ 

«  Dion,  1.  Ixxvii.  p.  1307. 

'^  Dion,  1.  Ixxvii.  p.  1290.  Hcrodian,  1.  iv.  p.  150.  Dion  (p. 
1298)  says,  that  the  comic  poets  no  longer  durst  employ  the  name 
of  Geta  in  their  plays,  and  that  the  estates  of  those  who  mentioned 
it  in  their  testaments  were  contiscatcd. 

^''  Caracalla  had  assumed  the  names  of  several  conquered  nations  ; 
Pertinax  observed,  that  the  name  of  Geticus  (he  had  obtained  some 
advantage  over  the  Goths,  or  Geta;)  would  be  a  proper  addition  to 
i:*athicii8,  Alemannicus,  &c.     Hist.  August,  p.  89. 


*  The  most  vahiable  paragraph  of  Dion,  which  the  industry  of  M.  Mai 
has  lecovercd,  relates  to  this  daughter  of  Marcus,  executed  by  Caracalla. 
Her  name,  as  appears  from  Fronto,  as  well  as  from  Dion,  was  Cornificia. 
When  commanded  to  choose  the  kind  of  death  she  was  to  sufler,  she  burst 
nto  womanish  tears  ;  but  remembering  her  father  Marcus,  she  thus  spoke  :— 
'  O  my  hapless  soid,  {4vij.ik(Ji>,  aniuuda,)  now  imprisoned  ^n  the  body, 
burst  forth  !  be  free  !  show  them,  however  reluctant  to  believe  it,  that  the  4 
art  the  daughter  of  Marcus."  fShe  then  laid  aside  all  her  orn.inients,  and 
preparing  herself  for  death,  ordered  her  veins  to  be  opened  Mai.  Fragm. 
Vatican,  ii.  p.  230.  —  M. 


OF    THE    ROMilN    EMPIRE.  159 

descended  from  a  family  in  which  the  love  of  /iherty  seemed 
an  hereditary  quality.'-^'  The  particular  causes  of  calumny 
nnd  suspicion  were  at  length  exhausted  ;  and  when  a  senator 
was  accused  of  being  a  secret  enemy  to  the  government,  the 
emperor  was  satisfied  with  the  general  proof  that  he  was  a 
man  of  property  and  virtue.  From  this  well-grounded  prin 
ciple  he  frequently  drew  the  most  bloody  inferences.! 

The  execution  of  so  many  innocent  citizens  was  bewaileo 
by  the  secret  tears  of  their  friends  and  families.  The  death 
of  Papinian,  the  Prietorian  Prsefect,  was  lamented  as  a  public 
calamity. f  During  the  last  seven  years  of  Severus,  he  had 
exercised  the  most  important  offices  of  the  state,  and,  by  his 
salutary  influence,  guided  the  emperor's  steps  in  the  paths  of 
justice  and  moderation.  In  full  assurance  of  his  virtue  and 
abilities,  Severus,  on  his  death-bed,  had  conjured  him  to  watch 
over  the  prosperity  and  union  of  the  Imperial  family.^s  The 
honest  labors  of  Papinian  served  only  to  inflame  the  hatred 
■^vhich  Caracalla  had  already  conceived  against  his  father's 
n  'nister.  After  the  murder  of  Geta,  the  Prcefect  was  com- 
ma.'>ded  to  exert  the  powers  of  his  skill  and  eloquence  in  a 
studied  apology  for  that  atrocious  deed.  The  philosophic 
Seneca  had  condescended  to  compose  a  similar  epistle  to  the 
senate,  in  the  name  of  the  son  and  assassin  of  Agrippina.^'^ 
"  That  it  was  easier  to  commit  than  to  justify  a  parricide," 
was  the  glorious  reply  of  Papinian  ;"'i  who  did  not  hesitate 
between  the   loss  of  life  and  that  of  honor.     Such  intrepid 

*'  Dion,  1.  Ixxvii.  p.  1291.  He  was  probably  descended  from  Hel- 
vidius  Priscus,  and  Thrasea  Partus,  those  patriots,  whose  firm,  but 
useless  and  unseasonable,  virtue  has  been  immortalized  by  Tacitus.* 

**  It  is  said  that  Papinian  was  himself  a  relation  of  the  empreaa 
Julia. 

^^  Tacit.  Annal.  xiv.  2. 

"  Hist.  August,  p.  88. 


*  M.  Guizot  is  indif^nant  at  this  "  cold  "  observation  of  Gibbon  on  ine 
noble  character  of  Thrasea ;  but  he  admits  that  his  virtue  was  ztseless  to 
the  public,  and  vnscnsonable  amidst  the  vices  of  his  age.  —  M. 

t  Caracalla  reproached  all  those  who  demanded  no  favors  of  him.  "  It 
la  clear  that  if  you  make  me  no  requests,  you  do  not  trust  me  ;  if  you  do  not 
tiust  me,  you  suspect  me;  if  you  suspect  me,  you  fear  me;  if  you  feat 
me,  you  bate  me."  And  forthwith  he  condemned  them  as  conspirators. 
A  go  3d  specimen  of  the  sorites  in  a  tyrant's  logic.     See  Fni?m.  Vatican. 

i.m— M. 

X  Papinian  was  no  longer  Praetorian  Prefect.  Caracalla  had  deprived 
him  of  that  office  immediately  after  the  death  of  Severus.  Such  is  the 
Btatemcnt  of  Dion  ;  and  the  testimony  of  Spartian,  who  pves  Papinian 
the  Prxtorian  pra^fecture  till  his  death,  is  :f  little  weight  opposed  to  that 
if  t  senator  then  living  at  Rome.  -- W. 


IGO  THE    DECLINE    ANt    FALL 

virliK-,  wliicli  Viad  escaped  pure  and  unsuUiod  from  the 
intrigues  of  courts,  the  habits  of  business,  and  trie  arts  of  hia 
profession,  reflects  more  lustre  on  the  memory  of  Papiniari, 
tlian  all  his  great  employments,  his  numerous  writings,  and 
the  superior  reputation  as  a  lawyer,  which  he  has  preserved 
Ihfougli  every  age  of  the  Roman  jurisprudence.^'^ 

It  had  hitherto  been  the  peculiar  felicity  of  the  Romans,  and 
in  the  \yorst  of  times  the  consolation,  that  the  virtue  of  the 
emi)erors  was  active,  and  their  vice  indolent.  Augustus, 
Trajan,  Hadrian,  and  Marcus  visited  their  extensive  domin- 
ions in  person,  and  their  progress  was  marked  by  ac*s  of  wis- 
dom and  beneficence.  The  tyranny  of  Tiberius,  Nero,  and 
Domitian,  who  resided  almost  constantly  at  Rome,  or  in  the 
adjacent  villas,  was  confined  to  the  senatorial  and  equestrian 
orders.-*-^  But  (Jaracalla  was  the  common  enemy  of  mankind. 
He  left  the  capital  (and  he  never  returned  to  it)  about  a  year 
after  the  murder  of  Geta.  The  rest  of  his  reign  was  spent  i.i 
the  several  provinces  of  the  empire,  particularly  those  of  the 
East,  and  every  province  was  by  turns  the  scene  of  his  rapine 
and  cruelty.  The  senators,  compelled  by  fear  to  attend  hia 
capricious  motions,  were  obliged  to  provide  daily  entertain- 
ments at  an  immense  expense,  which  he  abandoned  with  con- 
tempt to  his  guards  ;  and  to  erect,  in  every  city,  magnificent 
palaces  and  theatres,  which  he  either  disdained  to  visit,  o*" 
ordered  to  be  immediately  thrown  down.  The  most  wealthy 
families  were  ruined  by  partial  fines  and  confiscations,  and 
the  great  body  of  his  subjects  oppressed  by  ingen'-~us  and 
aggravated  taxes. •^'i  In  the  mitlst  of  peace,  and  upon  the 
slightest  provocation,  he  issued  his  commands,  at  Alexandria, 
in  Egypt,  for  a  general  massacre.  From  a  secure  post  in  the 
temple  of  Serapis,  he  viewed  and  directed  the  slaughter  of 
many  thousand  citizens,  as  well  as  strangers,  without  distin- 
guishing either  the  number  or  the  crime  of  the  sufferers ; 
since,  as  he  coolly  informed  the  senate,  all  the  Alexandrians, 
those  who  had  perished,  and  those  who  had  escaped,  were 
alike  guilty.-^^ 

**  "With  regard  to  Papinian,  see  Heincccius's  Historia  Juris  lloma- 
ni,  1.  330,  &c. 

^  Tiberius  and  Domitian  never  moved  from  the  neighborhood  of 
Rome.  Nero  made  a  short  journey  into  Greece.  "  Et  laudatorura 
Principum  usus  ex  tcquo,  quamvis  procul  ageutibus.  Saovi  proximi* 
Uigniiiut."     Tacit.  Hist.  iv.  74. 

'■'*  Dion,  1.  Ixxvii.  p.  1294. 

■*  Dior,  1.  Ixxvii.  p.   1307.     Ilcrodian,  1.  iv.  p.    1-58.     The  formei 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EHijirtE  161 

Tfie  vv.si!  i  istnictions  of  Soverus  never  made  any  lasting 
.mprnssion  on  tlic  mind  of  his  son,  who,  althonixh  not  destitute 
of  imagination  and  eloquence,  was  equally  devoid  of  judgment 
and  humanity. 3''  One  dangerous  maxim,  worthy  of  a  tyrant, 
was  rememhered  and  abused  by  Caracalla.  "  To  secure  the 
alfections  of  the  army,  and  to  esteem  the  rest  of  his  suhiecta 
as  of  little  moment."  37  g^t  the  liberality  of  the  father  had 
been  restrained  by  prudence,  and  his  indulgence  to  the- troops 
was  tempered  by  firmness  and  authority.  The  careless  pro- 
fusion of  the  son  was  the  policy  of  one  reign,  and  the  inevi- 
t;ible  ruin  both  of  the  army  and  of  the  empire.  The  vigor  of 
the  soldiers,  instead  of  bemg  confirmed  by  the  severe  disci- 
pline of  camps,  melted  away  in  the  luxury  of  cities.  The 
excessive  increase  of  their  pay  and  donatives  ^^  exhausted  the 

repn;scnts  it  as  a  cruel  massacre,  the  latter  as  a  pertidious  one  too. 
It  seems  probable,  that  the  Alexandrians  had  irritated  the  tyrant  by 
their  railleries,  and  perhaps  by  their  tumults.* 

■■"•■  Dion,  1.  Ixxvii.  p.  1296. 

3'  Dion,  1.  Ixxvi.  p.  1284.  Mr.  Wotton  (Hist,  of  Home,  p.  330) 
suspects  that  this  maxim  was  mvented  by  Caracalla  himself,  and 
attributed  to  his  lather. 

'^  Dion  (1.  Ixxviii,  p.  1343")  informs  us  that  the  extraordinary  "jifts 
of  Caracalla  to  the  army  amounted  annually  to  seventy  millions 
of  drachmae,  (about  two  millions  three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
pounds.)  There  is  another  passage  in  Dion,  concerning  the  military 
pay,  intinitely  curious,  were  it  not  obscure,  imperfect,  and  probably- 
corrupt.  The  best  sense  seems  to  be,  that  the  Praetoiian  guards 
received  twelve  hundred  and  fifty  drachmic,  (forty  pounds  a  year.) 
(Dion,  1.  Ixxvii.  p.  1307.)  Under  the  reign  of  Augustus,  they  were 
paid  at  the  rate  of  two  drachmse,  or  denarii,  per  day,  720  a  year, 
(Tacit.  Annal.  i.  17.)  Domitian,  who  increased  the  soldiers'  pay  one 
fourth,  must  have  raised  the  Praetorians  to  960  drachmae,  (Gronovius 
dc  Pecuniii  Veteri,  1.  iii.  c.  2.)  These  successive  augmentations 
ruined  the  empire  ;  for,  with  the  soldiers'  pay,  their  numbers  too  were 
in'  reused.  We  have  seen  the  Praetorians  alone  increased  from  10,000 
to  50,000  men.t 


•  After  these  massacres,  Caracalla  also  deprived  the  Alexandrians  of 
their  spectacles  and  public  feasts ;  he  divided  the  city  into  two  parts  by  a 
wall,  with  towers  at  intervals,  to  prevent  the  peaceful  communicatioiio  nf 
Hie  citizens.  Thus  was  treated  the  unhappy  Alexandria,  says  Dion,  by  the 
Ravage  beast  of  Ausonia.  This,  in  fact,  was  the  epithet  which  the  oracle 
tiad  ai)plicd  t^  him  ;  it  is  said,  indeed,  that  he  was  much  pleased  with  the 
aanie,  and  ofiea  boasted  of  it.     Dion,  l.\xvii.  p.  1307.  —  G. 

t  Valois  and  Reinuir  have  explained  in  a  very  simple  and  probaole  man- 
lier this  passage  of  Dion,  which  Gibbon  seems  to  me  not  to  have  understood 
O  avrdi  TiiU  arpiiriutTiitf  aOXn  Tru  arpaTcim,  Tu7i  niv  ff  t<^  &opv(f)opiKi^  rcTayuivun 
,(  ;^iXin<  fiinK6aiui  TTtvrfiKovTii,  roli  fi  ncvTaKta^^iXiaq  An/i/?(ii£(i/.      He  ordered  that 

the  soldiers  should  receive,  as  the  reward  of  their  services,  the  Praetorians 
1250  draihms,  the  others  5000  drachms.     Valois  thinks  that  the  numben 
10 


162  THE    DECLINE   AND    FALL 

etaie  to  enrich  the  military  order,  wliose  modesty  in  peace, 
and  service  in  war,  is  best  secured  b)'  an  honorajle  poverty. 
The  demeanor  of  Caracalla  was  haughty  and  full  of  pride; 
but  with  the  troops  he  forgot  even  the  proper  dignity  of  his 
rank,  encouraged  their  insolent  familiarity,  and,  neglecting  the 
essential  duties  of  a  general,  affected  to  imitate  the  dress  :ind 
manners  of  a  common  soldier. 

It  was  impossible  that  such  a  character,  and  such  conduct 
us  that  of  Caracalla,  could  inspire  either  love  or  esteem  ;  but 
as  long  as  his  vices  were  beneficial  to  the  armies,  he  was  secure 
frr<m  the  danger  of  rebellion.  A  secret  conspiracy,  provoked 
by  his  own  jealousy,  was  fatal  to  the  tyrant.  The  Praetorian 
pra^fecture  was  divided  between  two  ministers.  The  military 
department  was  intrusted  to  Adventus,  an  experienced  rather 
than  able  soldier  ;  and  the  civil  affairs  were  transacted  by 
Opilius  Macrinus,  who,  by  his  dexterity  in  business,  had  raised 
himself,  with  a  fair  character,  to  that  high  office.  But  his 
favor  varied  with  the  caprice  of  the  emperor,  and  his  life 
might  depend  on  the  slightest  suspicion,  or  the  most  casual 
circumstance.  Malice  or  fanaticism  had  suggested  to  an  Afri- 
can, deeply  skilled  in  the  knowledge  of  futurity,  a  very  dan- 
gerous prediction,  that  Macrinus  and  his  son  were  destined  to 
reign  over  the  empire.  The  report  was  soon  diffused  through 
the  province  ;  and  when  the  man  was  sipnt  in  chains  to  Rome, 
he  still  asserted,  in  the  presence  of  the  prrefect  of  the  city,  the 
faith  of  his  prophecy.  That  magistrate,  who  had  received  the 
most  pressing  instructions  to  inform  himself  of  the  successors 
of  Caracalla,  immediately  communicated  the  examination  of 
the  African  to  the  Imperial  court,  which  at  that  time  resided 
in  Syria.  But,  notwithstanding  the  diligence  of  the  public 
messengers,  a  friend  of  Macrinus  found  means  to  apprise  him 
of  the  approaching  danger.  The  emperor  received  the  letters 
from  Rome  ;  and  as  he  was  then  engaged  in  the  conduct  of  a 
chariot  race,  he  delivered  them   unopened  to  the  Praetorian 

have  been  transposed,  and  that  Caracalla  added  5000  diachms  to  the  dona- 
tions made  to  the  Prsetorians,  1250  to  those  of  the  legionaries.  The  Pra'to- 
rians,  in  fact,  always  received  more  than  the  others.  The  error  of  Gibbon 
arose  from  his  considering  that  this  referred  to  the  annual  pay  of  the  sol- 
iiers,  while  it  relates  to  the  sum  they  received  as  a  reward  for  their  services 
on  their  discharj^e :  aO\riv  rm  arpuTtiai  means  recompense  for  service. 
AnRiistus  had  settled  that  the  PrtPtorians,  after  sixteen  canipaijj;ns,  should 
receive  5000  drachms  :  the  legionaries  received  onlv  3000  after  twenty  years. 
Caracalla  added  5000  drachms  to  the  donative  of  the  Pra'torians,  12-50  to 
that  of  the  legionaries.  Gibbon  appears  to  have  been  mistaken  both  in 
coniounding  this  dotative  on  discharge  with  the  annual  pay,  and  in  noj 
paying  attention  to  the  remark  of  Valois  on  the  ♦'anspositi<m  ol  ihe  nani 
Mrs  in  the  text  —  Q 


OP   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  168 

Ptfcfcct,  directing  him  to  despatch  the  ordinary  affairs,  and  to 
report  the  more  important  business  that  inijfht  be  contained  in 
them.  Macrinus  read  his  fate,  and  resolved  to  prevent  it.  He 
inflamed  the  discontents  of  some  inferior  officers,  and  em- 
ployed the  hand  of  Martialis,  a  desperate  soldier,  who  bad 
been  refused  the  rank  of  centurion.  The  devotion  of  Cara- 
calla  prompted  him  to  make  a  pilgrimage  from  Edessa  to  the 
celebrated  temple  of  the  Moon  at  Carrhce.*  He  was  attended 
by  a  body  of  cavalry  ;  but  having  stopped  on  the  road  for 
some  necessary  occasion,  his  guards  preserved  a  respectful 
distance,  and  Martialis,  approaching  his  person  under  a  pre- 
tence of  duty,  stabbed  him  with  a  dagger.  The  bold  assassin 
was  instantly  killed  by  a  Scythian  archer  of  the  Imperial 
guard.  Such  was  the  end  of  a  monster  wnose  life  disgraced 
numan  nature,  and  whose  reign  accused  the  patience  of  the 
Romans.^'J  The  grateful  soldiers  forgot  his  vices,  remembered 
^nly  his  partial  liberality,  and  obliged  the  senate  tQ,  prostitute 
their  own  dignity  and  that  of  religion,  by  granting  him  a  place 
among  the  gods.  Whilst  he  was  upon  earth,  Alexander  tlie 
Great  was  the  only  hero  whom  this  god  deemed  worthy  his 
admiration.  He  assumed  the  name  and  ensigns  of  Alexander, 
formed  a  Macedonian  phalanx  of  guards,  persecuted  the  dis- 
ciples of  Aristotle,  and  displayed,  with  a  puerile  enthusiasm, 
the  only  sentiment  by  which  he  discovered  any  regard  for 
virtue  or  glory.  We  can  easily  conceive,  that  after  the  battle 
of  Narva,  and  the  conquest  of  Poland,  Charles  XII.  (though 
he  still  wanted  the  more  elegant  accomplishments  of  the  son 
of  Philip)  might  boast  of  having  rivalled  his  valor  and  mag- 
nanimity ;  but  in  no  one  action  of  his  life  did  Caracalla  ex- 
press the  faintest  resemblance  of  the  Macedonian  hero,  except 
in  the  murder  of  a  great  number  of  his  own  and  of  his  father's 
friends.'"^ 

After  the  extinction  of  the  house  of  Severus,  the  Roman 
world  remained  three  days  without  a  master.  The  choice  of 
the  army  (for  the  authority  of  a  distant  and  feeble  senate  wa** 

*'  Dion,  1.  Ixxviii.  p.  1312.     Ilerodian,  1.  iv.  p.  168. 

*"  The  fondness  of  Caracalla  for  the  name  and  ensigns  of  Alexan- 
der is  still  preserved  on  the  medals  of  that  emperor.  Sec  Spanhcim, 
dc  Usu  Numismatum,  Dissertat.  xii.  Ilcroditin  (1.  iv.  p.  1.54)  had 
•een  very  ridiculous  pictures,  in  which  a  figure  was  drawn  with  one 
«de  of  the  face  like  Alexander,  and  the  other  like  Caracalla. 


•  Carrhre,  now  Harran,  between  Edessa  and  Nisibis,  famous  for  tha 
dffeat  of  Crassus  — the  Haran  from  whence  Abraham  set  out  for  the  land 
of  Canaan.  This  city  has  always  been  remarkable  for  its  attachment  to 
^abaism.  —  Q. 


104  THR    PECLINt    AND    FALL 

liftle  rpgardecl)  hung  in  anxious  suspense,  as  no  candidate 
pi  ^sL-nted  himself  whose  distinguished  birth  and  merit  could 
engaire  their  attachment  and  unite  their  suffrages.  The  deci- 
sive weight  of  the  Praetorian  guards  elevated  the  hopes  of  their 
prjefects,  and  these  powerful  ministers  began  to  assert  their 
legal  claim  to  fill  the  vacancy  of  the  Imperial  throne.  Ad- 
ventu^,  however,  the  senior  prsefect,  conscious  of  his  age  and 
infirmities,  of  his  small  repntation,  and  his  smaller  abilities, 
resigned  the  dangerous  honor  to  the  crafty  ambition  of  his 
colleague  JMacrinus,  whose  well-dissembled  grief  removed  all 
6US[)ieion  of  his  being  accessary  to  his  master's  death."  The 
troops  neither  loved  nor  esteemed  his  character.  They  cast 
their  eyes  around  in  search  of  a  competitor,  and  at  last  yielded 
with  reluctance  to  his  promises  of  unbounded  liberality  and 
indulgence.  A  short  time  after  his  accession,  he  conferred  on 
his  son  Diadumenianu-s,  at  the  age  of  only  ten  years,  the  Im- 
perial titlcf^^and  the  popular  name  of  Antoninus.  The  beauti- 
ful figure  of  the  youth,  assisted  by  an  additional  donative,  for 
which  the  ceremony  furnished  a  pretext,  might  attract,  it  was 
hoped,  the  favor  of  the  army,  and  secure  the  doubtful  throne 
of  Macrinus. 

The  authority  of  the  new  sovereign  had  been  ratified  by  the 
cheerful  submission  of  the  senate  and  provinces.  They  ex- 
ulted in  their  unexpected  deliverance  from  a  hated  tyrant,  and 
it  seemed  of  little  consequence  to  examine  into  the  virtues  of 
the  successor  of  Caracalla.  But  as  soon  as  the  first  transportji 
of  joy  and  surprise  had  subsided,  they  began  to  scrutinize  the 
merits  of  Macrinus  with  a  critical  severity,  and  to  arraign  the 
hasty  choice  of  the  army.  It  had  hitherto  been  considered  as 
a  fundamental  maxim  of  the  constitution,  that  the  emperor 
must  be  always  chosen  in  the  senate,  and  the  sovereign  power, 
no  longer  exercised  by  the  whole  body,  was  always  delegated 
to  one  of  hs  members.  But  Macrinus  was  not  a  senator.'** 
The  sudden  elevation  of  the  Prastorian  pra;fects  betrayed  the 
meanness  of  their  origin  ;  and  the  equestrian  ordeC'was  stil! 
in  possession  of  that  great  office,  which  commanded  w  ith  arbi* 

*'  Hcrodian,  1.  iv.  p.  169.     Hist.  August,  p.  94. 

**  Dion,  1.  Ixxxviii.  p.  1850.  Elagabalus  reproached  his  predeces- 
sor with  daring  to  seat  himself  on  the  throne  ;  though,  as  Praitoriar. 
[nclccc,  he  could  not  have  been  admitted  into  the  senate  after  the 
voice  of  the  crier  had  ccared  the  house.  The  jjcrsonal  favor  of 
Plautianus  and  Scjanus  had  broke  througli  the  established  rule. 
Thoy  rose,  indeed,  from  the  equestrian  order ;  but  they  preserve!? 
the  praefect'.ro,  with  the  rank  of  senator,  and  oven  with  the  con 
lulship. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRB.  165 

tiJiry  sway  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  the  senate.  A  murmur 
of  indignalion  was  heard,  that  a  man  whose  obscure  ""^  extrac- 
tion liad  never  been  illustrated  by  any  signal  service,  should 
dare  to  invest  himself  with  the  purple,  instead  of  bestowing  ii 
on  some  disunguished  senator,  equal  in  birth  and  dignity  to 
the  spl(uidor  of  the  Imperial  station.  As  soon  as  the  charac- 
ter of  Macrinus  was  surveyed  by  the  sharp  eye  of  discontent, 
some  vices,  and  many  defects,  were  easily  discovered.  Tho 
choice  of  his  ministers  was  in  many  instances  justly  censured, 
and  the  dissatisfied  people,  with  their  usual  candor,  accused  at 
once  his  indolent  tameness  and  his  excessive  severity.'*'* 

His  rash  ambition  had  climbed  a  height  where  it  was  diffi- 
cult to  stand  with  firmness,  and  impossible  to  fall  without  in- 
stant destruction.  Trained  in  the  arts  of  courts  and  the  forma 
of  civil  business,  he  trembled  in  the  presence  of  the  fierce 
find  undisciplined  multitude,  over  whom  he  had  assumed  the 
command  ;  his  military  talents  were  despised,  and  his  personal 
courage  suspected ;  a  whisper  that  circulated  in  tiie  camp, 
disclosed  the  fatal  secret  of  the  conspiracy  against  the  late 
emperor,  aggravated  the  guilt  of  murder  by  the  baseness  of 
hypocrisy,  and  heightened  contempt  by  detestation.  To  alien 
ate  the  soldiers,  and  to  provoke  inevitable  ruin,  the  character 
of  a  reformer  was  only  wanting;  and  such  was  the  peculiar 
hardship  of  his  fate,  that  Macrinus  was  compelled  to  exercis^j 
that  invidious  office.  The  prodigality  of  Caracalla  had  left 
behind  it  a  long  train  of  ruin  and  disorder ;  and  if  that  worth- 
less tyrant  had  been  capable  of  reflecting  on  the  sure  conse- 
quences of  his  own  conduct,  he  would  perhaps  have  enjoyed 
the  dark  prospect  of  the  distress  and  calamities  which  he 
bequeathed  to  his  successors. 

In  the  management  of  this  necessary  reformation,  Macri- 
flus  proceeded  with  a  cautious  prudence,  which  would    have 

*•*  He  was  a  native  of  Cffisarea,  in  Numidia.  and  began  his  fortune 
oy  serving  in  the  household  of  Plautian,  from  whose  ruin  he  narrow- 
ly escaped.  His  enemies  asserted  that  he  Wiis  born  a  slave,  and  hacJ 
exercised,  among  other  infamous  professions,  that  of  Gladiator.  The 
fashion  of  aspen-^lng  the  birth  and  condition  of  an  adversary  seems  to 
have  lasted  from  the  time  of  the  Greek  orators  to  the  learned  gram- 
marians of  the  last  age. 

■••  Both  Dion  and  Herodian  speak  of  the  wtues  and  vices  of 
Macrinus  with  candor  and  impartiality  :  but  the  author  of  his  life, 
in  the  Augustan  History,  socins  to  have  implicitly  copied  some  of  the 
venal  writers,  employed  by  Elagabalus,  to  blacken  the  memory  of  hia 
orcdccessor. 


106  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

retitored  health  and  vigor  to  the  Roman  army,  in  an  easy  and 
ahnost  imperceptible  manner.    To  the  soldiers  already  engaged 
in    the   service,  he   was  constrained   to   leave  the  dangeroua 
privileges  and  extravagant  pay  given  by  Caracalla ;  but   the 
new   recruits    were    received  on  the   more   moderate   though 
liberal    establishment   of  Severus,   and    gradually  formed  tn 
modesty   and    obedience.^s      One    fatal    error    destroyed   the 
salutary  effects  of  this  judicious  plan.     The   numerous  army, 
assembled  in  the  East  by  the   late  emperor,  instead  of  being 
immediately    dispersed    by    Macrinus    through     the    several 
provinces,  was  suffered  to  remain   united   in  Syria,  during  the 
winter  that  followed   his  elevation.     In  the  luxurious  idleness 
of  their  quarters",  the  troops  viewed  their  strength  and  nuni- 
bers,  communicated  their  complaints,  and  revolved   in  theii 
minds   the  advantages   of  another  revolution.     The   veterans, 
instead    of  being    flattered    by    the    advantageous  distinction, 
were  alarmed  by  the  first  steps  of  the  emperor,  which  they 
considered    as    the    presage   of  his    future    intentions.      The 
recruits,  with  sullen  reb/Ctance,  entered  on  a  service,  whose 
labors  were  increased  while  its  rewards  were  diminished  by  a 
covetous  and    unwarlike    sovereign.      The    murmurs    of   tne 
army  swelled  with  impunity  into  seditious  clamors ;  and  the 
nartial  mutinies  betrayed  a  spirit  of  discontent  and  disaffection, 
that  waited  only  for   the   slightest    occasion  to  break  out  on 
every  side  into  a  general  rebellion.     To  minds  thus  disposed, 
the  occasion  soon  presented  itself. 

The  empress  Julia  had  experienced  all  the  vicissitudes  of 
fortune.  From  an  humble  station  she'  had  been  raised  to 
greatness,  only  to  taste  the  superior  bitterness  of  an  exalted 
rank.  She  was  doomed  to  ween  ovci  me  death  of  one  of  her 
sons,  and  over  the  life  of  the  other.  The  cruel  fate  of  Cara- 
caila,  though  her  good  sense  must  have  long  taught  her  to 
expect  it,  awakened  the  feelings  of  a  mother  and  of  an  em- 
press. Notwithstandins  the  respectful  civility  expressed  by 
the  usurper  towards  the  widow  of  Severus,  she  descended  with 
a  painful  struggle  into  the  r.ondition  of  a  subject,  and  soon 
withdrew  herselt,  oy  a  voluntary  death,  from  the  anxious  and 

♦*  DLon.  1.  Ixxxiii.  r..  i33C.  The  sense  of  the  author  is  as  clear  oa 
thf  intenti.>n  ol  the  emperor  ;  but  Mr.  Wotton  has  mistaken  both, 
b)-  UTiderstancung  the  distinction,  not  of  veterans  and  recruits,  but 
•t  old  and  new  legions.     History  of  Eonic,  p.  347. 


OF    TUF.    ROMAN    EMriRE.  IbT 

humiliating  dependence. ''^  *  Julia  Mresa,  her  sister,  was 
onicicJ  to  leave  llie  court  and  Antioch.  Slie  retired  tu  Emesa 
with  an  immense  fortune,  ttu;  fruit  of  twent}'  years'  favor 
accompanied  by  her  two  il;ui^ht(;rs,  So^emias  and  Maintea 
cacli  of  whom  was  a  widow,  and  each  had  an  only  son 
r?assianus,t  for  that  was  the  name  of  the  son  of  Soiemias,  wai 
consecrated  to  the  honorable  ministry  of  high  priest  of  the  Sun, 
and  this  holy  vocation,  embraced  either  from  prudence  o- 
superstition,  contributed  to  raise  the  Syrian  youth  to  the  em 
pi  re  of  Rome.  A  numerous  body  of  troops  was  stationed  a/ 
Emesa  ;  and,  as  the  severe  discipline  of  Macrinus  had  cun- 
strained  them  to  pass  the  winter  encamped,  they  were  eager 
to  revenge  the  cruelty  of  such  unaccustomed  hardships.  The 
soldiers,  who  resorted  in  crowds  to  the  temple  of  the  Siui, 
beheld  with  veneration  and  delight  the  elegant  dress  and  figure 
of  the  young  pontilf;  they  recognized,  or  they  thought  that 
they  recognized,  the  features  of  Caracalla,  whose  memory 
theV  now  adored.  The  artful  Ma3sa  saw  and  cherished  their 
rising  partiality,  and  readily  sacrificing  her  daughter's  re[)u 
talion  to  the  fortune  of  her  grandson,  she  insinuated  that  Bas. 
sianus  was  the  natural  son  of  their  murdered  sovereign.  The 
sums  distributed  by  her  emissaries  with  a  lavish  hanfl  silenced 
every  objection,  and  the  profusion  sulTiciently  proved  the 
atlinity,  or  at  least  the  resemblance,  of  Bassianus  with  tin' 
great  original.  The  voung  Antoninus  (for  he  had  assumed 
and  polluted  that  respectable  name)  was  declared  em|)eror  by 
the  troops  of  Emesa,  asserted  his  hereditary  right,  and  callf;d 
aloud  on    the  armies  to  follow  the   standard  of  a  young   and 

*«  Dion,  1.  Ixxviii.  j).   1380.     The  abridgment  of  Xiphilin,  thouijl: 
legs  particular,  is  in  this  place  clearer  than  tlie  original. 

•  As  soon  as  this  princess  heard  of  the  death  of  Caracalla,  she  wisho*' 
to  st;irvc  herself  to  death  :  the  respect  shown  to  her  by  Macrinus,  in  malt 
iiif{  no  change  in  her  attenihuits  or  her  court,  induced  her  to  prolon<;  liei- 
life.  Hut  it  appears,  as  far  as  the  mutilated  text  of  Dion  and  the  imperfect 
epitome  of  Xiphilin  permit  us  to  Judge,  that  she  conceived  projects  of 
ambition,  and  endeavored  to  raise  herself  to  the  empire.  Slie  wished  to 
tread  in  the  steps  of  Seniiramis  and  Nitocris,  whose  country  bordered  on 
her  own.  Macrinus  sent  her  an  order  immediately  to  leave  Antioch,  and 
t  >  retire  wherever  she  chose.  She  ret  irued  to  her  former  purpose,  and 
it  irved  herself  to  death.  —  tJ 

f  He  inherited  this  name  from  tils  great-grandfather  on  the  mother's 
•  i  le,  Bassianus,  father  ot  Julia  Ma^sa,  his  grandmother,  and  of  Julia 
Uomna.  wife  o''  Severus.  Victor  (in  his  epitome)  is  perhaps  the  only  his- 
torian who  has  Kivcn  the  key  to  this  genealoLiy,  when  sp.-aking  of  (Jara 
CdUa.  Hie  Bassianus  ex  avi"  materni  nomine  dictus.  Caracalla,  Elag..l>* 
tus.  and  .Vlexaii  ler  Si  verus.  bore  successiveiv  this  name.  —  G. 


1^*8  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

liberal  prince,  who  had  taken  up  arms  to  revenge  his  father's 
death  and  the  opprsssion  of  the  military  order.''''' 

Whilst  a  conspiracy  of  women  and  eunuchs  was  concerted 
vsith  prudence,  and  conducted  with  rapid  vigor,  Macrinus,  who 
by  a  decisive  motion,  might  have  crushed  his  infant  enemy 
fioated  between  the  opposite  extremes  of  terror  and  security 
which  alike  fixed  him  inactive  at  Antioch.  A  spirit  of  reijcl 
lion  dilFused  itself  through  all  the  camps  and  garrisons  of  Svria 
successive  detachments  murdered  their  offiGers,''^  and  joined 
the  party  of  the  lebels  ;  and  the  tardy  restitution  of  military 
pay  and  privileges  was  imputed  to  the  acknowledged  weak- 
ness of  Macrinus.  At  lengib  he  marched  out  of  Antioch,  to 
meet  the  increasing  and  zealous  army  of  the  young  pretender. 
His  own  troops  seemed  to  take  the  field  with  faintness  and 
reluctance  ;  but,  in  the  heat  of  the  battle,''^  the  Praetorian 
guards,  almost  by  an  involuntary  impulse,  asserted  the  supe- 
riority of  their  valor  and  discipline.  The  rebel  ranks  were 
broken;  when  the  mother  and  grandmother  of  the  Syrian 
prince,  who,  according  to  their  eastern  custom,  had  attended 
the  army,  threw  themselves  from  their  covered  chariots,  and, 
by  exciting  the  compassion  of  the  soldiers,  endeavored  to 
animate  their  drooping  courage.  Antoninus  himself,  who,  in 
the  rest  of  his  life,  never  acted  like  a  man,  in  this  important 
crisis  of  his  fale,  approved  himself  a  hero,  mounted  his  horse, 
and,  at  the  head  of  his  rallied  troops,  charged  sword  in  hand 
among  the  thickest  of  the  enemy  ;  whilst  the  eunuch  Gannys,* 
whose  occupations  had  been  confined  to  female  cares  and' the 
soft  luxury  of  Asia,  displayed  the  talents  of  an  able  and  expe- 

"  According  to  Lampridius,  (Hist.  August,  p.  135,)  Alexander 
Severus  lived  twenty-nine  years  three  months  and  seven  days.  As 
he  was  killed  March  19,  2;5o,  he  was  born  December  12,  20.3,  and 
was  consequently  about  this  time  thirteen  years  old,  as  his  ekU-r 
cousin  might  be  about  seventeen.  This  computation  suits  much 
better  the  history  of  the  young  princes  than  that  of  Ilerodian,  (1.  v. 
p.  181,)  who  represents  them  as  three  years  younger;  Mhilst,  by  an 
opposite  error  of  chronology,  he  lengthens  the  reign  of  ElagabaUia 
two  years  beyond  its  real  duration.  For  the  particulars  of  the  con- 
spiracy, see  Dion,  1.  Ixxviii.  p.  1339.     Herodian,  1.  v.  j).  181. 

•"*  By  a  most  dnngerous  proclamation  of  the  pretended  Antoninus, 
cveiy  soldier  who  brought  in  his  officer's  head  became  entitled  to  his 
private  estate,  as  well  as  to  his  military  commission. 

^^  Dion,  1.  Ixxviii.  p.  1345.  Herodian,  1.  v.  p.  186.  The  battle  was 
fought  near  the  village  of  Imma>,  about  two-and-twenty  miles  from 
Antioch. 


*  Gannys  was  uot  a  eunuch.    Dion,  p.  1355.  —  W 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  1G9 

riencffl  fjcneral.  The  battle  still  rafrcrl  with  doiibtful  v:o!:5iico, 
and  Macrinus  might  have  obtained  tlie  victory,  had  he  no» 
betrayed  his  own  cause  by  a  shamefu  and  precipitated  flijzht. 
His  cowardice  served  only  to  protract  his  life  a  few  days,  and 
to  stamp  deserved  ignominy  on  his  misCortunes.  It  is  scarcely 
i.ecessary  to  add,  that  his  son  Diadumenianus  was  involved  in 
the  same  fate.  As  soon  as  the  stubborn  Prietorians  coidd  lo 
convinced  that  they  fought  for  a  prince  who  had  basely 
deserted  them,  they  surrendered  to  the  conqueror  :  the  con- 
tending parties  of  the  Roman  army,  mingling  tears  of  joy  and 
tenderness,  united  under  the  banners  of  the  imagined  son  of 
Caracalla,  and  the  East  acknowledged  with  pleasure  the  first 
em[)eror  of  Asiatic  extraction. 

The  letters  of  Macrinus  had  condescended  to  inform  tho 
senate  of  the  slight  disturbance  occasioned  by  an  impostor  in 
Syria,  and  a  decree  immediately  passed,  declaring  the  rebel 
and  his  family  public  enemies;  with  a  promise  of  pardon, 
however,  to  such  of  his  deluded  adherents  as  should  merit  it  by 
an  immediate  return  to  their  duty.  During  the  twenty  days 
that  elapsed  from  the  declaration  to  the  victory  of  Antoninus, 
(for  in  so  short  an  interval  was  the  fate  of  the  Roman  world 
decideil,)  the  capital  and  the  provinces,  more  especially  those 
of  the  East,  were  distracted  with  hopes  and  fears,  agitated  with 
tumult,  and  stained  with  a  useless  effusion  of  civil  blood,  since 
whosoever  of  the  rivals  prevailed  in  Syria  must  reign  over  the 
empire.  The  specious  letters  in  which  the  young  conqueror 
announced  his  victory  to  the  obedient  senate  were  filled  with 
professions  of  virtue  and  moderation  ;  the  shining  examples  of 
Marcus  and  Augustus,  he  should  ever  consider  as  the  great 
rule  of  his  administration;  and  he  affected  to  dwell  with  pride 
on  the  striking  resemblance  of  his  own  age  and  fortunes  with 
those  of  Augustus,  who  in  the  earliest  youth  had  revenged,  by 
a  successful  war,  the  murder  of  his  father.  By  adopting  the 
style  of  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus,  son  of  Antoninus  and 
gnindson  of  Severus,  he  tacitly  asserted  hio  hereditary  claim 
to  the  empire  ;  but,  by  assuming  the  tribunitian  and  procon- 
sular powers  before  they  had  been  conferred  on  liim  by  a 
decree  of  the  senate,  he  offended  the  delicacy  of  Roman  pre 
judi-.e.  This  new  and  injudicious  violation  of  the  constitution 
W:is  probably  dictated  either  by  the  ignorance  of  his  Syrian 
courtiers,  or  the  fierce  disdain  of  his  military  followers.^" 


■^  Dion,  1.  Ixxix.  p.  1353. 

10* 


no  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

As  the  attention  of  the  new  emperor  was  dlvorted  hy  thy 
most  trifling  amusements,  he  wasted  many  months  in  his  luva- 
rious  progress  from  Syria  to  Italy,  passed  at  Nicomedia  hia 
first  winter  after  his  victory,  and  deferred  till  the  ensuing 
summer  his  triumphal  entry  into  the  capital.  A  faithful  pic- 
ture, however,  which  preceded  his  arrival,  and  was  placed  h  ' 
li.s  immediate  order  over  the  altar  of  Victory  in  the  senate 
house,  conveyed  to  the  Romans  the  just  but  unworthy  resem- 
blance of  his  person  and  manners.  He  was  drawn  in  his 
sacerdotal  robes  of  silk  and  gold,  after  the  loose  flowing  fashion 
of  the  Medes  and  Phcenicians ;  his  head  was  covered  with  a 
loftv  tiara,  his  numerous  collars  and  bracelets  were  adorned 
with  gems  of  an  inestimable  value.  His  eyebrows  were  tmged 
with  black,  and  his  cheeks  painted  with  an  artificial  red  and 
white. 51  The  grave  senators  confessed  with  a  sigh,  that,  after 
having  long  e.xperienced  the  stern  tyranny  of  their  own  coun- 
trymen, Rome  was  at  length  humbled  beneath  the  effeminate 
luxury  of  Oriental  despotism. 

The  Sun  was  worshipped  at  Emesa,  under  the  name  of 
Elagabalus,52  and  under  the  form  of  a  black  conical  stone, 
which,  as  it  was  universally  believed,  had  fallen  from  heaven 
on  that  sacred  place.  To  this  protecting  deity,  Antoninus,  not 
without  some  reason,  ascribed  his  elevation  to  the  throne.  The 
display  of  superstitious  gratitude  was  the  only  serious  business 
of  his  reign.  The  triumph  of  the  god  of  Emesa  over  all  the 
religions  of  the  earth,  was  the  great  object  of  his  zeal  and 
vanity  ;  and  the  appellation  of  Elagabalus  (for  he  presumed 

^'  Dion,  1.  bcxix.  p.  1363.     Herodian,  1.  v.  p.  189. 

^*  This  name  is  derived  bj^  the  learned  from  two  Syriac  words.  F.l^, 
a  God,  and  Gabal,  to  form,  the  forming  or  plastic  god,  a  proper,  nnd 
even  happy  epithet  for  the  sun.»     Wotton's  History  of  liome,  p.  378. 


*  The  name  of  Elagabalus  has  been  disfigured  in  various  ways.  Hero- 
dian calls  him  EAaiuyd/JaAo? ;  Lampridius,  and  the  more  modern  writers, 
make  him  Heliogabalus.  Dion  calls  him  Elcgabalus  ;  but  Elagabalus  was 
the  true  name,  as  it  appears  on  the  medals.  (Eckhel.  de  Doct.  num.  vet. 
t.  vii.  p.  2.50.)  As  to  its  etymology,  that  which  Gibbon  adduces  is  given 
by  Bochart,  Chan.  ii.  5  ;  but  Salmasius,  on  better  grounds,  (not.  in  Lam- 
prid.  in  Elagab.,)  derives  the  name  of  Elagabalus  from  the  idol  of  that 

fod,  represented  by  Herodian  and  the  medals  in  the  form  of  a  mountain, 
gil)ol  in  Hebrew,)  or  great  stone  cut  to  a  point,  with  marks  which  repre- 
Bcnt  the  sun.  As  it  was  not  i)ermitted,  at  Hierapolis,  in  Syria,  to  make 
etat-;.-?s  of  the  sun  and  moon,  because,  it  was  said,  they  are  themselvea 
sufficiently  visible,  the  sun  was  represented  at  Emesa  in  the  form  of  a  great 
«ione,  which,  as  it  appeared,  had  fallen  from  heaven.  Spanheim,  Ca-sar 
notes,  p.  46.  —  G.  The  name  of  Elagabalus,  in  "  nummis  rarius  legetui 
Rasttiie.  Lex.  Univ.  Rei  Numm.     Rasche  quotes  two.  —  M. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EmViRE.  171 

as  pnntifT  and  favorite  to  adopt  that  sacred  name)  was  dearoir 
to  him  than  all  tiie  titles  of  Imperial  greatness.  In  a  solemn 
procession  through  i.ie  streets  of  Rome,  the  way  was  strewed 
with  gold  dust ;  the  black  stone,  set  in  precious  gems,  waa 
placed  oi)  a  chariot  drawn  by  six  milk-white  horses  richly 
caparisoncil.  The  |)ioiis  emperor  held  the  reins,  and,  suj>- 
ported  by  his  ministers,  moved  slowly  backwards,  that  ho 
migtil  perpetually  enjoy  the  felicity  of  the  divine  presence.  In 
a  magnificent  tem|)le  raised  on  the  Palatine  Mount,  the  sacri- 
fices of  the  god  Elagabalus  were  celebrated  with  every  circum- 
stancs  of  cost  and  solemnity.  The  richest  wines,  the  most 
extraordinarv  victims,  and  the  rarest  aromatics,  were  profusely 
consunuxl  on  his  altar.  Around  the  altar  a  chorus  of  Syrian 
damsels  performed  their  lascivious  dances  to  the  sound  of 
barbarian  music,  whilst  the  gravest  personages  of  the  slate  and 
army,  clothed  in  long  I'luiMncian  tunics,  officiated  in  the  mean- 
est functions,  witii  affected  zeal  and  secret  indignation. -"'^ 

To  this  temple,  as  to  the  common  centre  of  religious  wor- 
ship, the  Imperial  fanatic  attempted  to  remove  the  Ancilia, 
the  i 'a  1  hull  urn,-'''  and  all  the  sacred  pledges  of  the  faith  of 
Numa.  A  crowd  of  inferior  deities  attended  in  various  sta- 
tions the  majesty  of  the  god  of  P^.mesa  ;  but  his  couit  was  still 
imperfect,  till  a  female  of  distingviished  rank  was  admitted  to 
liis  bed.  Pallas  had  been  first  chosen  for  his  consort  ;  but  as 
it  was  dreaded  lest  her  warlike  terrors  might  affVight  the  soft 
delicacy  of  a  Syrian  deity,  the  Moon,  adored  by  the  Africai.s 
under  the  name  of  Astarte,  was  deemed  a  more  suitable  com 
uanion  for  the  Sun.  Her  image,  with  the  rich  offerinus  oi 
her  temple  as  a  marriage  portion,  was  transported  with  solemn 
pomp  from  Carthage  to  Home,  and  the  day  of  these  mystic 
nuptials  was  a  general  festival  in  the  capital  and  throughoul 
the  empire.'''* 

A  rational  volu[)tuarv  adheres  with  invariable  respect  to  the 
temperate  dictates  of  nature,  and   improves  the  gratifications 

"  Iloiodiiui.  1.  V.  p.  190. 

"■'  lit'  broke  into  the  sanctirary  of  Vesta,  and  carried  away  a  statiio 
v.-hifh  he  su])posed  to  he  the  ])aljiidium  ;  but  the  vestals  boasted  that 
by  H  pious  fraud,  they  bad  imposed  a  counterfeit  image  on  the  |>n)- 
fane  intruder.     Hist.  Auu;ust.  p.  IO:J. 

'^  Dion,  1.  bcxi.\.  p.  i;J(iO.  Ilerodian,  1.  v.  p.  103.  The  subjeits 
of  the  empire  were  obliged  to  make  liberal  presents  to  the  new- 
mnriied  couple;  and  whatever  they  1  ad  promisfd  during  the  Ufa 
M'  Hlagabalus  «va*  carefully  exacted  ajulej  tiie  admiuistratiou  of 
M.ama>a. 


172  THE    DECLINE    ANl.    FALL 

of  sense  by  sc<;ial  intercourse,  endearing  con.iections,  and  th« 
soft  coloring  of  tuste  and  the  imagination.  But  Elagabalus, 
(I  speak  of  the  emperor  of  that  name,;  corrupted  by  his  youth, 
his  country,  and  his  fortune,  abandoned  himself  to  the  grosses! 
pleasui'es  with  ungoverned  fury,  and  soon  found  disgust  and 
satiety  in  the  midst  of  his  enjoyments.  The  inflammatory- 
powers  (jf  art  were  summoned  to  his  aid  :  the  confused  mul- 
titude of  women,  of  wines,  and  of  dishes,  and  the  studied 
variety  of  attitude  and  sauces,  served  to  revive  his  languid 
appetites.  New  terms  and  new  inventions  in  these  sciences, 
the  only  ones  cultivated  and  patronized  by  the  monarch,-'^^ 
signalized  his  reign,  and  transmitted  his  infamy  to  succeeding 
times.  A  capricious  prodigality  supplied  the  want  of  taste 
and  elegance  ;  and  whilst  Elagabalus  lavished  away  the 
treasures  of  his  people  in  the  wildest  extravagance,  his  own 
voice  and  that  of  his  flatterers  applauded  a  spirit  and  magnifi- 
cence unknown  to  the  tameness  of  his  predecessors.  To  con- 
found the  order  of  seasons  and  climates,^'''  to  sport  with  the 
passions  and  prejudices  of  his  subjects,  and  to  subvert  every 
law  of  nature  and  decency,  were  in  the  number  of  his  mo.st 
delicious  amusements.  A  long  train  of  concubines,  and  a 
rapid  succession  of  wives,  among  whom  was  a  vestal  virgin, 
ravisiied  by  force  from  her  sacred  asylum,^**  were  insufficient 
to  satisfy  the  impotence  of  his  passions.  The  master  of  tlie 
lloman'  world  affected  to  copy  the  dress  and  manners  of  the 
female  sex,  preferred  the  distaff  to  the  sceptre,  and  dishonored 
the  principal  dignities  of  the  empire  by  distributiug  them 
among  his  numerous  lovers;  one  of  whom  was  publicly  in- 
vested with  the  title  and  authority  of  the  emperor's,  or,  as  he 
more  properly  styled  himself,  of  the  empress's  husband.^^ 

'*  The  invention  of  a  new  sauce  was  liberally  rewarded  ;  but  ii'  it 
was  not  relished,  the  inventor  was  confined  tr  eat  of  nothing  else  till 
he  had  discovered  another  more  agrecablf  to  the  Imperial  j)alate. 
Hist.  August,  p.  111. 

"  lie  never  would  eat  sea-fish  except  at  a  great  distance  from  the 
sea;  he  then  would  distribute  vast  (luantitics  of  the  rarest  sorts, 
brought  at  an  immense  expense,  to  the  peasants  of  the  inland  country, 
Hist.  August,  p.  109. 

=*  Dion,  1.  Ixxix.  p.  1358.     Herodian,  1.  v.  p.  192. 

"^  Hieroclcs  enjoyed  that  honor;  out  he  would  have  been  sti])- 
planted  by  one  Zoticus,  had  he  not  contrived,  by  a  potjoii,  to  enervate 
the  powers  of  his  rival,  who,  being  found  on  trial  unequal  to  his  repu- 
tal'ionf  was  driven  with  ignomjny  from  the  palace.  Dion,  1.  Ixxix. 
p.  1363,  13(31.     A  dancer  was  made  prafect  of  the  city,  a  chaiioieet 


OF    THE    noriAN    EMPIRE.  ^73 

It  may  s'-3m  probahlo,  tlie  vices  and  follies  of  El.xgabaliia 
have  been  adoriieiJ  by  (aiicy,  and  blackened  by  j)r5Judu;e.'**' 
Yet,  confining  ourselves  to  tlie  public  scenes  disphjyed  before 
the  Roman  people,  and  attested  by  grave  and  contemporary 
historians,  their  inexpressible  infamy  surpasses  that  of  any 
other  age  or  country.  The  license  of  an  eastern  monarch  in 
secluded  from  the  eye  of  curiosity  by  the  inaccessible  walb  ot 
his  seraglio.  The  sentiments  of  honor  and  gallantry  have 
introduced  a  refinement  of  pleasure,  a  regard  for  decency, 
und  a  respect  for  the  public  opinion,  into  the  modern  courts 
of  Europe;*  but  the  corrupt  and  ojiulent  nobles  of  Rome 
gratified  every  vice  that  could  be  collected  from  the  mightv 
conflux  of  nations  and  manners.  Secure  of  impunity,  careless 
of  censure,  they  lived  without  restraint  in  the  patient  and 
humble  society  of  their  slaves  and  parasites.  The  emperor, 
in  his  turn,  viewing  every  rank  of  his  subjects  with  the  same 
contemptuous  indilference,  asserted  witliout  control  his  sover- 
eign privilege  of  lust  and  luxury. 

The  most  worthless  of  mankind  are  not  afraid  to  condemn 
in  othei's  the  same  disorders  which  they  allow  in  themselves  ; 
and  can  readily  discover  some  nice  difference  of  age,  charac- 
ter, or  station,  to  justify  the  partial  distinction.  Tlie  licentious 
soldiers,  who  had  raised  to  the  throne  the  dissolute  son  of 
Caracalla,  blushed  at  their  ignominious  choice,  and  turned 
with  disgust  from  that  monster,  to  contem|)late  with  pleasure 
the  opening  virtues  of  his  cousin  Alexander,  the  son  of  Ma- 
ni.-ea.  The  crafty  Miesa,  sensible  that  her  grandson  Elaga- 
balus  must  inevitably  destroy  himself  by  his  own  vices,  had 
provided  another  and  surer  support  of  her  family.  P'mbracing 
a  fav(jrable  moment  of  fondness  and  devotion,  she  had  pcjr- 
suaded  the  young  emperor  to  adopt  Alexander,  and  to  invest 
him  with  the  title  of  Csesar,  tliat  his  own  divine  occupations 
might  be  no  longer  interrupted   by  the  care  of  the  earth.      In 


piii'loi-t  of  the  watch,  a  liarbcr  pnefect  of  the  provisions.  These  three 
cniiiistL-rs,  with  many  inferior  oihcers,  were  all  recominciided  eiionni- 
tall'  iHcinhrorimi.     Hist.  August,  p.  105. 

*"  E\  Du  the  credulous  comi)iler  of  his  life,  in  the  Auojustan  IIis- 
tor>-  (p.  Ill)  i3  incliucd  to  suspect  that  liis  vices  may  have  been 
extt^kjcrated. 

•  Woiick  has  justly  ol.scrvcd  that  Gibbon  should  have  reckor.ed  th* 
nfluence  of  Christianity  in  this  j^'rcat  ciiaiiire.  In  the  most  savui^e  times, 
*nd  the  most  corrupt  courts,  since  the  introduction  of  Cliristiunitv  there 
4aire  been  no  Neros  jr  Don<itiaus,  no  Commodus  or  Elagabulus.  —  id. 


174  THE    DECLINE    AND    TAUh 

the  second  lank  that  amiable  prince  soon  acquired  the  affec- 
tions of  the  public,  and  excited  the  tvranl's  iealousv,  who 
resolved  to  terminate  the  dangerous  competition,  either  by 
corripting  the  manners,  or  by  taking  away  the  life,  of  hia 
rival.  His  arts  proved  unsuccessful  ;  his  vain  designs  were 
constantly  discovered  by  his  own  loquacious  folly,  and  disa[). 
pointed  by  those  virtuous  and  faithful  servants  whom  the  pru- 
dence of  Mamaja  had  placed  about  the  person  of  her  son. 
In  a  hasty  sally  of  passion,  Elagabalus  resolved  to  execute  by 
force  what  he  had  been  unable  to  compass  by  fraud,  and  !  y 
a  despotic  sentence  degraded  his  cousin  from  the  rank  and 
honors  of  Caesar.  The  message  was  received  in  the  senati* 
with  silence,  and  in  the  camp  with  fury.  The  Prfetoriur 
guards  swore  to  protect  Alexander,  and  to  revenge  the  dis- 
honored majesty  of  the  throne.  The  tears  and  promises  of 
the  trembling  Elagabalus,  who  only  begged  them  to  spare  his 
life,  and  to  leave  him  in  the  possession  of  his  beloved  Hiero- 
cles,  diverted  their  just  indignation;  and  they  contented  them- 
selves  with  empowering  their  prajfects  to  watch  over  the  safety 
of  Alexander,  and  the  conduct  of  the  emperor.''' 

It  was  impossible  that  such  a  reconciliation  should  last,  oi 
that  even  the  mean  soul  of  Elagabalus  could  hold  an  empire 
on  such  humiliating  terms  of  dependence.  He  soon  attempt- 
ed, by  a  dangerous  experiment,  to  try  the  temper  of  the 
^soldiers.  The  report  of  the  death  of  Alexander,  and  the 
natural  suspicion  that  he  had  been  murdered,  inflamed  theit 
passions  into  fury,  and  the  tempest  of  the  camp  could  only  be 
dppeased  by  the  presence  and  authority  of  the  popular  youth. 
Provoked  at  this  new  instance  of  their  affection  for  bis  cousin, 
find  their  contempt  for  his  person,  the  emperor  ventured  to 
punish  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  mutiny.  His  unseasonable 
severity  proved  instantly  fatal  to  liis  minions,  his  mother,  and 
himself.  Elagabalus  was  massacred  by  the  indignant  Pnelo- 
rians,  his  mutilated  corpse  dragged  through  the  streets  of  the 
city,  and  thrown  into  the  Tiber.  His  memory  was  branded 
with  eternal  infamy  by  the  senate ;  the  justice  of  whose 
decree  has  been  ratified  by  posterity.*^'-^ 


*'  Dion,  1.  Ixxix.  p.  l3Go.  Ilprodian,  1.  v.  p.  195--201.  Ilis. 
Au^^ust.  p.  10.5.  Tho  hist  of  the  three  historians  seems  to  have  I'ol- 
Ic'.ved  the  best  authors  in  his  account  of  the  revolution. 

*'  'JTie  aera  of  the  death  of  Elagabalus,  and  of  the  accession  of 
Alexaiidor,  hiut  employed  the  learning  and  ingenuity  of  I'ligi,  Tillo- 
mont,  VttlHccehi,  Vigiioli,  and  Torre,    bishop  ol  A'L-ia.     The  auestion 


OK   THE    ROM-N    EMPIRE.  175 

In  the  room  of  Elagabalua,  his  cousin  Alexander  was 
raised  to  the  throne  by  the  Praetorian  guards.  His  re.ation 
to  the  family  of  Severus,  whose  name  he  assumed,  was  the 
fcame  as  that  of  his  predecessor ;  his  virtue  and  his  danger 
had  already  endeared  him  to  the  Romans,  and  the  eager 
liljerulity  of  tlie  senate  conferred  upon  him,  in  one  day,  the 
various  titles  and  powers  of  the  Imperial  dignity.''''  But  as 
Alexander  was  a  modest  and  dutiful  youtli,  of  only  seventeen 
years  of  age,  the  reins  of  government  were  in  tlie  hands  ot 
two  women,  of  his  mother,  Mama;a,  and  of  Msesa,  his  grand- 
mother. After  the  death  of  the  latter,  who  survived  but  a 
short  time  the  elevation  of  Alexander,  Nama^a  remained  the 
sole  regent  of  her  son  and  of  the  empire. 

In  every  age  and  country,  the  wiser,  or  at  least  the  stronger, 
of  the  two  sexes,  has  usurj)ed  the  powers  of  the  state,  and 
confined  the  other  to  the  cares  and  pleasures  of  domestic 
life.  In  hereditary  monarchies,  however,  and  especially  in 
those  of  modern  Europe,  the  gallant  spirit  of  chivalry,  and 
the  law  of  succession,  have  accustomed  us  to  allow  a  singular 
exception  ;  and  a  woman  is  often  acknowledged  the  absolute 
sovereign  of  a  great  kingdom,  in  which  she  would  be  deeniod 
incapable  of  exercising  the  smallest  employment,  civil  or  mil- 


is  most  assuredly  intricate ;  b\it  I  still  adhere  to  the  authoritj-  of 
Dion,  the  truth  of  whose  calculations  is  undeniable,  and  the  purity 
of  wiiose  text  is  justified  by  the  agreement  of  Xiphilin,  Zonaras, 
and  Cedrcnus.  Elagabalus  reigned  three  years  nine  months  and 
tiitr  days,  from  his  victory  over  Macrinus,  and  was  killed  March  10, 
222.  But  what  shall  we  reply  to  the  medids,  undoubtedly  genuine, 
which  reckon  the  fifth  year  of  his  tribunitian  power  ?  Wc  shall  reply, 
with  the  learned  Valsocchi,  that  the  usurpation  of  Macrinus  wwt 
ttiinihilated,  and  that  the  son  of  Carai'alla  dated  his  reign  from  his 
fatlicr's  death  r  After  resolving  this  great  ditliculty,  the  smaller  knots 
ef  this  (juestion  may  bo  easily  untied,  or  cut  asunder.* 

^  Hist.  August,  p.  114.  By  this  unusual  i)recipitation,  the  senate 
meant  to  confound  the  hopes  of  pretenders,  and  prevent  the  factions 
>f  the  armies. 


*  This  opinion  of  Valsecchi  has  been  triun>i)hantly  contesttt.  ov  Eckliel, 
who  has  shown  the  impossibility  of  reconciling  it  with  the  medals  of 
El.igabahis,  and  has  given  the  most  satisfactory  explanation  of  the  five 
trilu.nates  of  that  emperor.  lie  ascended  the  tlirone  and  received  the 
triLjnician  power  the  i6th  of  May,  in  the  year  of  Rome  971  ;  and  on  the 
1st  J'lnuary  of  tlie  next  year,  972,  he  bci^an  a  new  tribiiniit»,  according  ta 
the  custom  estabHshcd  by  preceding  emperors.  Durini;  the  years  972,  973, 
•74  he  enjoyed  the  tribunate,  and  commenced  his  fifth  in  the  year  97-5, 
g  which  he  waskilled  on  the  lOth  March  Eckhel  de  Dojt.  Nuic, 
0,  &c  —  G. 


176  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

itary.  But  as  the  Roman  emperors  were  still  considered  as 
the  generals  and  magistrates  of  the  republic,  their  wives  and 
mothers,  although  distinguished  by  the  name  of  Augusta 
were  never  associated  to  their  personal  honors  ;  and  a  female 
reign  would  have  appeared  an  inexpiable  prodigy  in  the  eyes 
of  those  primitive  Romans,  who  married  without  love,  or 
loved  without  delicacy  and  respect.'''*  The  haughty  Agrip- 
pina  aspired,  indeed,  to  share  the  honors  of  the  empire  which 
she  had  conferred  on  her  son  ;  but  her  mad  ambition,  detested 
by  every  citizen  who  felt  for  the  dignity  of  Rome,  was  disap- 
pointed by  the  artful  firmness  of  Seneca  and  Burrhus.^^  The 
good  sense,  or  the  indifference,  of  succeeding  princes,  re- 
strained them  from  ofTending  the  prejudices  of  their  subjects  , 
and  it  was  reserved  for  the  profligate  Elagabalus  to  discharge 
the  acts  of  the  senate  with  the  name  of  his  mother  Soiemias, 
who  was  placed  by  the  side  of  the  consuls,  and  subscribed,  as 
a  regular  member,  the  decrees  of  the  legislative  assembly. 
Her  more  prudent  sister,  Mamsea,  declined  the  useless  and 
odious  prerogative,  and  a  solemn  law  was  enacted,  excluamg 
women  forever  from  the  senate,  and  devoting  to  the  infernal 
gods  the  head  of  the  wretch  by  whom  this  sanction  should  be 
violated.'^''  The  substance,  not  the  pageantry,  of  power,  was 
the  object  of  Mamaea's  manly  ambition.  She  maintained  an 
absolute  and  lasting  empire  over  the  mind  of  her  son,  and  in 
his  affection  the  mother  could  not  brook  a  rival.  Alexander, 
with  her  consent,  married  the  daughter  of  a  patrician  ;  out  his 
respect  for  his  father-in-law,  and  love  for  the  empress,  ^vei'e 
inconsistent  with  the  tenderness  or  interest  of  Mamtea.  The 
patrician  was  executed  on  the  ready  accusation  of  treason, 
and  the  wife  of  Alexander  driven  with  ignominy  from  the  pal- 
ace, and  banished  into  Africa.*'^ 


*^  Metellus  Numidicus,  the  censor,  acknowlorlged  to  the  Horn  an 
peojile,  in  a  public  oration,  that  had  kind  nature  allowetl  us  to  exist 
without  the  help  of  women,  we  should  be  delivered  Irom  a  very 
troublesome  companion  ;  and  he  could  recommend  matrimony  only 
as  the  sacrifice  of  private  pleasure  to  public  duty.  Aulus  Geliius, 
».  0. 

**  Tacit.  Annal.  xiii.  5. 

^  Hist.  August,  p.  102,  107. 

♦'  Dion,  1.  Ixxx.  p.  13()9.  Herodian,  1.  vi.  p.  206.  Hist.  Aui;u<<t. 
p.  I'll.  Hefodian  represents  the  patrician  as  innocent.  The  Aiii^ua- 
Un  Ifiuory,  on  the  authority  of  Doxippus,  condemns  him,  as  guilty 
i,f  a  conspiracy  against  the  lil'e  of  Alexander.  It  is  impossible  to  riro- 
nounce  btlween  them  ;  but  Dion  in  ur    irreproacluibiC  witneas  of  the 


■     OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  177 

Notwithstanding  this  act  of  jealous  cruelty,  as  well  as  f  orne 
instances  of  avarice,  witli  wliich  Alainica  is  cliargcd,  the  <ren- 
eral  tenor  of  her  administnition  was  equally  for  the  benefit  of 
her  son  and  of  the  empire.  With  the  approbation  of  the 
senate,  she  chose  sixteen  of  the  wisest  and  most  virtuous 
senators  as  a  perpetual  council  of  state,  before  whom  every 
public  business  of  moment  was  debated  and  determined. 
The  celebrated  LIIj)ian,  ecpially  distinguished  by  his  knowl- 
edge of,  and  his  respect  for,  the  laws  of  Rome,  was  at  tlieir 
head  ;  and  the  prudent  firmness  of  this  aristocracy  restore'! 
order  and  authority  to  the  government.  As  soon  as  they  ha'l 
purg(Hl  the  city  from  foreign  superstition  and  luxury,  the 
remains  of  the  ca[)ricious  tyranny  of  Elagabulus,  they  ap- 
plied themselves  to  remove  his  worthless  creatures  from 
every  department  of  the  public  administration,  and  to  sup[)ly 
their  places  with  men  of  virtue  and  ability.  Learning,  and 
the  love  of  justice,  became  the  only  recommendations  for 
civil  offices;  valor,  and  the  love  of  discipline,  the  only  qual- 
ifications for  military  employments.''*^ 

But  the  most  important  care  of  Mamsea  and  her  wise  coun- 
sellors, was  to  form  the  character  of  the  young  emperor,  on 
whose  personal  qualities  the  happiness  or  misery  of  the 
Roman  world  must  ultimately  depend.  The  fortunate  soil 
assisted,  and  even  prevented,  the  hand  of  cultivation.  An 
excellent  understanding  soon  convinced  Alexander  of  tho 
advantages  of  virtue,  the  pleasure  of  knowledge,  and  the 
ng^essity  of  labor.  A  natural  mildness  and  moderation  of 
temper  preserved  him  from  the  assaults  of  passion,  and  the 
allurements  of  vice.  His  unalterable  reuard  for  his  mother 
and  his  esteem  for  the  wise  Ulpian,  guarded  his  unexperi- 
enced youth  from  the  poison  of  flattery.* 

jealousy  and  cruelty  of  Mamaea  towards  the  young  empress,  whoso 
hard  late  -Uexaudcr  lamoutod,  but  durst  not  opiJOsc. 

'*'*  llei-odian,  1.  vi.  p.  203.  Hist.  August,  p.  119.  The  latter  insin- 
uates, that  when  any  law  was  to  be  passed,  the  council  was  assisted 
by  a  number  of  able  lawyers  and  experienced  senators,  whose  opinion* 
wore  separately  given,  and  taken  down  in  writing-. 


•  Alexander  received  into  his  chapel  all  the  religions  whicn  pnn-ailod  in 
tht  eni[)ire  ;  he  admitted  Jesus  Christ,  Abraham,  Orpheus,  Apulh.nius  of 
TyaiKi,  \c.  It  is  ahuost  certain  that  his  mother  Mumieu  l.ad  iiistr-ioted 
aim  in  tlie  morality  of  Christianity.  Historians  in  general  ai;recin  calling 
her  a  (^liristian  ;  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  she  had  begun  to  have  a 
taste  for  tlic  principles  of  Christianity.  (Sec  Tillemont,  Ale.vander  .Seve- 
rus.i     Gibbon    has   not   noticed   this   circumstance;    he  appears  to    h;  va 


17H  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

The  simjile  journal  of  his  ordinary  occupations  exhibits  a 
pleasing  picture  of  an  accomplislied  emperor,*'^  and,  with 
some  allowance  for  the  difference  of  manners,  might  well 
deserve  the  imitation  of  modern  princes.  Alexander  ""Ofefi 
turlv  :  *he  first  moments  of  the  day  were  consecrated  tc  pri- 
vate devotion,  and  his  domestic  chapel  was  filled  with  the 
linages  of  those  heroes,  who,  by  improving  or  reforiniiig 
human  life,  had  deserved  the  grateful  reverence  of  posterity. 
But  a-  he  de<!med  the  service  of  mankind  the  most  acceptuhle 
worship  of  the  gods,  the  greatest  part  of  his  morning  hours 
was  employed  in  his  council,  where  he  discussed  public 
atiairs,  and  determined  private  causes,  with  a  patience  and 
discretion  above  his  years.  The  dryness  of  business  was 
ndieved  by  the  charms  of  literature  ;  and  a  portion  of  trme 
was  nin'ays  set  apart  for  his  favorite  studies  of  poetry,  history, 
and  |)hilosophy.  The  works  of  Virgil  and  Horace,  the 
republics  of  Plato  and  Cicero,  formed  his  taste,  enlarged  his 
understanding,  and  gave  him  the  noblest  ideas  of  man  and 
government.  The  exercises  of  the  body  succeeded  to  those 
of  tne  mind  ;  and  Alexander,  who  was  taFl,  active,  and  robust, 
surpassed  most  of  his  equals  in  the  gymnastic  arts.  Re- 
freshed by  the  use  of  the  bath  and  a  slight  dinner,  he 
resumed,  with  new  vigor,  the  business  of  the  day  ;  and,  till 
the  hour  of  supper,  the  principal  meal  of  the  Romans,  he  was 
attended  by  his  secretaries,  with  whom  he  read  and  answered 
the  multitude  of  letters,  memorials,  and  petitions,  tliat  must 
have  been  addressed  to  the  master  of  the  greatest  part  of  the 


*®  See  his  life  in  the  Augustan  History.  The  undistinguishing 
compiler  has  buried  these  interesting  anecdotes  under  a  load  of  tiivial 
and  unmeaning  eircumstances. 


wished  to  lower  the  character  of  this  empress  ;  he  has  throughout  followed 
the  narrative  of  Herodiaii,  who,  by  the  acknowledgment  of  Cai)itoliniu 
himself,  detested  Alexander.  Without  l)elieviiig  tlie  exaggerated  praises 
of  Laii'.pridius,  he  ought  not  to  have  followed  the  unjust  severity  of  Hero 
dian,  and,  aljove  all,  not  to  have  forgotten  to  say  that  the  virtuous  Alex 
ander  Scverus  had  insured  to  the  Jews  the  preservation  of  their  jjrivileges, 
and  p/;rmitted  the  exercise  of  Christianity.  liist.  Aug.  p.  I'ii.  The 
Christians  had  established  their  vvorsliip  in  a  piil)lic  ])laeo,  of  which  tlu 
victuallers  (caujionarii)  claimed,  not  the  i)ro|)erty,  l)ut  po»ses,-ioii  by  cus- 
tom. Alexander  answered,  that  it  was  better  that  the  place  should  be  used 
(cr  the  service  of  God,  in  any  form,  tlian  hn'  victuallers.  —  (I  I  have 
Hcripiei  to  omit  this  note,  as  it  contains  some  points  worthy  of  notice  ;  hit 
It  is  veiy  unjust  to  (iilihon,  who  n\entions  almost  all  the  circumstance^, 
wiiich  he  is  accused  of  omitting,  in  another,  and  accordint;  to  liis  plan.  » 
fitter  place,  and,  perhu|)s,  in  stronger  terms  than  ftJ.Ciuizot.  See  ch.ip 
Kvi  —  M. 


OV    THE    RHMAN    EMPIRE.  179 

world.  His  table  was  served  with  the  most  frugal  simplicity  ; 
and  whonever  he  was  at  libertv  to  consult  his  own  inclination, 
the  company  consisted  of  a  few  select  friends,  men  of  learn- 
ing and  virtue,  amongst  whom  Ulpian  was  constantly  invited. 
Their  conversation  was  familiar  and  instructive ;  and  the 
pauses  were  occasionally  enlivened  by  the  recital  of  some 
pleasing  composition,  which  supplied  the  place  of  the  dancers 
comedians,  and  even  gladiators,  so  frequently  summoned  to 
the  tables  of  the  rich  and  luxurious  Romans. ''"  The  dress  "of 
Alexander  was  plain  and  modest,  his  demeanor  courteous  and 
affable  :  at  the  proper  hours  his  palace  was  open  to  all  his 
subjects,  but  the  voice  of  a  crier  was  heard,  as  in  the  Eleu- 
sinian  mysteries,  pronouncing  the  same  salutary  admonition  : 
*'  Let  none  enter  those  holy  walls,  unless  he  is  conscious  of  a 
pure  and  innocent  mind."  "^ 

Such  a  uniform  tenor  of  life,  which  left  not  a  moment  for 
vice  or  folly,  is  a  better  proof  of  the  wisdom  and  justice  of- 
Alexander's  government,  than  all  the  trifling  details  preserved 
in  the  compilation  of  Lampridius.  Since  the  accession  of 
Commodus,  the  Roman  world  had  experienced,  during  the 
term  of  forty  years,  the  successive  and  various  vices  of  foui 
tyrants.  From  the  death  of  Elagabalus,  it  enjoyed  an  aus- 
picious calm  of  thirteen  years.*  The  provinces,  relieved 
from  the  oppressive  taxes  invented  by  Caracalla  and  his  pre- 
tended son,  flourished  in  peace  and  prosperity,  under  the  ad- 
ministration of  magistrates,  who  were  convinced  by  experi 
ence  that  to  deserve  the  love  of  the  subjects,  was  their  bes( 
and  only  method  of  obtaining  the  favor  of  their  sovereign. 
While  some  gentle  restraints  were  imposed  on  the  innocent 
luxury  of  the  Roman  people,  the  price  of  provisions  and  the 
interest  of  money,  were  reduced  by  the  paternal  care  of 
Alexander,  whose  prudent  liberality,  without  distressing  the 
industrious,  supplied  the  wants  and  amusements  of  the  popu- 
lace. The  dignity,  the  freedom,  the  authority  of  the  senate 
Was  restored  ;  and  every  virtuous  senator  might  approach  the 
person  of  the  emperor  without  a  fear  and  without  a  blush. 


"'  See  the  13th  Satire  of  Juvenal. 
"  Hist.  August,  p.  119. 


•  Wenck  observes  that  Gibbon,  enchanted  with  the  Tirtue  of  Alexander, 
has  heightened,  particularly  in  this  sentence,  its  effect  on  the  state  of  the 
rorld.  Ilis  own  account,  which  follows,  of  the  insurrections  and  foreijin 
rars.  is  not  in  harmony  with  this  l)eauti;iil  pi'^ure.  —  M. 


180  THE    DECLIJSE    AND    FALL 

The  name  of  Antoninus,  ennobled  by  the  v.ilues  of  PiU8 
and  Marcus,  had  been  comnnunieated  by  adoption  to  the  dis- 
solute Verus,  and  by  descent  to  the  cruel  Commod'is.  If 
became  the  honorable  appellation  of  the  sons  of  Severus,  was 
bestowed  on  young  Diadumenianus,  and  at  length  prostituted 
to  the  infamy  of  the  high  priest  of  Emesa  Alexander 
though  pressed  by  the  studied,  and,  perhaps,  smcere  inipor 
unity  of  the  senate,  nobly  refused  the  borrowed  lustre  of  a 
name  ;  whilst  in  his  whole  conduct  he  labored  to  restore  the 
glories  and  felicity  of  the  age  of  the  genuine  Antonines.'''^ 

In  the  civil  administration  of  Alexander,  wisdom  was 
enforced  by  power,  and  the  people,  sensible  of  the  public 
felicity,  repaid  their  benefactor  with  their  love  and  gratitude. 
There  still  remained  a  greater,  a  more  necessary,  but  a  more 
difficult  enterprise  ;  the  reformation  of  the  military  order.; 
whose  interest  and  tempisr,  confirmed  by  long  impunity,  ren- 
dered them  impatient  of  the  restraints  of  discipline,  and  care- 
less of  the  blessings  of  public  tranquillity.  In  the  execution  of 
his  design,  the  emperor  affected  to  display  his  love,  and  to 
conceal  his  fear,  of  the  army.  The  most  rigid  economy  in 
every  other  branch  of  the  administration  supplied  a  fund  of 
gold  and  silver  for  the  ordinary  pay  and  the  extraordinary 
rewards  of  the  troops.  In  their  marches  he  relaxed  the 
severe  obligation  of  carrying  seventeen  days'  provision  on 
their  shoulders.  Ample  magazines  were  formed  along  the 
public  roads,  and  as  soon  as  they  entered  the  enemy's  coun- 
try, a  numerous  train  of  mules  and  camels  waited  on  their 
haughty  laziness.  As  Alexander  despaired  of  correcting  the 
luxury  of  his  soldiers,  he  attempted,  at  least,  to  direct  it  to 
objects  of  martial  pomp  and  ornament,  fine  horses,  splendid 
armor,  and  shields  enriched  with  silver  and  gold.  He  shared 
whatever  fatigues  he  was  obliged  to  impose,  visited,  in  person, 
the  sick  and  wounded,  preserved  an  exact  register  of  their 
services  and  his  own  gratitude,  and  expressed,  on  every  occa- 
lion,  the  warmest  regard  for  a  body  of  men,  whose  welfare 
as  he  affected  to  declare,  was  so  closely  connected  with  that 


"  See,  in  the  Hist.  August,  p.  116,  117,  the  whole  contest  between 
A-lexandcr  and  the  senate,  extracted  from  the  journals  of  that  asscm- 
hly.  It  happened  on  the  sixth  of  March,  jirobahly  of  the  year  22;{, 
'^■hen  the  Romans  had  enjoyed,  almost  a  twelvemonth,  the  blessiufra 
of  his  reign.  Before  the  appellation  of  Antoninus  was  offered  him  as  a 
title  of  honor,  the  senate  waited  to  see  wh'ither  i'Uexaiidcr  would  not 
assmne  it  as  a  fauily  name. 


»  OF    THE    ROMAN    EMI1R«.  ISl 

»f  the  Ltale."'^  By  the  most  gentle  arts  he  Uborecl  to  inspire 
the  (ierce  multitude  with  a  sense  of  duty,  and  *o  restore  at 
least  a  faint  image  of  that  discipline  to  which  the  Romans 
owed  their  empire  over  so  many  other  nations,  as  warlike  and 
more  powerful  than  themselves.  But  his  prudence  was  vain, 
his  courage  fatal,  and  the  attempt  towards  a  reformation  served 
only  to  inflame  the  ills  it  was  meant  to  cure. 

The  Pi-a^torian  guards  were  attached  to  the  youth  of  Alex- 
ander. They  loved  him  as  a  tender  i)upil,  whom  they  had 
saved  from  a  tyrant's  fury,  and  placed  on  the  Imperial  throne 
That  amiable  prince  was  sensible  of  the  obligation  ;  but  as 
his  gratitude  was  restrained  within  the  limits  of  reason  and 
justice,  they  soon  were  more  dissatisfied  with  the  virtues  of 
Alexander,  than  they  had  ever  been  with  the  vices  of  Elaga- 
balus.  Their  pnefect,  the  wise  Ulpian,  was  the  friend  of  the 
laws  and  of  the  people  ;  he  was  considered  as  the  enemy  of 
the  soldiers,  and  to  his  pernicious  counsels  every  scheme  of 
reformation  was  imputed.  Some  trifling  accident  blew  up 
their  discontent  into  a  furious  mutiny  ;  and  the  civil  war 
raged,  during  three  days,  in  Rome,  whilst  the  life  ol  that  ex 
eel  lent  minister  was  defended  by  the  grateful  people.  Terri- 
fied, at  length,  by  the  sight  of  some  houses  in  flames,  and  by 
the  threats  of  a  general  conflagration,  the  people  yielded  with 
a  sigh,  and  left  the  virtuous  but  unfortunate  Ulpian  to  his  fate. 
He  was  pursued  into  the  Imperial  palace,  and  massacred  at 
the  feet  of  his  master,  who  vainly  strove  to  cover  him  with 
the  purple,  and  to  obtain  his  pardon  from  the  inexorable  sol- 
diers.* Such  was  the  deplorable  weakness  of  government, 
tliat  the  emperor  was  unable  to  revenge  his  murdered  friend 


'■*  It  was  a  favorite  saying  of  the  emperor's,  Sc  milites  raagis  servare, 
quam  seipsum  ;  quod  salus  publica  in  his  esset.     Hist.  Aug.  p.  130. 


*  Gibbon  has  confounded  two  events  altogether  different  —  the  quarrel 
3f  the  people  with  the  Pi iL-toriaiis,  which  lasted  three  days,  and  the  assassi- 
nation of  Ulpian  by  the  latter.  Dion  relates  first  the  death  of  Uljiian 
»ftei  wards,  reverting?  back  according  to  a  manner  wliich  is  usual  with  him, 
he  says  that  during  the  life  of  Ulpian,  there  had  been  a  war  of  three  daya 
between  the  Pra;toriHns  and  the  people.  But  Ulpian  was  not  the  cause. 
Dion  says,  on  the  contrary,  that  it  was  occasioned  by  some  unimportant 
circumstance;  whilst  he  assigns  a  weighty  reason  for  the  murder  of  Ul- 
pian, the  judgment  by  which  that  Pra;torian  pra-fect  had  condemned  hi» 
predecessors,  Chrestus  and  Flavian,  to  death,  whom  the  soldiers  wished 
to  revenge.  Zosimus  (1.  l,c.  xi.)  attributes  this  sentence  to  Manuea;  but, 
even  then,  the  troops  might  have  imputed  it  to  Ulpian.  who  had  reaped  all- 
the  advantage,  and  was  otherwise  odio'-s  to  them.  —  W. 


182  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

and  his  insulted  dignity,  without  stooping  to  ttie  arts  of 
pati(!nce  and  dissimulation.  Epagathus,  the  principal  leadeJ 
of  the  mutiny,  was  removed  from  Rome,  by  the  honorable 
employment  of  prcefect  of  Egypt :  from  that  high  rank  ho 
tvas  gently  degraded  to  the  government  of  Crete  ;  and  when, 
at  length,  his  popularity  among  the  guards  was  effaced  by 
time  and  absence,  Alexander  ventured  to  inflict  the  tardy  but 
deserved  punishment  of  his  crimes.'^'*  Under  the  reign  of  a 
just  and  virtuous  prince,  the  tyranny  of  the  army  threatened 
with  instant  death  his  most  faithful  ministers,  who  were  sus- 
pected of  an  intention  to  correct  their  intolerable  disorders. 
The  historian  Dion  Cassius  had  commanded  the  Pannonian 
legions  with  the  spirit  of  ancient  discipline.  Their  brethren 
of  Rome,  embracing  the  common  cause  of  military  license, 
demanded  the  head  of  the  reformer.  Alexander,  however, 
instead  of  yielding  to  their  seditious  clamors,  showed  a  jus 
sense  of  his  merit  and  services,  by  appointing  him  his  co 
league  in  the  consulship,  and  defraying  from  his  own  treasury 
the  expense  of  that  vain  dignity  :  but  as  it  was  justly  appre 
hended,  that  if  the  soldiers  beheld  him  with  the  ensigns  of  his 
office,  they  would  revenge  the  insult  in  his  blood,  the  nominal 
first  magistrate  of  the  state  retired,  by  the  emperor's  advice, 
from  the  city,  and  spent  the  greatest  part  of  his  consulship  at 
his  villas  in  Campania.''^  * 

The  lenity  of  the  emperor  confirmed  the  insolence  of  the 
troops ;  the  legions  imitated  the  example  of  the  guards,  and 
defended  their  prerogative  of  licentiousness  with  the  same 
furious  obstinacy.  The  administration  of  Alexander  was  an 
unavailing  struggle  against  the  corruption  of  his  age.  In 
lllyricum,  in  IVIauritania,  in  Armenia,  in  Mesopotamia,  in  Ger- 

'■*  Though   the   author   of  the  life  of  Alexander   (Hist.  August 
p.  132)  mentions  the  sedition  raised  against  Ulpian  by  the  soldiers, 
he  conceals  the  catastrophe,  as   it  might  discover  a  weakness  in  the 
odmiaidtration  of  his  hero.     From  this  designed  omissiin,  we  may 
udge  of  the  weight  and  candor  of  that  author. 

"  J'or  an  account  of  Ulpian's  fate  and  his  own  danger,  see  the 
mutilated  conclusion  of  Dion's  History.  1.  Ixxx.  p.  1371. 


•  Dion  possessed  no  estates  in  Campania,  and  was  not  rich.  He  only 
Bays  that  the  emperor  advised  him  to  reside,  during  his  consulate,  in  somo 
place  out  of  Rome;  that  he  returned  to  Home  after  the  end  of  his  consul- 
ate, and  had  an  interview  with  the  emperor  in  Campania.  He  asked  and 
obtained  leave  to  pass  the  rest  of  his  life  in  his  native  city,  (Nice,  in 
Bithynia:}  it  was  there  that  he  fitished  his  h  ^torv,  which  closes  wi*\i  hi 
second  consulship.  —  W 


OP  THE  roma:*  empire.  188 

many  fn'sh  mutinies   perpetually  broke  out;  his  officers  were 
niuiTliMcd,  hi?)  authority  was  iiisiulted,  and  liis  life  at  last  sacri- 
ficctl  lo  the  fierce  diticontents  of  the  army.'"'     One  particular 
fact  well  deserves   to  be  recorded,  as  it  illustrates  the  manners 
of  the  troops,  and  exhibits  a  singular  instance  of  their  return 
to  a  sense  of  duty  and  obedience.     .Whilst  the  emperor  lay  at 
Antiocli,  in  his  Persian  expedition,  the  particulars  of  which  we 
shall  hereafter  relate,  the  punishment  of  some  soldiers,  who 
had  been  discovered  in  the  baths  of  women,  excited  a  sedition 
in  the  legion   to   which  they  belonged.     Alexander  ascended 
liis   tribunal,  and   with  a   modest  firmness   represented    to  the 
armed  multitude  the  absolute  necessity,  as  well   as    his  inflex- 
ible resolution,  of  correcting  the  vices  introduced  by  his  impure 
predecessor,  and  of  maintaining  the  discipline,  which  c(^uld  not 
in;  relaxed  without  the   ruin  of  the  Roman  name  and  empire. 
Tneir  clamors  interrupted  his  mild  expostulation.     "  Reserve 
your  shout,"  said  the  undaunted  emperor,  "  till  you  take  the 
field  agiunst  the   Persians,  the  Germans,  and  the   Sarmatians, 
He  silent  in  the  presence  of  your  sovereign   and  benefactor, 
who  bestows  upon  you  the  corn,  the  clothing,  and  the  money  of 
the  provinces.     Be  silent,  or  I  shall   no   longer  style  you  sol- 
diers, but  citizens,'^''  if  those  indeed  who  disclaim  the  laws  of 
Rome  deserve  to  be  ranked  among  the  meanest  of  the  people." 
His  menaces  inflamed  the  fury  of  the  legion,  and  theii  bran 
dished  arms  already  threatened  his  person.     "  Your  courage,'* 
resumed  the  intre])id  Alexander,  "  would  be  more  nobly  dis- 
played in  the  field  of  battle  ;  me  you  may  .destroy,  you  cannot 
intimidate  ;  and  the  severe  justice  of  the  republic  would  |)unish 
your  crime  and  revenge  my  death."     The  legion  still  persisted 
in  clamorous  sedition,  when   the  emperor  pronounced,  with  a 
loud  voice,  the  decisive  sentence,  "  Citizens  !  lay  down  yout 
arms,  and   depart   in    peace  to   your  respective  habitations." 
The  tempest  was  instantly  appeased  :   the  soldiers,  filled  w.th 
grief  and  shame,  silently  confessed  the  justice  of  their  punish- 
ment, and  the  power  of  discipline,  yielded   up  their  arms  and 
military  ensigns,  and  retired   in  confusion,  not  to  their  camp, 
hut  to  the  several  inns  of  the  city.'    Alexander  enjoyed,  dur- 
ing  thirty  days,  the  edifying  spectacle   of  their  repentance ; 

''  Annot.  Reunar.  ad  Dion  Cassias,  1.  Ixxx.  p.  1369. 

"  Julius  Caesar  had  appeased  a  sedition  with  the  same  word,  QwtW- 
tes  ;  which,  thus  opposed  to  soldiers,  was  used  in  a  sense  of  contempt, 
and  reduced  the  oti'cndcrs  to  the  less  honoriblo  condition  of  mtre 
citizens.     Tacit   Ajmal.  i.  43. 


184  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

nor  did  he  restore  them  to  their  former  rank  in  the  army,  till 
he  had  punished  with  death  those  tribunes  whose  connivanne 
had  occasioned  the  mutiny.  The  grateful  legion  served  'r.a 
emperor  whilst  living,  and  revenged  him  when  dnad.'^^ 

The  resolutions  of  the  multitude  generally  depend  on  a 
moment ;  and  the  caprice  of  passion  might  equally  determine 
the  seditious  legion  to  lay  down  their  arms  at  the  emperor's 
feet,  or  to  plunge  them  into  his  breast.  Perhaps,  if  the  sin- 
gular transaction  had  been  investigated  by  the  penetratitju  of 
a  philosopher,  we  should  discover  the  secret  causes  whicii  on 
that  occasion  authorized  the  boldness  of  the  prince,  and  com 
manded  the  obedience  of  the  troops;  and  perhaps,  if  it  nad 
been  related  by  a  judicious  historian,  we  should  find  thi^ 
action,  worthy  of  Cresar  himself,  reduced  nearer  to  the  level 
of  probability  and  the  common  standard  of  the  character  of 
Alexander  Severus.  The  abilities  of  that  amiable  prmce 
seem  to  have  been  inadequate  to  the  difficulties  of  his  situa- 
tion, the  firmness  of  his  conduct  inferior  to  the  purity  of  his 
intentions.  His  virtues,  as  well  as  the  vices  of  Elagabalus, 
contracted  a  tincture  of  weakness  and  effeminacy  from  the 
soft  climate  ^f  Syria,  of  which  he  was  a  native  ;  though  he 
blushed  at  his  foreign  origin,  and  listened  with  a  vain  compla- 
cency to  the  flattering  genealogists,  who  derived  his  race  from 
the  ancient  stock  of  Roman  nobility .'''^  The  pride  and  ava- 
rice of  his  mother  cast  a  shade  on  the  glories  of  his  reign  ;  and 
by  exacting  from  his  riper  years  the  same  dutiful  obedience 
which  she  had  justly  claimed  from  his  unexperienced  youth, 
Mamaea  exposed  to  public  ridicule  both  her  son's  character 
and  her  own.^''     The  fatigues  of  the  Persian  war  irritated  the 

"  Hist.  August,  p.  132. 

'*  From  the  Metelli.  Hist.  August,  p.  119.  The  choice  was  judi- 
cious. In  one  short  period  of  twelve  years,  the  Metelli  could  reckor. 
aeven  consulships  and  five  triumphs.  See  Vclleius  raterculus,  ii.  11, 
and  the  Fasti. 

*"  The  life  of  Alexander,  in  the  Augustan  History,  is  the  mere  idea 
of  a  perfect  prince,  an  awkward  imitation  of  the  CyropaKlia.  The 
account  of  his  reign,  as  given  b^'  Ilcrodian,  is  rational  and  moderate, 
consistent  with  the  general  history  of  tlie  age ;  and,  in  some  of  the 
most  invidious  particulars,  confirmed  by  the  decisive  fragments  ol 
Dion.  Yet  from  a  very  paltry  prejudice,  the  greater  number  of  Oui 
modern  wTitcrs  abuse  Hcrodian,  and  copy  the  Augustari  History. 
See  Mess,  dc  Tillcmont  and  Wotton.  From  the  opposite  prejudice, 
the  emperor  Julian  (in  Ctesarib.  p.  315)  dwells  with  a  visible  satisfac- 
tion on  the  ctfeminato  weakness  of  th*  Svrian,  and  the  ridiculous 
avarice  of  his  mother 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 


185 


mil  tury  discontent ;  the  unsuccessful  event*  degraded  tlic  rep- 
utation of  the  emperor  as  a  general,  and  even  as  a  soldier 
Every  cause  prepared,  and  every  circumstance  hastened,  a 
revolution,  which  distracted  the  Roman   empire  with  a  long 
series  of  intestine  calamities. 

The  dissolute  tyranny  of  Commodus,  the  civil  wars  occa- 
sioned  by  his  death,  and  the  new  maxims  of  policy  introduced 
by  the  house  of  Scvcrus,  had  all  contributed  to  increase  the 
dangerous  power  of  the  army,  and  to  obliterate  tlie  faint 
image  of  laws  and  liberty  that  was  still  impressed  on  the 
minds  of  the  Romans.  This  internal  change,  which  under- 
mined the  foundations  of  the  empire,  we  have  endeavored  to 
explain  with  some  degree  of  order  and  perspicuity.  The 
personal  characters  of  the  emperors,  their  victories,  laws,  fol- 
lies, and  fortunes,  can  interest  us  no  further  than  as  they  are 
connected  with  the  general  history  of  the  Decline  and  Fall  of 
the  monarchy.  Our  constant  attention  to  that  great  object 
will  not  suffer  us  to  overlook  a  most  important  edict  of  An- 
toninus Caracalla,  which  communicated  to  all  the  free  inhab- 
itants of  the  empire  the  name  and  privileges  of  Roman  cit- 
eens.  His  unbounded  liberality  flowed  not,  however,  from 
iie  sentiments  of  a  generous  mind  ;  it  was  the  sordid  result 
of  avarice,  and  will  naturally  be  illustrated  by  some  observa- 
tions on  the  finances  of  that  state,  from  the  victorious  ages  of 
the  commonwealth  to  the  reign  of  Alexander  Severus. 

The  siege  of  Veii  in  Tuscany,  the  first  considerable  entei  ■ 
prise  of  the  Romans,  was  protracted  to  the  tenth  year,  much 
less  by  the  strength  of  the  place  than  by  the  unskilfulness  of 

*  Historians  are  divided  as  to  the  success  of  the  campaign  against  the 
Persians;  llerodian  alone  speaks  of  defeat.  Lampridius,  Eutropius,  Victor, 
and  others,  say  that  it  was  very  glorious  to  Alexander  ;  that  he  beat  Ar- 
taxerxes  in  a  great  battle,  and  repelled  him  from  the  frontiers  of  tlie 
empire.  This  much  is  certain,  that  Alexander,  on  his  return  to  lionie, 
(Lamp.  Hist.  Aug.  c.  56,  133,  134,)  received  the  honors  of  a  triumph,  and 
that  he  said,  in  his  oration  to  the  people,  Quirites,  vicimus  Pcrsas,  milites 
divites  reduximus,  vobis  congiarium  polliccmur,  eras  ludos  circenses  Per- 
tiicos  douabimus.  Alexander,  says  Eckhcl,  had  too  much  modesty  and 
wisdom  to  permit  himself  to  receive  honors  which  ought  only  to  be  the 
reward  of  victory,  if  he  had  not  deserved  them  ;  he  would  havp  contented 
liimself  with  dissembling  his  losses.  Eckhcl,  Doct.  Num.  vet.  vii.  27(5. 
The  medals  represent  him  as  in  triumph;  one,  among  others,  displays  liini 
crowned  by  Victory  between  two  rivers,  the  Euphrates  and  the  Tigris.  P. 
M.  TR.  P.  xii.  Cos.  iii.  PP.  .  Imperator  paludatus  D.  hastam,  S.  parazo- 
niuin,  Stat  inter  duos  fluvios  humi  jacentes,  ct  ab  accedente  retr5  Victoria 
coronatur.  JE.  max.  mod.  (Mus.  Reg.  Gall.)  Although  Gibbon  treats 
this  question  more  in  detail  when  he  speaks  of  the  PorsiaTi  monarchy,  I 
ia.ve  thought  fit  to  place  here  what  contradicts  his  opinion.  — G. 


186  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

'he  besiegers.  The  unaccustomed  hardsliips  of  so  many  \vir> 
ter  campaigns,  at  the  distance  of  near  twenty  miles  from 
home,si  required  more  than  common  encouragements ;  and 
the  senate  wisely  prevented  the  clamors  of  the  people,  by  the 
institution  of  a  regular  pay  for  the  soldiers,  which  was  levied 
by  a  general  tribute,  assessed  according  to  an  equitable  pro- 
portion on  the  property  of  the  citizens.^^  During  more  than 
two  hundred  years  after  the  conquest  of  Veil,  the  victories  of 
the  republic  added  less  to  the  wealth  than  to  the  power  of 
Rome.  The  states  of  Italy  paid  their  tribute  in  military  ser- 
vice only,  and  the  vast  force,  both  by  sea  and  land,  which  was 
exerted  in  the  Punic  wars,  was  maintained  at  the  expense  of 
the  Eomans  themselves.  That  high-spirited  people  (such  is 
often  the  generous  enthusiasm  of  freedom)  cheerfully  sub- 
mitted to  the  most  excessive  but  voluntary  burdens,  in  the  just 
confidence  that  they  should  speedily  enjoy  the  rich  harvest  of 
their  labors.  Their  expectations  were  not  disappointed.  In 
the  course  of  a  few  years,  the  riches  of  Syracuse,  of  Car- 
thage, of  Macedonia,  and  of  Asia,  were  brought  in  triumph  to 
Home.  The  treasures  of  Perseus  alone  amounted  to  near 
\\vo  millions  sterling,  and  the  Roman  people,  the  sovereign  of 
^o  many  nations,  was  forever  delivered  from  the  weight  of 
taxes.^^  The  increasing  revenue  of  the  provinces  was  found 
sufficient  to  defray  the  ordinary  establishment  of  war  and 
government,  and  the  superfluous  mass  of  gold  and  silver  was 
deposited  in  the  temple  of  Saturn,  and  reserved  for  any  un- 
foreseen emergency  of  the  state.^'* 

History    has    never,  perhaps,  suffered  a   greater  or  mora 

^'  According  to  the  more  accurate  Dionysius,  the  city  itself  M'as 
only  a  hundred  stadia,  or  twelve  miles  and  a  haK,  from  Rome,  though 
Bome  out-posts  might  be  advanced  farther  on  the  side  of  Etruria. 
Nardini,  in  a  professed  treatise,  has  combated  the  popular  opinion 
and  the  authority  of  two  popes,  and  has  removed  Vcii  from  Civita 
CastcUana,  to  a  little  spot  called  Isola,  in  the  midway  between  Rome 
nud  the  I<ak.e  Bracciano.* 

^^  See  the  4th  and  5th  books  of  livy.  In  the  Roman  census, 
property,  power,  and  taxation  were  commensurate  with  each  other, 

8J  I'lin.  Hist.  Natur.  1.  xxxiii.  c.  3.  Cicero  de  OfHc.  ii.  22.  Plu- 
Xarch,  in  P.  ^mil.  p.  275. 

**  See  a  fine  description  of  this  accumulated  -wealth  of  ages,  in 
Lucan'a  Phars.  1.  iii.  v.  155,  &c. 


*  Sec  the  interesting  account  of  the  site  and  ruins  of  Veii  in  Sit  W 
Gell'r,  Topography  cf  Ronop  and  its  Vicinity,  v.  ii.  p.  30V.  —  M.- 


OF    THF.    ROMAN'    F-MPinE.  1^7 

i*rropnial)lf(  injury  than  in  the  loss  of  the  riirious  registei  *  be- 
aiieathed  by  Aii<;iisHis  to  the  senate,  in  which  that  experienced 
prince  so  accurat(!ly  bahinced  the  revenues  and  expenses  of 
the  Roman  empire."  Deprived  of  this  clear  an<l  comprehen- 
sive estimate,  v.e  are  reduced  to  collect  a  few  imperfect  hints 
from  Micii  of  (he  ancients  as  have  accidentally  tinned  aside 
from  the  splendid  to  the  more  useful  parts  of  history.  We 
are  informed  that,  by  the  conquests  of  Pompey,  the  -tiibutes 
of  Asia  were  raised  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  and  thirty- fi\e 
milhons  of  drachms  ;  or  about  four  millions  and  a  half  ;-;ter 
ling.*®t  Under  the  last  and  most  indolent  of  the  Ptolemies, 
the  revenue  of  Egypt  is  said  to  have  amounted  to  twelve 
thousand  five  hundred  talents  ;  a  sum  equivalent  to  more  tliau 
two  millions  and  a  half  of  our  money,  but  which  was  after- 
wards considerably  improved  by  the  more  exact  economy  of 
the  Romans,  and  the  increase  of  the  trade  of  Ethiopia  and 
India."  Gaul  was  enriched  by  rapine,  as  Egypt  was  by  com- 
merce, and  the  tributes  of  those  two  great  provinces  have 
been  compared  as  nearly  equal  to  each  other  in  value.**  The 
ten  thousand  Euboic  or  Plujeniciau  talents,  about  ibur  millions 
sterling,^'  which  vanquished  Carthage  was  condemned  to  pay 
within  the  term  of  fifty  years,  were  a  slight  acknowledgment 
of  the  superiority  of  Rome,®"  and  cannot  bear  the  least  pro- 


"5  Tacit,  in  Annal.  i.  11.  It  seems  to  have  existed  in  the  time  of 
Appian. 

**'  I'liitarcli,  in  Pompeio,  p.  642. 

^'  Siraho.  1.  xvii.  p   7<)8. 

*"*  Velk'ius  Paterculus,  1.  ii.  c.  39.  lie  seems  to  give  the  preference  to 
the  revenue  of  (iaiii. 

"••  Tlie  Euboic,  the  Pliccnician,  and  tlie  Alexandrian  talents  were 
double  in  weight  to  the  Attic.  See  Hooper  on  ancient  w-iglits  and 
measures,  p.  iv.  c.  5.  It  is  very  probable  that  tlie  same  talent  waa 
carrieil  from  Tvre  to  Carthage. 

^  l\>\yh.  I.  .XV.  c.  2. 

*  See  KationMi-iuni  imperii.  Compare  besides  Tacitn=,  .Snot.  An?,  c.  ult 
Dion,  p.  t<32.  Other  emperors  kept  and  publishoil  similar  rei;lsler-r  See  a 
dissertation  cif  Dr.  Wolle,  de  Rationario  imperii  Roin.  [.eipsip,  177.3.  Thg 
last  book  of  Appian  also  contained  the  statistics  of  the  Roman  "empire,  bnt  it 
is  lost.  —  W. 

t  VVenck  contests  the  accuracy  of  Gibbon's  version  of  Plntarrh,  ntid  vip- 
noscs  that  Poinpcy  only  r:iised  the,  revenue  from  50,000,000  to  S5,000,000  of 
iniclnns;  but  the  text  of  I'lntjirch  seems  clearlv  to  mean  that  his  conquests 
added  85,000,000  to  tlie  ordin-.iry  revenue.  Wen'ck  adds,  '•  Plutarch  sav;<,  in 
another  part,  that  .\ntony  made  .Asia  pay,  at  one  time,  200,000  talents",  that 
IS  to  say,  3S,75u,000/.  sterlin.i;."  Hut  .\ppian  explain-t  this  hv  siivin?  th;it  it 
W.I3  the  revc^nie  of  ten  years,  which  brings  the  annual  reveiiue.'at  tlie  tini« 
»f  Antonv,  to  3.875.000/.  sterling. —  M. 


IftS  THE    DECLINE    AND    Pi^^ 

portion  with  the  taxes  afterwards  raised  both  on  the  l.'.nds  a-^1 
on  the  persons  of  the  inhabitants,  when  the  fertile  coast  of 
Africa  was  reduced  into  a  province.^i 

Spain,  by  a  very  singular  fatahty,  was  the  Peru  and  Mexico 
of  the  old  world.  The  discovery  of  Jhe  rich  western  conti- 
nent by  the  Phcenicians,  and  the  oppression  of  the  simple 
natives,  who  were  compelled  to  labor  in  their  own  mines  for 
the  benefit  of  strangers,  form  an  exact  type  of  the  more  recent 
history  of  Spanish  America.^"^  The  Phoenicians  were  ac- 
quainted only  with  the  sea-coast  of  Spain  ;  avarice,  as  well 
as  ambition,  carried  the  arms  of  Rome  and  Carthage  into  the 
heart  of  the  country,  and  almost  every  part  of  the  soil  was 
found  pregnant  with  copper,  silver,  and  gold.*  Mention  is 
made  of  a  mine  near  Carthagena  which  yielded  every  day 
twenty-five  thousand  drachms  of  silver,  or  about  three  hundred 
thousand  pounds  a  year.'^s  Twenty  thousand  pound  weight 
of  gold  was  annually  received  from  the  provinces  of  Asturia, 
Gallicia,  and  Lusitania.^"* 

We  want  both  leisure  and  materials  to  pursue  this  curious 
inquiry  through  the  many  potent  states  that  were  annihilated 
m  the  Roman  empire.  Some  notion,  however,  may  be 
formed  of  the  revenue  of  the  provinces  where  considerable 
wealth  had  been  deposited  by  nature,  or  collected  by  man,  if 
we  observe  the  severe  attention  that  was  directed  to  the 
abodes  of  solitude  and  sterility.  Augustus  once  received  a 
petition  from  the  inhabitants  of  Gyarus,  humbly  praying  thai 
they  might  be  relieved  from  one  third  of  their  excessive  impo- 
sitions. Their  whole  tax  amounted  indeed  to  no  more  than 
one  hundred  and  fifty  drachms,  or  about  five  pounds  :  but 
Gyarus  was  a  little  island,  or  rather  a  rock,  of  the  JEgeixn 
Sea,  destitute  of  fresh  water  and  every  necessary  of  life,  and 
inhabited  only  by  a  few  wretched  fishermen.^^ 

*'  Appian  in  Punicis,  p.  84. 

"^  Diodorus  Siculus,  I.  5.  Cadiz  was  built  by  the  Phoenicians, 
H  little  more  than  a  thousand  years  before  Christ.  See  Veil.  Pa- 
ter, i.  2. 

"  Strabo,  1.  iii.  p.  118. 

'*  Plin.  Hist.  Natur.  1.  xxxiii.  c.  3.  He  mentions,  likewise,  a  sil- 
ver mine  in  Dalmatia,  that  yielded  every  day  fil'ty  pounds  to  ;h« 
state. 

»>  Strabo,  1.  x.  p.  486.     Tacit.  Annal.  iii.  69,  and  iv.  30.     See  ia 


Coii^parc  Heeren's  Researches,  toI.  i.  part  ii.  p.'45,  ctseq.  —  M 


I 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMFTRE.  189 

From  the  faint  glimmerings  of  sucli  floubtful  and  scattered 
lights,  we  sliould  be  inclined  to  believe,  1st,  That  (with  every 
fair  allowance  for  the  diHerence  of  times  and  circumstances) 
the  general  income  of  the  Roman  provinces  could  seldom 
amount  to  less  than  fifteen  or  twenty  millions  of  our  money  j'-*^ 
and,  2dly,  That  so  ample  a  revenue  must  liave  been  fully 
adequate  to  all  the  expenses  of  the  moderate  governmen* 
instituted  by  Augustus,  whose  court  was  the  uiodest  family 
of  a  pri' ate  senator,  and  whose  military  eslaD.lslmient  was 
calculate  j  for  the  defence  of  the  frontiers,  wiih(  ut  any  aspir- 
ing views  of  conquest,  or  any  serious  apprehension  of  a 
foreign  invasion. 

Notwithstanding  the  seeming  probability  of  both  these  con- 
clusions, the  latter  of  them  at  least  is  positively  disowned  by 
the  language  and  conduct  of  Augustus.  It  is  not  easy  to 
determine  whether,  on  this  occasion,  he  acted  as  the  common 
father  of  the  Roman  world,  or  as  the  oppressor  of  liberty  ; 
whether  he  wished  to  relieve  the  provinces,  or  to  impoverish 
the  senate  and  the  equestrian  order.  But  no  sooner  had  he 
assumed  the  reins  of  government,  than  he  frequently  inti- 
mated the  insufficiency  of  the  tributes,  and  the  necessity  of 
throwing  an  equitable  proportion  of  the  public  burden  upon 
Rome  and  Italy. t     In  the  prosecution  of  this  unpopular  design 

rournefort  (Voyages  au  Levant,  Lettre  viii.)  a  very  lively  picture  of 
the  actual  misery  of  Gyarus. 

^*  Lip.sius  do  ni;iguitudiue  Iloinuiui  (1.  ii.  c.  3)  computes  the  reve- 
nue at  one  hundieil  and  fifty  millions  of  gold  crowns  ;  but  his  Avholo 
book,  though  learned  and  ingenious,  betrays  a  very  heated  imagina- 
tion.* 


*  If  Justus  Lipsius  has  exasjijcrated  the  revenue  of  the  Roman  empire, 
Gibliou,  on  the  other  hand,  has  underrated  it.  lie  fixes  it  at  fifteen  or 
twenty  millions  of  our  money,  pjiit  if  we  take  only,  on  a  moderate  calcu- 
lation, the  taxes  ill  tlie  provinces  which  he  has  already  ( ited,  they  will 
amount,  considcriiiir  the  anarnientations  made  l)y  Augustus,  to  nearly  that 
sum.  There  remain,  also,  the  provinces  of  Italy,  of  lUia-tia,  of  Noricuni, 
Pannonia,  and  (jiecce,  cSrc,  (Krc.  Let  us  pay  attention,  besides,  to  the  pro- 
ilixious  expenditure  of  some  emperors,  (Suet.  Vesp.  IG;)  we  shall  see 
tliat  such  a  revenue  could  not  be  sufficient.  The  authors  of  the  Universal 
History,  part  xii.,  assign  forty  millions  sterlin;^  as  the  sum  to  about  which 
the  public  revenue  mi^:ht  amount.  — G.  from  W. 

t  It  is  not  aslonishiii<^  that  Augusttis  Iftld  this  lanp;uap;e.  The  senate 
declared  also  under  Nero,  that  the  state  conld  not  exist  without  the  im- 
posts as  well  a\ifi;mentcd  as  founded  by  Augustus.  Tac.  Ann.  xiii.  oO. 
After  the  abolition  of  the  diil'creut  tributes  paid  by  Italy,  an  abolition 
which  took  place  A.  U.  64(5,  694,  and  6;)o,  the  state  derived  no  revenues  from 
that  great  country,  but  the  twejiticth  i)art  of  the  manumissions,  (vicesima 
jianumissionum  ;)  and  Cicero  lin\ents  this  in  many  places,  orrtinularly  in 
bis  epistles  to  Atticus,  ii.  15.--  CJ.  from  \V. 


^90  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

he  at^vanced,  however,  by  cautious  and  well-weighed  slepa 
The  introduction  of  customs  was  followed  by  the  establish- 
ment Df  an  excise,  and  the  scheme  of  taxation  was  completed 
by  an  artful  assessment  on  the  real  and  personal  property  of 
the  Koman  citizens,  who  had  been  exempted  from  any  kind 
of  contribution  above  a  century  and  a  half. 

I.  In  a  great  empire  like  that  of  Rome,  a  natural  balance 
of  money  must  have  gradually  established  itself.  It  has  been 
already  obseWed,  that  as  the  wealth  of  the  provinces  was 
attracted  to  the  capital  by  the  strong  hand  of  conquest  and 
power,  so  a  considerable  part  of  it  was  restored  to  the  indus- 
trious provinces  by  the  gentle  influence  of  commerce  and  arts. 
In  the  reign  of  Augustus  and  his  successors,  duties  were 
imposed  on  every  kind  of  merchandise,  which  through  a  thou- 
sand channels  flowed  to  the  great  centre  of  opulence  and  lux- 
ury ;  and  in  whatsoever  manner  the  law  was  expressed,  it 
was  the  Roman  purchaser,  and  not  the  provincial  merchant, 
who  paid  the  tax.^^  The  rate  of  the  customs  varied  from  the 
eighth  to  the  fortieth  part  of  the  vahie  of  the  commodity;  and 
we  have  a  right  to  suppose  that  the  variation  was  directed  by 
ihe  unalterable  maxims  of  policy  ;  that  a  higher  duty  was 
fixed  on  the  articles  of  luxury  than  on  those  of  necessity,  and 
that  the  productions  raised  or  manufactured  by  the  labor  of 
the  subjects  of  the  empire  were  treated  v/ith  more  indulgence 
than  was  shown  to  the  pernicious,  or  at  least  the  unpopular, 
commerce  of  Arabia  and  India.^*^  There  is  still  extant  a  long 
but  imperfect  catalogue  of  eastern  commodities,  which  about 
the  time  of  Alexander  Severus  were  subject  to  tlie  payment 
of  duties ;  cinnamon,  myrrh,  pepper,  ginger,  and  the  whole 
tribe  of  aromatics ;  a  great  variety  of  precious  stones,  among 
which  the  diamond  was  the  most  remarkable  for  its  price, 
and  the  emerald  for  its  beauty ;  ^^  Parthian   and   Babylonian 

<"  Tacit.  Ai^nal.  xiii.  31.* 

^'^  See  Pliuy,  (Hist.  Natur.  1.  vi.  e.  23,  Ixii.  c.  18.)  His  observation 
.hat  the  Indian  commodities  were  sold  at  Home  at  a  hundred  times 
their  original  price,  may  give  us  some  notion  of  the  jiroducc  of 
the  customs,  since  that  original  price  amounted  to  more  than  eight 
hundred   thousan-d  jiounds.     ■ 

^'  'ITie  ancients  were  undcqutiinted  with  the  art  of  cutting 
diamonds. 


•  The  customs  (portoria)  existed  in  the  timoa  of  the  ancient  kings  ct 
Home.  They  were  suppresi  ed  in  Italy,  A.  U.  094,  by  the  Prsctor,  Cecilius 
MctellusN*  pos.    Augustus    nly  rei'Stublished  them.     S>ee  note  above. — W 


(U     THK    nOMAN    EMPIRE.  I'Jl 

Itatlior,  cottons,  silks,  hoth  raw  and  inamifaclured,  cliony 
ivory,  and  cuniiclis.'^"  \\'e  may  observe  that  llie  n<o  and 
value  of  those  eileminate  slaves  gradually  rose  with  tlie  decline 
of  the  empire. 

II.  The  excise,  introduced  hy  Augustus  after  the  civil  wars, 
ivas  extremely  moderate,  but  it  was  general.  It  seldom 
exc(!edcd  one  per  cent. ;  but  it  coinprehended  whatever  was 
sold  in  the  markets  or  by  public  auction,  from  the  most  con- 
siderable purcliases  of  lands  and  houses,  to  those  minute 
objects  which  can  only  derive  a  value  from  their  infmite  mul- 
titude and  daily  consumption.  Such  a  tax,  as  it  allects  the 
body  of  the  people,  Ins  ever  been  the  occasion  of  clamor  and 
discontent.  An  emperor  well  acquainted  with  the  wants  and 
resources  of  the  state  was  obliged  to  declare,  by  a  public 
edict,  that  the  support  of  the  army  depended  in  a  great 
measure  on  the  produce  of  the  excise. ^"^^ 

III.  When  Augustus  resolved  to  establish  a  permanent  mil- 
itary force  for  the  defence  of  his  government  against  foreigr. 
and  domestic  enemies,  he  instituted  a  peculiar  treasury  for  the 
pay  of  the  soldiers,  the  rewards  of  the  veterans,  and  the  extra- 
ordinary expenses  of  war.  The  ample  revenue  of  the  excise, 
though  peculiarly  appropriated  to  those  uses,  was  found  inad- 
equate. To  supply  the  deficiency,  the  emperor  suggested  a 
new  tax  of  five  per  cent,  on  all  legacies  and  inheritances. 
But  the  nobles  of  Rome  were  more  tenacious  of  properly  than 
of  freedom.  Their  indignant  murmurs  were  received  hy 
Augustus  with  his  usual  temper.  He  candidly  referred  the 
whole  business  to  the  senate,  and  exhorted  them  to  provide 
for  the  public  service  by  some  other  expedient  of  a  less  odious 
nature.  They  were  divided  and  perplexed.  He  insinuated 
to  them,  that  their  obstinacy  would  oblige  him  to  pro-pose, 
u  general  lanrl  tax  and  capitation.  They  acquiesced  in 
silence. i°2     The  new  imposition  on  legacies  and  inheritances 


'""  M.  Bouchaud,  in  his  trca^  "se  do  I'lmpot  chez  les  Romains,  has 
transcribed  this  catalogue  from  the  Digest,  and  attempts  to  illustrate 
t  by  a  very  prolix  ccmmentary.* 

'^'  Tacit.  Annal.  i.  78.  Two  years  afterwards,  the  reduction  of  the 
poor  kingdom  of  Caijpadocia  gr.ve  Tiberius  a  pretence  for  diminishing 
the  excise  to  one  hall',  but  the  relief  was  of  very  short  duration. 

'"'  Dion  Cassius,  1.  Iv.  p.  794.  1.  Ivi.  p.  825. t' 


•  In  the  Pandects,  1.  39,  t.  14,  de  Publican.     Compare  Cicero  in  Verrem, 
U.  c.  72—74.  —  AV . 
+  Dion  neither  mcut'ons  this  rroposi'ion  ncr  the  capitation      Hf  only 


192  THE    DEci.iNE    AND    TALL 

was,  liowever,  mitigated  by  some  restric  tiona.  It  did  not  takt 
place  unless  the  object  was  of  a  certaii.  value,  most  probaolv 
")f  fifty  or  a  hundred  pieces  of  gold;!''^  noi-  could  it  be 
exacted  from  the  nearest  of  kin  on  the  father's  side.''^''  \Vhen 
the  rights  of  nature  and  poverty  were  thus  secured,  it  seemed 
reasonable,  that  a  stranger,  or  a  distant  relation,  who  acquired 
an  unexpected  accession  of  fortune,  should  cheerfully  resign 
a  twentieth  part  of  it,  for  the  benefit  of  the  state. ^''^ 

Such  a  tax,  plentiful  as  it  must  prove  in  every  wealthy  eom- 
miinity,  was  most  happily  suited  to  the  situation  of  the  Romans, 
who  could  frame  their  arbitrary  wills,  accorduig  to  the  dictates 
of  reason  or  caprice,  without  any  restraint  from  the  modern 
fetters  of  entails  and  settlements.  From  various  causes,  the 
partiality  of  paternal  affection  often  lost  its  influence  over  the 
stern  patriots  of  the  commonwealth,  and  the  dissolute  nobles 
of  the  empire ;  and  if  the  father  bequeathed  to  his  son  the 
fourth  part  of  his  estate,  he  removed  all  ground  of  legal 
complaint.i'^^  But  a  rich  childish  old  man  was  a  domestic 
tyrant,  and  his  power  increased  with  his  years  and  infirmities. 
A  servile  crowd,  in  which  he  frequently  reckoned  praetors  and 
consuls,  courted  his  smiles,  pampered  his  avarice,  applauded 
his  follies,  served  his  passions,  and  waited  with  impatience  for 
his  death.  The  arts  of  attendance  and  flattery  were  formed 
into  a  most  lucrative  science  ;  those  who  professed  it  acquired 
a  peculiar  appellation ;  and  the  whole  city,  according  to  the 
lively  descriptions  of  satire,  was  divided  between  two  parties, 
the  hunters  and  their  game.io'''  Yet,  while  so  many  unjust  and 
extravagant  wills  were  every  day  dictated  by  cunning  and  sub- 
scribed by  folly,  a  few  were  the  result  of  rational  esteem  and 
virtuous  gratitude.  Cicero,  who  had  so  often  defended  the 
lives  and  fortunes  of  his  fellow-citizens,  was  rewarded  with 
legacies  to  the  amount  of  a  hundred   and  seventy  thousand 

""  The  sum  is  only  fixed  by  conjecture. 

'"*  As  the  Roman  law  subsisted  for  many  ages,  the  Cogiiati,  or 
relations  on  the  mother's  side,  were  not  called  to  the  succession. 
This  harsh  institution  was  gradually  undermined  by  humanity,  and 
finally  abolished  by  Justinian. 

"*  riin.  Panegyric,  c.  37. 

"'*  Sec  llcineccius  in  the  Antiquit.  Juris  Romani,  1.  ii. 

I'"  Ilorat.  1.  ii.  Sat.  v.     Petron,  c.  116,  &c.     Plin.  1.  ii.  Epist.  20 

Bays  that  the  emperor  imposed  a  tax  upon  landed  property,  und  sent  every 
where  men  employed  to  make  a  survey,  without  fixing  how  much,  and  for 
how  nmch  each  was  to  pay.  The  senators  then  preferred  giving  theil 
assent  to  the  tax  on  legacies  and  inheritances.  —  W 


OF    TH>     ROMAN    EM  TIRE.  193 

pounds ;  108  nor  do  tlie  friends  of  the  younger  Pliny  setnj  tc 
have  been  less  generous  to  that  amiable  orator. i**^  Whatever 
was  the  motive  of  the  testator,  the  treasury  claimed,  without 
distinction,  the  twentieth  part  of  his  estate  :  and  in  the  cou:so 
ol  two  or  three  generations,  the  whole  property  of  the  subject 
must  have  gradually  passed  through  the  coffers  of  the  state. 

In  the  first  and  golden  years  of  the  reign  of  Nero,  that 
prince,  froia  a  desire  of  popularity,  and  perhaps  from  a  blind 
impulse  of  benevolence,  conceived  a  wish  of  abolishing,  the 
oppression  of  the  customs  and  excise.  The  wisest  senators 
applauded  his  magnanimity  :  but  they  diverted  him  from  the 
execution  of  a  design  which  would  have  dissolved  the  strength 
and  resources  of  the  repub'lic.ii"  Had  it  indeed  been  pos- 
sible to  realize  this  dream  of  fancy,  such  princes  as  Trajan 
and  the  Antonines  would  surely  have  embraced  with  ardor 
the  glorious  opportunity  of  conferring  so  signal  an  obligation 
on  mankind.  Satisfied,  however,  with  alleviating  the  public 
burden,  they  attempted  not  to  remove  it.  The  mildness  and 
precision  of  their  laws  ascertained  the  rule  and  measure  of 
ta.xation,  and  protected  the  subject  of  every  rank  against 
arbitrary  interpretations,  antiquated  claims,  and  the  insolent 
vexation  of  the  farmers  of  the  revenue.'"  For  it  is  somewhat 
singular,  that,  in  every  age,  the  best  and  wisest  of  the  Roman 
governors  persevered  in  this  pernicious  method  of  collecting 
the  principal  branches  at  least  of  the  excise  and  customs."- 

The  sentiments,  and,  indeed,  the  situation,  of  Caracalla  were 
very  different  from  those  of  the  Antonines.  Inattentive,  or 
rather  averse,  to  the  welfare  of  his  people,  he  found  himself 
uiv'u-r  the  necessity  of  gratifying  the  insatiate  avarice  which 
he  had  excited  iff  the  army.  Of  the  several  impositions  intro- 
duced by  Augustus,  the  twentieth  on  inheritances  and  legacies 
was  the  most  fruitful,  as  well  as  the  most  comprehensive. 
As  its  influence  was  not  confined  to  Rome  or  Italy,  the  prod- 
uce continually   increased   with  the  gradual   extension  of  the 

•"^  C'icero  in  Philip,  ii.  c.  16. 

""*  See  his  epistles.  Every  such  will  ij;ave  him  an  occasion  of  dis  • 
playin^;  liis  reverence  to  the  dcinl,  and  his  justice  to  the  living.  He 
reconciled  both  in  his  behavior  to  a  son  who  had  been  disinherited  by 
hv*  mother,  (v.  1.) 

*'^  Tacit.  Annal.  xiii.  50.     Esprit  des  Loix,  1.  xii.  c.  19. 

'"  See  Pliny's  Panegyric,  the  Augistan  History,  and  Hurman.  dc 
\  oetif^al.  jjassim. 

"-  I'hc  tributes- (])ropcrly   so   called)   Mere  not  farmed;  since  the 
|oo\  princes  often  remitted  many  millions  ol  arrears. 
11* 


194  THE    DKGLINE    AND    FALL 

Roman  City.  The  new  citizens,  though  charged,  on  equal 
terms,^i3  with  the  oayment  of  new  taxes,  which  had  not 
aflected  them  as  subjects,  derived  an  ample  comj)ensation 
from  the  rank  they  obtained,  the  privileges  they  acquired,  and 
the  fair  prospect  of  honors  and  fortune  that  was  thrown  open 
to  their  ambition.  But  the  favor  wliich  implied  a  distinction 
was  lost  in  the  prodigality  of  Caracalla,  and  the  reluctant  pro- 
vincials were  compelled  to  assume  the  vain  title,  and  the  real 
obligations,  of  Roman  citizens.*  Nor  was  the  rapacious  son  of 
S-csveri's  contented  with  such  a  measure  of  taxation  as  had 
appeared  sufficient  to  his  moderate  predecessors.  Instead  of 
a  twe.itieth,  he  exacted  a  tenth  of  all  legacies  and  inherit- 
ances ;  and  during  his  reign  (for  the  ancient  proportion  was 
restored  after  his  death)  he  crushed  alike  every  part  of  the 
empire  under  the  weight  of  his  iron  sceptre. ^^'^ 

When  all  the  provincials  became  liable  to  the  peculiar  im 
positions  of  Roman  citizens,  they  seemed  to  acquire  a  lega 
exemption  from  the  tributes  which  they  had  paid  in  their 
former  condition  of  subjects.  Such  were  not  the  maxuns  of 
government  adopted  by  Caracalla  and  his  pretended  son.  The 
old  as  well  as  the  new  ta.xes  were,  at  the  same  time,  levied  in 
the  provinces.  It  was  reserved  for  the  virtue  of  Alexander  to 
relieve  them  in  a  great  measure  from  this  intoleral)le  grievance, 
by  reducing  the  tributes  to  a  thirteenth  part  of  the  sum  exacted 
at  the  time  of  his  accession. i'^  It  is  impossible  to  conjecture 
the  motive  that  engaged  him  to  spare  so  trifling  a  remnant  of 

"•'  The  situation  of  the  new  citizens  is  minutely  described  by  Pliny, 
(Panegyric,  c.  37,  38,  39.)  Trajan  published  a  law  very  much  in 
tlicir  favor.  • 

''*     Dion,  1.  Ixxvii.  p.  1295, 

"^  lie  who  paid  ten  aurci,  the  usual  tribute,  was  charged  with  no 
more  than  the  third  part  of  an  aureus,  and  proiiortional  pieces  of  gold 
were  coined  by  Alexander's  order.  Hist.  August,  p.  127,  with  the 
commentary  of  Salmasius. 


*  Gibbon  has  adopted  the  opinion  of  Spanheim  and  of  Burman,  which 
attributes  to  Caracalla  this  edict,  which  t^avc  the  right  of  the  city  to  uM 
the  iiihabitaiits  of  the  provinces.  This  opinion  may  lie  disputed.  Sever;,! 
jiiissa^ps  of  Spartianus,  of  Aurelius  Victor,  and  of  Aristides,  attiibule 
this  edict  to  Marc.  Aurelius.  See  a  learned  essay,  entitled  Joh.  P.  Mahueii 
0)unn.  dc  Marc.  Aur.  Aiilonino  Constitatioius  de  Civitate  Universo  t)rbi 
Konmno  data  auctore.  Ilal.n;,  1772,  8vo.  It  appears  that  Marc.  Aurelius 
made  some  modifications  of  this  edict,  which  released  the  provincials  frini 
some  of  the  ciiarges  imposed  by  the  right  of  the  city,  and  deprived  tl  'ui 
wf  some  of  the  advantages  which  it  conferttl.  Caracalla  aninilled  ll  s« 
modihtuliojis.  —  W. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  195 

ihe  public  evil ;  but  tbe  noxious  weed,  wliich  had  not  bern 
totally  eradicated,  again  sprang  up  with  the  most  luxuriant 
growth,  and  in  the  succeeduig  age  darkened  the  Roman  world 
with  its  deadly  shade.  In  the  course  of  this  histoiy,  we  shall 
be  too  often  sinnaioned  to  explain  tlie  land  tax,  the  capitation, 
and  the  heavy  contributions  of  corn,  wine,  oil,  and  meat,  which 
»f;ere  exacted  from  the  provinces  for  the  use  of  the  court,  the 
army,  and  the  capital. 

As  long  as  Rome  and  Italy  were  respected  as  the  centre  of 
government,  a  national  spirit  was  preserved  by  the  ancient,  and 
insensibly  imbibed  by  the  adopted,  citizens.  The  principal 
commands  of  the  army  were  filled  hy  men  who  had  received 
a  liberal  education,  were  well  instructed  in  the  advantages  of 
laws  and  letters,  and  who  had  risen,  by  equal  steps,  through 
the  regular  succession  of  civil  and  military  honors. i'*^  To 
their  inlluence  and  example  we  may  partly  ascribe  the  modest 
obedience  of  the  legions  during  the  two  first  centuries  of  the 
lm|)erial  history. 

l]ut  when  the  last  enclosure  of  the  Roman  constitution  wa» 
trampled  down  by  Caracalla,  the  separation  of  prul'fjssiuns 
gradually  succeeded  to  the  distinction  of  ranks.  The  more 
polisluMl  citizens  of  the  internal  provinces  were  alone  qualified  to 
act  as  lawyers  and  magistrates.  The  rougher  trade  of  arms  was 
abandoned  to  the  peasants  and  barbarians  of  the  frontiers,  who 
knew  no  country  but  their  camp,  no  science  but  that  of  war, 
no  civil  laws,  and  scarcely  those  of  military  discipline.  With 
bUuKly  hands,  savage  manners,  and  ilesperale  resolutions,  they 
sometimes  guarded,  but  much  oftener  subverted,  the  throne  of 
the  emperors. 

""  Soe  the  lives  of  Agricola,  Vespasian,  Trajan,  Severus,  e  d  hib 
thiuo  c  »mpt;t!tor8  ;  and  indeed  of  all  the  eminent  men  cf  tho3*  tiiLes 


CHAPTER    VII. 

nt    ELITATION    AND    TYKANNY    OF    MAXIMIN. KEBELLION    IN 

AFRICA  AND  ITALY,  UNDER  THE  AUTHORITY  01  THF  SENATE. 
CIVIL  "WARS  AND  SEDITIONS. VIOLENT  DEATHS  OF  MAX- 
IMIN    AND    HIS     SON,    OF    MAXIMUS     AND    BALBINUS,    AND    OF 

THE    THREE    GORDIANS. USURPATION    AND    SECULAR    GAMES 

OF    PHILIP. 

Of  the  various  forms  of  government  which  have  prevailed 
m  the  world,  an  hereditary  monarchy  seems  to  present  the 
fairest  scope  for  ridicule.  Is  it  possible  to  relate  without  an 
•  indignant  smile,  that,  on  the  father's  decease,  the  property  of 
a  nation,  like  that  of  a  drove  of  oxen,  descends  to  his  infant 
Ron,  as  yet  unknown  to  mankind  and  to  himself;  and  that  the 
bravest  warriors  and  the  wisest  statesmen,  relinquishing  their 
natural  right  to  empire,  approach  the  royal  cradle  with  bended 
knees  and  protestations  of  inviolable  fidelity  .?  Satire  and 
declamation  may  paint  these  obvious  topics  in  the  most  daz- 
zling colors,  but  our  more  serious  thoughts  will  respect  a  useful 
prejudice,  that  establishes  a  rule  of  succession,  independent 
of  the  passions  of  mankind  ;  and  we  shall  cheerfully  acquiesce 
in  any  expedient  which  deprives  the  multitude  of  the  dan- 
gerous, and  indeed  the  ideal,  power  of  giving  themselves  a 
master. 

In  the  cool  shade  of  retirement,  we  may  easily  devise  im- 
aginary forms  of  government,  in  which  the  sceptre  shall  be 
constantly  bestowed  on  the  most  worthy,  by  the  free  and 
incorrupt  suffrage  of  the  whole  community.  Experience  over- 
turns these  airy  fabrics,  and  teaches  us,  that  in  a  large  society, 
the  election  of  a  monarch  can  never  devolve  to  the  wisest,  or 
to  the  most  numerous,  part  of  the  people.  The  army  is  the 
only  order  of  men  sufficiently  united  to  concur  in  the  same 
uentiments,  and  powerful  enough  to  impose  them  on  the  rest 
of  their  fcUow-citizens  ;  but  the  temper  of  soldiers,  habituated  at 
once  to  violence  and  to  slavery,  renders  them  very  unfit  guardi- 
ans of  a  legal,  or  even  a  civil  constitution.  Justice,  huniariity 
or  political  wisdom,  are  quaKtics  they  arc  too  little  ncquaiute  1 
w'lih  in  thcmse  ves,  to  appreciate  them  in  others.  Valor  will 
196 


OF    THK    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  li>7 

acquire  their  esteem,  and  liberality  will  purcliase  their  suf- 
frage ;  hut  the  first  of  these  merits  is  often  lodged  in  the  most 
savage  breasts;  the  latter  can  only  exert  itself  at  the  expense 
of  the  public;  and  both  may  be  turned  against  the  possessor 
of  the  throne,  by  the  ambition  of  a  daring  rival. 

Tlie  superior  prerogative  of  birth,  \ylien  it  has  obtained  the 
sanction  of  tinie  and  pojjular  opinion,  is  the  plainest  and  least 
invidious  of  all  distinctions  among  mankind.     The  acknowl- 
edged  right  extinguishes  the  hopes  of  faction,  and  the  con- 
scious security  disarms  the  cruelty  of  the  monarch.     To  the 
firm  establishment  of  this  idea  we  owe  tlie  peaceful  succes- 
sion and   mild  administration   of  European  monarchies.     To 
the  defect  of   it  we   must  attribute   the  frequent  civil   wars 
through  which  an  Asiatic  despot  is  obliged  to  cut  his  way  tc 
the  throne  of  his  fathers.     Yet,  even  in  the  East,  the  sphere 
of  contention  is  usually  limited  to  the  princes  of  the  reignin" 
house,   and    as    soon    as    the   more  fortunate  competitor   h;u 
removed  his  brethren   by  the  sword  and  the  bowstring,  he  n( 
longer  entertains  any  jealousy  of  his  meaner  subjects.     Bu' 
the  Roman  empire,  after  the  authority  of  the  senate  had  sunk 
mto  contempt,  was  a  vast  scene  of  confusion.     The  royal,  anu 
even  noble,  families  of  the  provinces  had  long  since  been  led 
in  triumph  before  the  car  of  the  haughty  republicans.     The 
ancient  families  of  Rome  had  successively  fallen  beneath  the 
tyranny  of  the  Caesars  ;  and  whilst  those  princes  were  shackled 
by  the  forms  of  a  commonwealth,  and   disappointed   by    the 
repeated  failure  of  their  posterity, i  it  was  impossible  that  any 
idea  of  hereditary  succession  should   have  taken   root   in   the 
minds  of  their  subjects.     The  right  to  the  throne,  which  none 
could  claim  from  birth,  every  one  assumed  from  merit.     The 
darmg  hopes  of  ambition  were   set   loose   from  the  salutary 
restraints  of  law  and  prejudice  ;  and  the  meanest  of  mankind 
might,  without  folly,  entertain  a  hope  of  being  raised  by  valor 
and  fortune  to  a  rank  in  the  army,  in  which  a  single  crime 
would  enable  him  to  wrest  the  sceptre  of  the  world  from  his 
feeble  and  unpopular  master.     After  the  murder  of  Alexander 
Severus,  and   the  elevation  of  Maximin,  no   emperor  could 
tfiink   himself  safe    upon    the    throne,    and    every   barbarian 


'  Thore  had  been  no  example  of  three  successive  generations  on 
►he  throne  ;  only  three  instances  of  sons  who  succeeded  their  fntliers. 
The  marriages  of  the  Caesars  (notwithstanding  tttc  permission,  an? 
Uie  frequent  practice  of  divorces)  were  generally  unfruitful. 


ly«  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

peasant  of  lhi3  frontier  might  aspire  to  that  august,  but  dan 
gerous  station. 

About  thirty-two  years  before  that  event,  the  emperor  Seve- 
rus,  returning  from  an  eastern  expedition,  halted  in  Thrace, 
to  celebrate,  witn  military  games,  the  birthday  of  his  younger 
son,  Geta.  The  country  flocked  in  crowds  to  behold  the^ir 
sovereign,  and  a  young  barbarian  of  gigantic  stature  earnestly 
solicited,  in  his  rude  dialect,  that  he  might  be  allowed  to  con- 
tend for  the  prize  of  wrestling.  As  the  pride  of  discipline 
would  have  been  disgraced  in  the  overthrow  of  a  Roman  sol- 
dier by  a  Thraciau  peasant,  he  was  matched  wilh  the  stoutest 
followers  of  the  camp,  sixteen  of  whom  he  successively  laid 
on  the  ground.  His  victory  was  rewarded  by  some  trifling 
gifts,  and  a  permission  to  enlist  in  the  troops.  The  next  day, 
the  happy  barbarian  was  distinguished  above  a  crowd  of 
recruits,  dancing  and  exulting  after  the  fashion  of  his  country. 
As  soon  as  he  perceived  that  he  had  attracted  the  emperor'a 
notice,  he  instantly  ran  up  to  his  horse,  and  followed  him  on 
foot,  without  the  least  appearance  of  fatigue,  in  a  long  and 
rapid  career.  "  Thracian,"  said  Severus  with  astonishment, 
"•  art  thou  disposed  to  wrestle  after  thy  race  .''  "  "•  Most  will- 
ingly, sir,"  replied  the  unwearied  youth  ;  and,  almost  in  a 
breath,  overthrew  seven  of  the  strongest  soldiers  in  the  army. 
A  gold  collar  was  the  prize  of  his  matchless  vigor  and  activ- 
ity, and  he  was  immediately  appointed  to  serve  in  the  horse- 
guards  who  always  attended  on  the  person  of  the  sovereign.- 

Maximin,  for  that  was  his  name,  though  born  on  the  terri- 
tories of  the  empire,  descended  from  a  mixed  race  of  bar-ba- 
rians.  His  father  was  a  Goth,  and  his  mother  of  the  nation 
of  the  Alani.  He  displayed  on  every  occasion  a  valor  equal 
.o  his  stiength  ;  and  his  native  fierceness  was  soon  tempered 
or  disguised  by  the  knowledge  of  the  world.  Under  the  reign 
of  Severus  and  his  son,  he  obtained  the  rank  of  centurion, 
with  the  favor  and  esteem  of  both  those  princes,  the  former 
of  whom  wfis  an  excellent  judge  of  merit.  (Gratitude  forbade 
Maximin  to  serve  under  the  assassin  of  Caracalla.  Honor 
taught  him  to  decline  the  effeminate  insults  of  ElagaUalus.  On 
ths  accession  of  Alexander,  he  returned  to  court,  and  w;* 
placed  by  that  prince  in  a  station  useful  to  the  service,  and 
iionorable  to  himself.  The  fourth  legion,  to  which  he  was 
ippointed  tribune,  soon  became,  under  his  care,  the  best  dis- 

*  HL«t.  August,  p.  138. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  199 

oipkned  of  the  whole  army.  With  tlie  general  applause  of 
the  soldiei-s,  who  bestowed  on  their  favorite  hero  tlie  names 
of  Ajax  and  Hercules,  he  was  successively  promoted  to  the 
first  military  command;^  and  had  not  he  still  retained  too 
much  of  his  savage  origin,  the  emperor  might  perhaps  have 
given  his  own  sister  in  marriage  to  the  son  of  Maximin.'* 

Instead  of  securing  his  fidelity,  these  favors  served  only  to 
inflame  the  ambition  of  the  Thracian  peasant,  who  deenicd 
his  fortune  inadequate  to  his  merit,  as  long  as  he  was  con- 
strainad  to  acknowledge  a  su|)erior.  Though  a  stranger  to 
real  wisdom,  he  was  not  devoid  of  a  selfish  cunning,  which 
showed  him  that  the  emperor  had  lost  the  affection  of  ihe 
army,  and  taught  him  to  improve  their  discontent  to  his  ov.ii 
advantage.  It  is  easy  for  faction  and  calumny  to  shed  their 
poison  on  the  administration  of  the  best  of  princes,  and  to 
accuse  even  their  virtues  by  artfully  confounding  them  with 
those  vices  to  which  they  bear  the  nearest  affinity.  The 
troops  listened  with  pleasure  to  the  emissaries  of  Maximin. 
They  blushed  at  their  own  ignominious  patience,  which,  dur- 
ing thirteen  years,  had  supported  the  vexatious  discipline  im- 
posed by  an  effeminate  Syrian,  the  timid  slave,  of  his  mother 
and  of  the  senate.  It  was  time,  they  cried,  to  cast-away  that 
useless  phantom  of  the  civil  power,  and  to  elect  for  their 
prince  and  general  a  real  soldier,  educated  in  camps,  exer- 
cised in  war,  who  would  assert  the  glory,  and  distribute  among 
his  companions  the  treasures,  of  the  empire.  A  great  army 
was  at  that  time  assembled  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhine,  under 
the  command  of  the  emperor  himself,  who,  almost  immediately 
after  his  return  from  tlie  Persian  war,  had  been  obliged  tg 
march  against  the  barbarians  of  Germany.  The  important 
care  of  training  and  reviewing  the  new  levies  was  intrusted  to 
Maximin.  One  day,  as  he  entered  the  field  of  exercise,  the 
troops,  either  from  a  sudden  impulse,  or  a  formed  conspiracy, 
saluted  him  emperor,  silenced  by  their  loud  acclamations  h's 
obstinate  refusal,  and  hastened  to  consummate  their  rebellion 

by  the  murder  of  Alexander  Severus. 
■ '. 

'  Hist.  August,  p.  140.  Horodian,  1.  vi.  p.  223.  Aurelius  Victor. 
By  conipariiig  these  authors,  it  should  seem  tliat  Maximin  liad  the 
parlicuhir  command  of  the  Tribellian  horse,  with  the  general  :ommis- 
Bioii  of  disciplining  the  recruits  of  the  whole  anny.  His  biogra])hei 
ought  tc  have  marked,  with  more  care,  Ids  exjiloits,  and  the  succes- 
jive  stejis  of  his  military  promotions. 

*  tiec  iht;  original  letter  of  iUc.vander  Scvcrus,  Hist.  August,  p.  149 


200  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

The  circumstances  of  his  death  are  variously  related.  The 
wriicrs,  who  suppose  that  he  died  in  ignorance  of  the  ingrati- 
tude and  amhition  of  Maximin,  affirm,  that,  after  taking  a  iru- 
gal  repast  in  the  siglit  o "  the  army,  he  retired  to  sleep,  and 
that,  about  the  seventh  hour  of  the  day,  a  part  of  his  own 
guards  broke  into  the  Impei"ial  tent,  and,  with  many  wounds, 
assassinated  their  virtuous  and  unsuspecting  prince.-''  If  we 
credit  another,  and  indeed  a  more  probable  account,  Maximin 
was  invested  with  the  purple  by  a  numerous  detachment,  a 
the  distance  of  several  miles  from  the  head-quarters ;  and  he 
trusted  for  success  rather  to  the  secret  wishes  than  to  tha 
public  declarations  of  the  great  army.  Alexander  had  suf- 
ficient time  to  awaken  a  faint  sense  of  loyalty  among  his 
troops  ;  but  their  reluctant  professions  of  fidelity  quickly  van- 
ished on  the  appearance  of  Maximin,  who  declared  himself 
the  friend  and  advocate  of  the  military  order,  and  was  unani- 
mously acknowledged  emperor  of  the  Romans  by  the  applaud- 
ing legions.  The  son  ofMama^a,  betrayed  and  deserted, 
withdrew  into  his  tent,  desirous  at  least  to  conceal  his  ap|)roach- 
ing  fate  from  the  insults  of  the  multitude.  He  was  soon  fol- 
lowed bv  a  tribune  and  some  centurions,  the  ministers  of 
death ;  but  instead  of  receiving  with  manly  resolution  the 
inevitable  stroke,  his  unavailing  cries  and  entreaties  disgraced 
the  last  moments  of  his  life,  and  converted  into  contempt  some 
portion  of  the  just  pity  which  his  innocence  and  misfortunes 
must  inspire.  His  mother,  Mami-a,  whose  pride  and,  avarice 
he  loudly  accused  as  the  cause  of  his  ruin,  perished  with  her 
son.  The  most  faithful  of  his  friends  were  sacrificed  to  the 
fu'St  fury  of  the  soldiers.  Others  were  reserved  for  the  more 
deliberate  cruelty  of  the  usurper ;  and  those  who  experienced 
the  mildest  treatment,  were  stripped  of  their  employments,  and 
ignominiously  driven  from  the  court  and  army.'' 

The  former  tyrants,  Caligula  and  Nero,  Commodus  and 
Caracalla,  were  all  dissolute  and  unexperienced  youths,"  edu- 

*  Hist.  August,  p.  135.  I  have  softened  some  of  the  most  improba- 
ble circumstances  jjf  this  wrctclicd  bioi^ra])her.  Prom  this  ill-worded 
narration,  it  should  seem  that  the  prince's  buffoon  havinp;  accidentally 
entered  the  tent,  and  awakened  the  slunUjcriu{^  monarch,  the  fear  of 
p\inishmeut  urged  him  to  persuade  the  disaffected  soldiers  to  commit 
tlie  murder. 

"  Ilorodian,  1.  vi.  p.  223—227. 

'  Caligula,  the  eldest  of  the  four,  was  only  twenty-five  years  ol 
age  when  he  ascended  the  throne  ;  Caracfdla  was  twc/ity-thtee,  Cora- 
modus  nineteen,  and  Nero  no  more  t)ian  seventeen. 


or    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  201 

sated  ill  the  purple,  and  corrupted  by  the  pride  of  erfipirc,  the 
luxury  of  Rome,  and  tlie  perfidious  voice  of  (lattery.  Tho 
cruelty  of  Maximin  was  derived  from  a  different  source,  the 
tear  of  contempt.  Though  he  depended  on  the  attachment 
of  the  soldiers,  who  loved  him  for  virtut^s  like  their  own,  he 
was  conscious  that  his  mean  and  barbarian  origin,  his  savage 
appearance,  and  his  total  ignorance  of  the  arts  and  institutions 
of  civil  life,*^  formed  a  very  unfavorable  contrast  with  the 
amiable  manners  of  the  unhappy  Alexander.  He  remem- 
bered, that,  in  his  humbler  fortune,  he  had  often  waited  before 
the  door  of  the  haughty  nobles  of  Rome,  and  had  been  denied 
admittance  by  the  insolence  of  their  slaves.  He  recollected 
too  the  friendship  of  a  few  who  had  relieved  his  poverty,  and 
assisted  his  rising  hopes.  But  those  who  had  spurned,  and 
those  who  had  protected,  the  Thracian  were  guilty  of  the 
same  crime,  the  knowledge  of  his  original  obscurity.  For 
this  crime  many  were  put  to  death  ;  and  by  the  execution  of 
several  of  his  benefactors,  Maximin  published,  in  characters 
of  blood,  the  indelible  history  of  his  baseness  and  ingrat- 
itude.9 

The  dark  and  sanguinary  soul  of  the  tyrant  was  open  to 
every  suspicion  against  those  among  his  subjects  who  were  the 
most  distinguished  by  their  birth  or  merit.  Whenever  he  was 
alarmed  with  the  sound  of  treason,  his  cruelty  was  unbounded 
and  unrelenting.  A  conspiracy  against  his  life  was  either 
discovered  or  imagined,  and  Magnus,  a  consular  senator,  was 
named  as  the  principal  author  of  it.  Without  a  witness,  with- 
out a  trial,  and  without  an  opportunity  of  defence,  Magnus,  with 
four  thousand  of  his  supposed  accomplices,  was  put  to  death. 
Italy  and  the  whole  empire  were  infested  with  innumerable 
spies  and  informers.  On  the  slightest  accusation,  the  first  of 
the  Roman  nobles,  who  had  governed  provinces,  commanded 
armies,  and  been  adorned  with  tlie  consular  and  trium[)lial 
ornaments,  were  chained  on  the  public  carriages,  and  hurried 
away  to  the  emperor's  presence.  Confiscation,  exile,  or 
simple  death,  were  esteemed  uncommon  instances  of  his 
len.ty.     Some  of  the  unfortunate  sufferers  he  ordered  to  be 

^  It  appears  that  he  was  totally  ignorant  of  the  Greek  language  ; 
which,  from  its  universal  use  in  conversation  and  letters,  was  an  es- 
(jciitial  part  of  every  liberal  education. 

*  Hist.  August,  p.  141.  IlcrocUan,  1.  vii.  p.  237.  The  latter  of 
these  historians  has  been  most  unjustly  censured  for  sparing  the  vice* 
»f  Maximin. 


202  tul:  decline  and  fall 

sewed  up  in'  the  hides  of  slaughtered  animals,  olhers  to  ba 
exposed  to  wild  beasts,  others  again  to  be  beaten  to  death  with 
clubs.  During  the  three  years  of  his  reign,  he  disdained  to 
visit  either  Rome  or  Italy.  His  camp,  occasionally  removed 
from  the  banks  of  the  Rhine  to  those  of  the  Danube,  was  the 
seat  of  his  stern  despotism,  which  trampled  on  every  principle 
of  law  and  justice,  and  was  supported  by  the  avowed  power 
of  the  sword.'"  No  man  of  noble  birth,  elegant  accomplish- 
ments, or  knowledge  of  civil  business,  was  sutTered  near  his 
per.son  ;  and  the  court  of  a  Roman  emperor  revived  the  idea 
of  tnose  ancient  chiefs  of  slaves  and  gladiators,  whose  savago 
power  had  left  a  deep  impression  of  terror  and  detestation. '^ 

As  long  as  the  cruelty  of  Maximin  was  confined  to  the 
illusirious  senators,  or  even  to  the  bold  adventurers,  who  in 
the  court  or  army  expose  themselves  to  the  caprice  of  for- 
tune, the  body  of  the  people  viewed  their  sufferings  with  in« 
ditfeience,  or  perhaps  with  .pleasure.  But  the  tyrant's  ava- 
rice, stimulated  by  the  insatiate  desires  of  the  soldiers,  at 
'eugth  attacked  the  public  property.  Every  city  of  the  em- 
pire was  possessed  of  an  independent  revenue,  destined  to 
purchase  corn  for  the  multitude,  and  to  supply  the  expenses 
of  the  games  and  entertainments.  By  a  single  act  of  author- 
ity, the  whole  mass  of  wealth  was  at  once  confiscated  for  the 
use  of  the  Imperial  treasury.  The  temples  were  stripped  of 
tlieir  most  valuable  offerings  of  gold  and  silver,  and  the 
statues  of  gods,  heroes,  and  emperors,  were  melted  down  and 
coined  into  money.  These  impious  orders  could  not  be  exe- 
cuted without  tumults  and  massacres,  as  in  many  places  the 
people  chose  rather  to  die  in  the  defence  of  their  aUars,  than 
to  behold  in  the  midst  of  peace  their  cities  exposed  to  the 
rapine  and  cruelty  of  war.     The  soldiers  themselves,  among 

•"  The  wife  of  Maximin,  by  insinuating  wise  counsels  with  female 
gentleness,  sometimes  brought  back  the  tyrant  to  the  way  of  trutli  anvl 
Iramanity.  See  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  1.  xiv.  c.  1,  where  ho  alludei 
to  the  fact  which  he  had  more  fully  related  under  the  reign  of  tho 
Gordians.  We  may  collect  from  the  medals,  that  Paullina  was  the 
name  of  this  benevolent  empress  ;  and  from  the  title  of  Diva,  that 
she  died  before  Maximin.  (Valesius  ad  loc.  cit.  Aminian.)  Spaii- 
heim  de  U.  et  P.  N.  torn.  ii.  p.  300.* 

"  lie  was  compared  to  Spartacus  and  Athcnio.  IDst.  August,  p. 
141 


♦  If  we  may  believe  SynccUus  md  Zonaras,  it  was  Maximin  himself  wLo 
jrdeied  her  death  — G 


OF    Tin:    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  203 

whom  this  sacrilegious  plunder  was  distributed,  received  it 
with  a  blusli  ;  and  hardened  as  they  were  in  acts  of  viol(!n<;e, 
they  dreaded  the  just  reproaches  of  their  frier.ds  and  relations. 
Throughout  the  Roman  world  a  gi;neral  cry  of  indignation 
was  heard,  imploring  vengeance  on  the  common  enemy  of 
human  kind  ;  and  at  length,  by  an  act  of  private  oppression, 
a  peaceful  and  unarmed  province  was  driven  into  rebellion 
against  him.'- 

The  procurator  of  Africa  was  a  servant  worthy  of  such  a 
master,  wh.i  considered  the  fines  and  confiscations  of  the  rich 
as  one  of  ine  most  fruitful  branches  of  the  Imperial  revenue. 
An  iniquitous  sej;itence  liad  been  pronounced  against  some 
opulent  youths  of  that  country,  the  execution  of  which  would 
have  strijiped  them  of  far  the  greater  |)arl  of  their  patrimony. 
In  this  extremity,  a  resolution  that  must  either  complete  or 
prevent  their  ruin,  was  dictated  by  despair.  A  respite  of 
three  days,  obtained  with  difficulty  from  the  ra|)acious  treas- 
urer, was  employed  in  collecting  from  their  estates  a  great 
number  of  slaves  and  peasants  blindly  devoted  to  the  com- 
mands of  their  lords,  and  armed  with  the  rustic  wea|)ons  of 
clubs  and  axes.  The  leaders  of  the  cons[)iracy,  as  they  were 
admitted  to  the  audience  of  the  procurator,  stabbed  him  with 
the  daggers  concealed  under  their  garments,  and,  by  the  as- 
sistance of  their  tumultuary  train,  seized  on  the  little  town  of 
Thysdrus,'-^  and  erected  the  standard  of  rebellion  against  the 
sovereign  of  the  Roman  empire.  They  rested  their  hopes  on 
the  hatred  of  mankind  against  Maximin,  and  they  judiciously 
resolved  to  oppose  to  that  detested  tyrant  an  emperor  whose 
mild  virtues  had  already  acquired  the  love  and  esteem  of  the 
Romans,  and  whose  authority  over  the  province  would  give 
weight  and  stability  to  the  enterprise.  Gordianus,  their  pro- 
consul, and  the  object  of  their  choice,  refused,  with  unfeigned 
reluctance,  the  dangerous  honor,  and  begged  with  tears,  that 
they  would  sufTer  him  to  terminate  in  peace  a  long  and  inno- 
cent life,  without  staining  his  feeble  age  with  civil  blood. 
Their  menaces  compelled  him  to  accept  the  Imperial  purple, 
his  only  refuge,  indeed,  against  the  jealous  cruelty   of  Max- 

•    '*  Horodian,  1.  vii.  p.  238.     Zosim.  1.  i.  p.  15. 

"  In  tlic  fertile  territory  of  By/.ai'iuin,  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles 
to  tke  south  of  Carthage.  Tliis  city  was  decorated,  probably  by  th« 
Goidiaus,  with  the  title  of  colony,  and  with  a  tine  am])h.itheatre, 
which  i.s  still  in  a  very  perfect  state.  See  Itmerar.  Wesseling,  p.  oi) ; 
uid  iShaw's  Travels,  n.  117. 


204  THE    DECLINE    AKD    FALL 

imin  ;  since,  according  to  tne  reasoning  of  *yrants,  those  who 
have  been  esteemed  worthv  of  tlie  throne  deserve  death,  and 
those  who  deliberate  have  already  rebelled. i"* 

The  tlimily  of  Gordianus  was  one  of  the  most  illustrioua 
of  the  Roman  senate.  On  the  father's  side  he  was  descended 
fronj  the  Gracchi ;  on  his  mother's,  from  the  emperor  Trajan. 
A  great  estate  enabled  him  to  support  the  dignity  of  his  birth, 
and  in  the  enjoyment  of  it,  he  displayed  an  elegant  taste  and 
beneficent  disposition.  The  palace  in  Rome,  formerly  inhab- 
ited by  the  great  Pompey,  had  been,  during  several  genera- 
tions, in  the  possession  of  Gordian's  family.!^  It  was  distin- 
guished  by  ancient  trophies  of  naval  victories,  and  decorated 
with  the  works  of  modern  painting.  Flis  villa  on  the  road  tc 
Prneneste  was  celebrated  for  baths  of  singular  beauty  and  ex 
tent,  for  three  stately  rooms  of  a  hundred  feet  in  length,  and 
for  a  magnificent  portico,  supported  by  two  hundred  columns 
of  the  four  most  curious  and  costly  sorts  of  marble.'*^  The 
public  shows  exhibited  at  his  e.xpense,and  in  which  the  people 
were  entertained  with  many  hundreds  of  wild  beasts  and  glad- 
iators,^^  seem  to  surpass  the  fortune  of  a  subject ;  and  whilst 
the  liberality  of  other  magistrates  was  confined  to  a  few  sol- 
emn festivals  in  Rome,  the  magnificence  of  Gordian  was 
repeated,  when  he  was  aedile,  every  month  in  the  year,  and 
extended,  during  his  consulship,  to  the  principal  cities  of  Italy. 
He  was  twice  elevated  to  the  last-mentioned  dignity,  by  Car- 
acalla  and  by  Alexander ;    for  he  possessed  the  uncommon 


'^  Ilcrodian,  1.  vii.  p.  239.     Hist.  August,  p.  l.j.3. 

'*  Hist.  Aug.  p.  152.  The  celebrated  house  of  Pompey  in  carinis 
was  usurped  by  Marc  Antony,  and  consequently  became,  alter  the 
Triumvir's  death,  a  part  of  the  Imperial  domain.  The  emperor  Trajan 
allowed,  and  even  encouraged,  the  rich  senators  to  purchase  thoso 
magnLflcent  and  useless  places,  (PUii.  Panegyric,  c.  50  ;)  and  it  may 
seem  probable,  that,  on  this  occasion,  Pompey's  house  came  into  the 
possession  of  Gordian's  great-grandfather. 

**  The  Claudian,  the  Numidian,  the  Cuiyatian,  and  the  Synnadian. 
The  colors  of  Roman  marbles  have  been  faintly  described  and  imper- 
fectly distinguished.  It  appears,  however,  that  the  Carystian  was  a 
Bca-grcen,  and  that  the  marble  of  Synnada  was  white  mixed  with 
oval  spots  of  purple.     See  Salmasius  ad  Ilist.  August,  p.  164. 

"  Hist.  August,  p.  151,  152.  He  sometimes  gave  live  hundred 
pair  of  gladiators,  never  less  than  one  hundred  and  fifty.  He  once 
gave  for  the  use  of  the  circus  one  liundred  Sicilian  and  as  many  Cap- 
padociau  horses.  The  animals  designed  for  hunting  were  chietiy 
bears,  boars, -bulls,  stags,  elks,  wild  asses,  &c.  Elephants  aud  lioiM 
seem  tc  liave  been  appropriatod  to  Imperiiil  laagnilicence. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  206 

talent  of  acquiring  the  esteem  of  virtuous  princes,  without 
alarming  the  je.alousy  of  tyrants.  His  long  life  was  inno- 
rently  spent  in  the  study  of  letters  and  the  peaceful  honors 
of  Rome  ;  and,  till  he  was  named  proconsul  of  Africa  by  the 
voice  of  the  senate  and  the  approbation  of  Alexander,'*^  he 
appears  prudently  to  have  declined  the  command  of  armies 
and  the  government  of  provinces.*  As  long  as  that  em[)enjr 
lived,  Africa  was  happy  under  the  administration  of  liis 
worthy  representative  :  after  the  baebarous  Maximin  had 
U3ur[)ed  the  throne,  Gordianus  alleviated  the  miseries  which 
he  was  unable  to  prevent.  When  he  reluctantly  accepted  th.c 
purple,  he  was  above  fourscore  years  old  ;  a  last  and  val- 
uable remains  of  the  happy  age  of  the  Antonines,  wliose  vir- 
tues he  revived  in  his  own  conduct,  and  celebrated  in  an  ele- 
gant poem  of  thirty  books.  With  the  venerable  proconsul, 
his  son,  who  had  accompanied  him  into  Africa  as  his  lieuten- 
int,  was  likewise  declared  emperor.  His  manners  wer3  less 
pure,  but  his  character  was  equally  amiable  with  that  of  his 
lather.  Twenty-two  acknowledged  concubines,  and  a  library 
of  sixty-two  thousand  volumes,  attested  the  variety  of  his  in- 
clinations; and  from  the  productions  which  he  left  beliind 
him,  it  appears  that  the  former  as  well  as  the  latter  were 
designed  for  use  rather  than  for  ostentation.^^  The  Roman 
people  acknowledged  in  the  features  of  the  younger  Gordian 
the  resemblance  oi  Scipio  Africanus,t  recollected  with  pleas- 
ure that  his  mother  was  the  granddaughter  of  Antoninus 
Pius,  and  lested  the  public  hope  on  those  latent  virtues  which 
had  hitherto,  as  they  fondly  imagined,  lain  concealed  in  the 
/uxurious  indolence  of  private  life. 

As  soon  as  the  Gordians  had  appeased  the  first  tumult  of  a 
popular  election,  they  removed  their  court  to  Carthage.  They 
were  received  with  the  acclamations  of  the  Africans,  who 
honored  their  virtues,  and  who,  since  the  visit  of  Hadrian,  had 

'*  See  the  original  letter,  in  the  Augustan  History,  p.  1.52,  which 
at  once  shows  Alexander's  respect  for  the  authority  of  the  senate, 
and  his  esteem  for  the  proconsul  appointed  by  that  assembly. 

"  By  each  of  his  concubines,  the  younger  Gordian  left  three  oi 
four  childrer.  His  literary  productions,  tliough  less  numerous,  were 
by  no  means  contemptible. 

*  Herodian  expressly  says  that  he  had  administered  manv  pro\'inccs,  hb 
rii.  10.  — W. 

t  Not   tte  personal  likeness,   but   the   family  lescent   from  \he  Scip- 
OS.  —  W. 


206  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

never  beheld  ihe  majesty  of  a  Roman  emperoi.  But  these 
vain  acclamations  neither  strengthened  nor  confirmed  the  title 
of  the  Gordians.  They  were  induced  by  principle,  as  well  as 
interest,  to  solicit  the  approbation  of  the  senate ;  and  a  depu 
tation  of  the  noblest  provincials  was  sent,  without  delay,  to 
Rome,  to  relate  and  justify  the  conduct  of  their  countiymen, 
who,  having  long  suffered  with  patience,  were  at  length 
resolved  to  act  with  vigor.  The  letters  of  the  new  princes 
were  modest  and  respectful,  excusing  the  necessity  which  had 
obliged  them  to  accept  the  Imperial  title  ;  but  submitting  their 
election  and  their  fate  to  the  supreme  judgment  of  the  senate.^" 
The  inclinations  of  the  senate  were  neither  doubtful  nor 
divided.  '  The  birth  and  noble  alliances  of  the  Gordians  had 
intimately  connected  them  with  the  most  illustrious  houses  of 
Rome.  Their  fortune  had  created  many  dependants  in  that 
assembly,  their  merit  had  acquired  many  friends.  Their  mild 
administration  opened  the  flattering  prospect  of  the  restoration, 
not  only  of  the  civil  but  even  of  the  republican  government. 
The  terror  of  military  violence,  which  had  first  obliged  thf 
senate  to  forget  the  murder  of  Alexander,  and  to  ratify  th  i 
election  of  a  barbarian  peasant,-^  now  produced  a  contrarj 
effect,  and  provoked  them  to  assert  the  injured  rights  of  free 
dom  and  humanity.  The  hatred  of  Maximin  towards  the 
senate  was  declared  and  implacable ;  the  tamest  submissior 
nad  not  appeased  his  fury,  the  most  cautious  innocence  woulc 
not  remove  his  suspicions ;  and  even  the  care  of  their  owr 
safety  urged  them  to  share  the  fortune  of  an  enterprise,  of 
which  (if  unsuccessful)  they  were  sure  to  be  the  first  victims 
These  considerations,  and  perhaps  others  of  a  more  private 
nature,  were  debated  in  a  previous  conference  of  the  consuls 
and  the  magistrates.  As  soon  as  their  resolution  was  decided, 
they  convoked  in  the  temple  of  Castor  the  whole  body  of  the 
senate,  according  to  an  ancient  form  of  secrecy ,2-  calculated 
to-  awaken  their  attention,  and  to  conceal  their  decrees. 
"  Conscript  fathers,"  said  the  consul  Syllanus,  "  the  two 
Gordians,   both  of  consular  dignity,  the  one  your  proconsul, 

^^  Heroclian,  1.  vii.  p.  243.     Hist.  August,  p.  144. 

"  Quod  taincn  patrcs  dum  periculosum  cxistimant ;  inermes  armato 
rfsistcre  approbaverunt.  —  Aurclius  Victor. 

*^  Even  the  servants  of  the  house,  the  scribes,  &c.,  were  excluded, 
and  their  office  w.is  filled  by  the  senators  themselves.  We  are  obliged 
to  the  Augustan  History,  p.  159,  for  preserving  this  curious  exam]  i«i 
discipline  of  the  common-wealth. 


OK    THE    RO.MAN     fcM.MRK.  207 

the  other  your  lieutenant,  have  been  declaied  emperors  by 
I  lie  general  consent  of  Africa.  Lei  us  return  thanks,"  he 
boldly  continued,  "to  the  youth  of  Thysdrus;  let  us 
return  thanks  to  the  faithful  people  of  Carthage,  our  gen 
erous  deliverers  from  a  horrid  monster —  Why  do  you 
hear  me  thus  coolly,  thus  timidly  ?  Why  do  you  cast  those 
anxious  looks  on  each  other?  Why  hesitate?  Maximin  is  a 
()ublic  enemy  !  may  his  enmity  soon  expire  with  him,  and  may 
we  long  enjoy  the  prudence  and  felicity  of  Gordian  the  father, 
the  valor  and  constancy  of  Gordian  the  son  !  "  -^  The  noble 
ardor  of  the  consul  revived  the  languid  spirit  of  the  senate. 
By  a  unanimous  decree,  the  election  of  the  Gordians  was 
ratified,  Maximin,  his  son,  and  his  adherents,  were  pronounced 
enemies  of  their  country,  and  liberal  rewards  were  olfered  to 
whomsoever  had  the  courage  and  good  fortune  to  destroy 
them. 

During  the  emperor's  absence,  a  detachment  of  the  Prae- 
torian guards  remained  at  Rome,  to  protect,  or  rather  to 
command,  the  capital.  The  praefect  Vitalianus  had  signalized 
his  fidelity  to  Maximin,  by  the  alacrity  with  which  he  had 
obeyed,  and  even  prevented,  the  cruel  mandates  of  the  tyrant 
His  death  alone  could  rescue  the  authority  of  the  senate,  and 
the  lives  of  the  senators,  from  a  state  of  danger  and  suspense. 
Before  their  resolves  had  transpired,  a  quaestor  and  some  trib- 
unes were  commissioned  to  take  his  devoted  life.  They 
executed  the  order  with  equal  boldness  and  success  ;  and, 
with  their  bloody  daggers  in  their  hands,  ran  through  the 
streets,  proclaiming  to  the  people  and  the  soldiers  the  news 
of  the  happy  revolution.  The  enthusiasm  of  liberty  waa 
seconded  by  the  promise  of  a  large  donative,  in  lands  and 
money  ;  the  statues  of  Maximin- were  thrown  down  ;  the  capi- 
tal of  the  empire  acknowledged,  with  transport,  the  authority 
of  the  two  Gordians  and  the  senate  ;2'*  and  the  example  of 
Rome  was  followed  by  the  rest  of  Italy. 

A  new  spirit  had  arisen  in  that  assembly,  whose  long 
patience  had  been  insulted  by  wanton  despotism  and  military 
license.  The  senate  assumed  the  reins  of  government,  and, 
with  a  calm  intrepidity,  preparad  to  vindicate  by  arnus  the 
cause    of   freedom.      Among    the    consular   senators    recom 


D 


"  This  spirited  speech,  translated  from  the  Augustan  historian,  p. 
156.  seems  transcribed  by  him  from  the  original  registers  ol  the  senate. 
**  Hetjdian,  1.  \-ii.  p.  244. 


4. 

208  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

mended  by  their  merit  and  services  to  the  favor  of  the  empeior 
Alexander,  it  was  easy  to  select  twenty,  not  unequal  to  the 
command  of  an  army,  and  the  conduct  of  a  war.  To  these 
was  the  defence  of  Italy  intrusted.  Each  was  appointed  to 
act  in  his  respective  department,  authorized  to  enroll  anc 
discipline  the  Italian  youth ;  and  instructed  to  fortify  the  porta 
and  highways,  against  the  impending  invasion  of  Maximip. 
A  number  of  deputies,  chosen  from  the  most  illustrious  of 
the  senatorian  and  equestrian  orders,  were  despatched  at  ths 
same  time  to  the  governors  of  the  several  provinces,  earnestli' 
conjuring  them  to  fly  to  the  assistance  of  their  country,  and 
t)  remind  the  nations  of  their  ancient  ties  of  friendship  with 
ttie  Roman  senate  and  people.  The  general  respect  with 
which  these  deputies  were  received,  and  the  zeal  of  Italy  and 
the  provinces  in  favor  of  the  senate,  sufficiently  prove  that  tho 
subjects  of  Maximin  were  reduced  to  that  uncommon  distress, 
in  which  the  body  of  the  people  has  more  to  fear  from 
oppression  than  from  resistance.  The  consciousness  of  that 
melancholy  truth,  inspires  a  degree  of  persevering  fury, 
seldom  to  be  found  in  those  civil  wars  which  are  artificially 
supported  for  the  benefit  of  a  few  factious  and  designing 
(eaders.^^ 

For  while  the  cause  of  the  Gordians  was  embraced  with 
such  diff'usive  ardor,  the  Gordians  themselves  were  no  more. 
The  feeble  court  of  Carthage  was  alarmed  by  the  rapid 
approach  of  Capelianus,  governor  of  Mauritania,  who,  with 
a  small  band  of  veterans,  and  a  fierce  host  of  barbarians, 
attacked  a  faithful,  but  unvvarlike  province.  The  younger 
Gordian  sallied  out  to  meet  the'  enemy  at  the  head  of  a  few 
guards,  and  a  numerous  undisciplined  multitude,  educated  in 
the  peaceful  luxury  of  Carthage.  His  useless  valor  served 
only  to  procure  him  an  honorable  death  in  the  field  of  battle. 
His  aged  father,  whose  reign  had  not  exceeded  thirty-six  days, 
put  an  end  to  his  life  on  the  first  news  of  the  defeat.  Car- 
thage, destitute  of  defence,  opened  her  gates  to  the  conqueror 
and  Africa  was  exposed  to  the  rapacious  cruelty  of  a  slave, 
obliged  to  satisfy  his  unrelenting  master  with  a  large  account 
of  blood  and  treasure.^"^ 


**  Ilerodian,  1.  vii.  p.  247,l.vui.  p.  277.    Hist.  August,  p.  156—153. 

**  Herodian,  1.  vii.  p.  254.  Hist.  Aup;ust.  p.  150 — IfiO.  We  may 
observe,  that  one  month  and  six  days,  for  the  reign  of  Gordian,  is  a 
juBt  ccrrccti'^n  ol  Casa-ibon   and   Panvinius.  instead  of  the  absurd 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  209 

The  fate  of  the  Gordians  filled  Rome  with  just  out  unex- 
pected terror.  The  seno:e,  convoked  in  the  temple  oi 
Concord,  utrected  to  transact  the  common  business  of  the 
day  ;  and  seemed  to  decline,  with  trembling  anxiety,  the  con- 
sideration of  their  own  and  the  public  danger.  A  silent 
consternation  prevailed  in  the  assembly,  till  5  senator,  of  the 
name  and  family  of  Trajan,  awakened  his  brethren  from  their 
fatal  lethargy.  lie  represented  to  them  that  the  choice  of 
cautious,  dilatory  measures  had  been  long  since  out  of  their 
^ower  ;  that  Maximin,  implacable  by  nature,  and  exasperate] 
by  injuries,  was  advancing  towards  Italy,  at  the  head  of  the 
military  force  of  the  empire  ;  and  that  their  only  remaining 
alternative  was  either  to  meet  him  bravely  in  the  field,  or 
tamely  to  expect  the  tortures  and  ignominious  death  reserved 
for  unsuccessful  rebellion.  "  We  have  lost,"  continued  he, 
"  two  e.xcellent  princes ;  but  unless  we  desert  ourselves 
the  hopes  of  the  republic  have  not  perished  with  the  Gordians. 
Many  are  the  senators,  whose  virtues  have  deserved,  and 
whose  abilities  would  sustain,  the  Imperial  dignity.  Let 
us  elect  two  emperors,  one  of  whom  may  conduct  the  wai 
against  the  public  enemy,  whilst  his  colleague  remains  at 
Rome  to  direct  the  civil  administration.  I  cheerfully  expose 
myself  to  the  danger  and  envy  of  the  nomination,  and  give 
my  vote  m  favor  of  Maximus  and  Balbinus.  Ratify  my 
choice,  conscript  fathers,  or  appoint,  in  their  place,  others 
more  worthy  of  the  empire."  The  general  apprehension 
silenced  the  whispers  of  jealousy  ;  the  merit  of  the  candidates 
was  universally  acknowledged  ;  and  the  house  resounded  witn 
tlie  sincere  acclamations  of  "  Long  life  and  victory  to  the, 
emperors  Maximus  and  Balbinus.  You  are  happy  in  the 
iudgment  of  the  senate ;  may  the  republic  be  happy  under 
your  administration  !  "  ^7 

The  virtues  and  the  reputation  of  the  new  emperors  jus- 
tified the  most  sanguine  hopes  of  the  Romans.  The  various 
nature  of  their  talents  seemed  to  appropriate  to  each  his  pecu- 
liar department  of  peace  and  war,  without  leaving  room  for 


reading  of  one  year  and  six  months.  See  Commentar.  p.  193.  Zosi- 
iDus  relates,  1.  i.  p.  17,  that  the  two  Gordians  perished  by  a  tempest 
in  the  midst  of  their  navigation.  A  strange  ignorance  of  history,  oi 
a  strange  abuse  of  metaphors  ! 

'■'"  See  the  Augnstuu  History,  p.  166,  from  tlic  registers  of  the  sen- 
ile; the  date  is  cori'cssedly  fauly  hnt   the  coincidence  of  the  Ap-'- 
idftrian  gamc-s  ^mables  us  to  correct  it. 
12 


210  THE   DECLINE   AND   FALL 

jealousi  emulation.  Balbiniis  was  an  admired  orator,  >i  poet 
of  distiiguished  fame,  and  a  wise  magistrate,  who  had  exer- 
cised w.th  innocence  and  apphiuse  the  civil  jurisdiction  in 
almost  all  the  interior  provinces  of  the  empire.  Mis  birth  waa 
noble,2S  his  fortune  affluent,  his  manners  liberal  and  affable. 
In  him  the  love  of  pleasure  was  corrected  by  a  sense  of 
dignity,  nor  had  the  habits  of  ease  deprived  him  of  a  capacity 
for  business.  The  mind  of  Maximus  was  formed  in  a  rougher 
mould.  By  his  valor  and  abilities  he  had  raised  himself  from 
llie  meanest  origin  to  the  first  employments  of  the  state  and 
irmy.  His  victories  over  the  Sarmatians  and  the  Germans 
the  austerity  of  his  life,  and  the  rigid  impartiality  of  his  jus- 
tice, while  he  was  a  Prsefcct  of  the  city,  commanded  the 
esteem  of  a  people  whose  affections  were  engaged  in  favor 
of  the  more  amiable  Balbinus.  The  two  colleagues  had  both 
been  consuls,  (Balbinus  had  twice  enjoyed  that  honorable 
oflice,)  both  had  been  named  among  the  twenty  iieutenants 
of  the  senate  ;  and  since  the  one  was  sixty  and  the  other  sev- 
enty-four years  old,29  they  had  both  attained  the  full  maturity 
jf  age  and  experience. 

After  the  senate  had  conferred  on  Maximus  and  Balbinus 
an  equal  portion  of  the  consular  and  tribunitian  powers,  the 
title  of  Fathers  of  their  country,  and  the  joint  office  of  Su- 
preme Pontiff,  they  ascended  to  the  Capitol  to  return  thanks 
to  the  gods,  protectors  of  Rome.^"  The  solemn  rites  of  sacri- 
fice were  disturbed  by  a  sedition  of  the  people.  The  licen- 
tious multitude  neither  loved  the  rigid  Maximus,  nor  did  they 


**  He  was  descended  from  Cornelius  IJalbus,  a  noble  Spaniard,  find 
he  adopted  son  of  Theophancs,  the  Greek  historian.  Balbas  ob- 
.ained  the  freedom  of  Kopie  by  the  favor  of  Pompey,  and  preserved  it 
oy  the  eloquence  of  Cicero.  (See  Uiat.  pro  Cornel.  Balbo.)  'i'he 
friendship  of  Caesar,  (to  whom  he  rendered  the  most  important  secret 
eervices  in  the  civil  war)  raised  him  to  the  consulship  and  the  pontili- 
cate,  honors  never  yet  possessed  by  a  strani^er.  The  nephew  of  this 
Balbus  triumphed  over  the  Garamantes.  See  Dictionnaire  de  Bayle, 
au  mot  Balhiis,  where  he  distinguishes  the  several  persons  of  that 
name,  and  rectifies,  with  his  usual  accuracy,  the  mistakes  of  former 
■writers  concerning  them. 

**  Zonaras,  1.  xii.  p.  622.  But  little  dependence  is  to  be  had  on 
the  authority  of  a  modern  Greek,  so  grossly  ignorant  of  the  history 
of  the  third  century,  that  he  creates  several  imaginary  emperors,  aud 
confounds  those  who  really  existed. 

'"  Ilerodian,  1.  vii  p.  25fi,  supposes  that  the  senate  was  at  tirst 
convoked  'n  the  Capitol,  and  is  very  elo(]iiont  on  *he  occasion.  Thi" 
Augustan  tlistory,  p.  116,  seems  much  more  authcutic. 


OF   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  211 

Kufficiently  fear  the  mild  and  humane  Balllnus.  Their  in- 
creasing numbers  surrounded  the  temple  of  Jupiter  ;  with 
ob-sMnate  clamors  they  asserted  their  inherent  riglU  of  con 
Renting  to  the  election  of  their  sovert^ign  ;  and  demanded, 
with  an  apparent  moderation,  that,  besides  the  two  emperora 
chosen  by  the  senate,  a  cnird  should  be  added  of  the  family  of 
the  Gordians,  as  a  just  return  of  gratitude  to  those  princes  who 
had  sacrificed  their  lives  for  the  republic.  At  the  head  of  tho 
city-guards,  and  the  youth  of  the  equestrian  order,  Maximud 
and  Balbinus  attempted  to  cut  their  way  through  the  seditious 
multitude.  The  multitude,  armed  with  sticks  and  stones, 
drove  them  buck  into  the  Capitol.  It  is  prudent  to  yield  when 
the  contest,  whatever  inay  be  the  issue  of  it,  must  be  fatal  to 
both  p;irties.  A  boy,  only  thirteen  years  of  age,  the  grand- 
son of  the  elder,  and  nephew  *  of  the  younger,  Gordian,  waa 
produced  to  the  people,  invested  with  the  ornaments  and  title 
of  Ca3sar.  The  tumult  was  appeased  by  this  easy  conde- 
scension ;  and  the  two  emperors,  as  soon  as  they  had  been 
peaceably  acknowledged  in  Rome,  prepared  to  defend  Italy 
against  the  common  enemy. 

Whilst  in  Rome  and  Africa,  revolutions  succeeded  each 
other  with  such  amazing  rapidity,  that  the  mind  of  iMaximin 
was  agitated  by  the  most  furious  passions.  He  is  said  to  have 
received  the  news  of  the  rebellion  of  the  Gordians,  and  of  the 
decree  of  the  senate  against  him,  not  with  the  temper  of  a 
man,  but  the  rage  of  a  wild  beast ;  which,  as  it  could  not 
discharge  itself  on  the  distant  senate,  threatened  the  life  of  his 
son,  of  his  friends,  and  of  all  who  ventured  to  approach  his  per- 
son. The  grateful  intelligence  of  the  death  of  the  (iordiana 
was  quickly  followed  by  the  assurance  that  the  senate,  laying 
aside  all  hopes  of  pardon  or  accommodation,  had  substituted 
in  their  room  two  emperors,  with  whose  merit  he  could  not  be 
unacquainted.  Revenge  was  the  only  consolation  left  to  Max- 
imin,  and  revenge  could  only  be  obtained  by  arms.  The 
strength  of  the  legions  had  been  assembled  by  Alexander  from 
all  parts  of  the  empire.  Three  successful  campaigns  against 
the  Germans  and  the  Sarmatians,  bar!  raised  their  fame,  con 
firmed  their  discipline,  and  even  increased  their  numbers,  by 
filling  the  ranks  with  the  flower  of  the  barbarian  youth.  Tho 
life  of  Maximin  had  been  spent  in  war,  and  the  candid  severity 
of  history  cannot  refuse  him  the  valor  of  a  soldier,  or  even  tho 

•  According  to  some,  the  son.  —  Q 


212  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

a1v!i\ies  of  an  experienced  general.^^  It  might  naturally  b« 
expected,  that  a  prince  of  such  n  character,  instead  of  suffering 
the  rebellion  to  gain  stability  by  delay,  should  imniedialely 
have  marched  from  the  banks  of  the  Danub<>  to  those  of  the 
Tyber,  and  that  his  victorious  army,  instigated  by  contempt 
for  the  senate,  and  eager  to  gather  the  spoils  of  Italy,  shoulf. 
have  burned  with  impatience  to  finish  the  easy  and  lucrative 
conquest.  Yet  as  far  as  we  can  trust  to  the  obscure  chro- 
nology of  that  period,32  it  appears  that  the  operations  of  some 

''  In  Herodian,  1.  vii.  p.  249,  and  in  the  Augustan  History,  we 
have  three  several  orations  of  Maximin  to  his  army,  on  the  rebellion 
of  Africa  and  Home  :  M.  de  Tillemont  has  very  justly  observed  that 
they  neither  agree  with  each  other  nor  with  truth.  Histoii-e,  des 
Empereurs,  torn.  iii.  p.  799. 

**  The  carelessness  of  the  writers  of  that  age,  leaves  us  in  a  sin- 
gular perplexity.  1.  We  know  that  Maximus  and  Balbinus  wero 
killed  during  the  Capitoline  games.  Herodian,  1.  viii.  p.  285.  Thb 
authority  of  Censorinus  (de  Die  Natali,  c.  18)  enables  us  to  fix 
those  games  with  certainty  to  the  year  238,  but  leaves  us  in  igno- 
rance of  the  month  or  day.  2.  The  election  of  Gordian  by  the 
senate  is  fixed  with  equal  certainty  to  the  27th  of  May ;  but  we  are 
at  a  loss  to  discover  whether  it  was  in  the  same  or  the  preceding 
year.  Tillemont  and  Muratori,  who  maintain  the  two  opposite  opin- 
ions, bring  into  the  ticid  a  desultory  troop  of  authorities,  conjectures, 
and  probabilities.  The  one  seems  to  draw  out,  the  other  to  contract, 
the  scries  of  events  between  those  periods,  more  than  can  be  well 
reconciled  to  reason  and  history.  Yet  it  is  necessary  to  choose  be- 
tween them.* 


*  Eckhel  has  more  recently  treated  these  chnnolo^^ical  questions  with  a 
perspicuity  which  ^hes  great  probability  to  his  conclusions.    Setting  aside 
all  the  historians     whose  contradictions  are  irreconcilable,  he  has  only 
consulted  the  medals,  and  has  arranged  the  events  before  us  in  the  follow 
mg  orcler  :  — 

Maximin,  A.  U.  990,  after  having  conquered  the  Germans,  reenters 
Pannonia,  establishes  his  winter  quarters  at  Sirmium,  and  prepares  himself 
to  make  war  against  the  people  of  the  North.  In  the  year  991,  in  the  cal- 
ends of  January,  commences  his  fourth  tribunate.  The  Gordians  are 
chosen  emperors  in  Africa,  probably  at  the  beginnina;  of  the  month  of 
March.  The  senate  confirms  this  election  with  joy,  and  declares  Maximin 
the  enemy  of  Komc.  Five  days  after  he  had  heard  of  this  revolt,  Maximin 
jets  out  from  Sirmium  on  his  inarch  to  Italy.  These  events  took  place 
about  the  befrinning  of  April ;  a  little  after,  the  Gordians  are  slain  in 
Africa  by  Capellianus,  procurator  of  Mauritania.  The  senate,  in  its  alarm, 
names  as  emperors  Balbus  and  Maximus  I'upianus,  and  intrusts  the  latter 
with  the  war  against  Maximin.  Maximin  is  stopped  on  his  road  near 
Aquileia,  by  the  want  of  provisions,  and  by  the  melting  of  the  snows  :  he 
begins  the  siepe  of  Aquileia  at  the  end  of  April.  Pupian\is  assembles 
his  army  at  Ravenna.  ^Maximin  and  his  son  are  assassinated  by  the  sol- 
diers enraged  at  the  resistance  of  Aqu'lcia;  and  this  was  probably  in 
the  middle  of  May.  Pupianus  returns  to  Rome,  and  assumes  the  govern- 
ment with  Balbinus ;  they  are  assassin.ited  towards  the  end  of  July 
Gordian  the  vounger  ascends  the  throne.  Eckhel  de  Dt«^  Num.  Vet.  yn. 
a06.-Q. 


or    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  !il3 

foreign   viar  <leferred  the   Italiai    expedition   till  the  ensuing 
spring.     From  the  prudent  conduct  of  Maximin,  we  may  learn 
that   the   savage   features  of  his  character   have    been  exag- 
gerated   by  ihe   |)encil  of   party,   that   his   passions,    however 
impetuous,  submitted  to  the  force  of  reason,  and  that  the  bar 
bariau    possessed    something  of  the   generous  spirit  of  Sy'.ia 
who  subdued  the  enemies  of  Rome  before  he  suffered    him 
self  to  revenge  his  private  injuries.-*-* 

When  the  troops  of  Maximin,  advancing  in  excellent  order, 
arrived  at  the  foot  of -the  Julian  Alps,  they  were  terrified  by 
the  silence  and  desolation  that  reigned  on  the  frontiers  of  Italy. 
The  villages  and  open  towns  had  been  abandoned  on  their 
approach  by  the  inhabitants,  the  cattle  was  driven  away,  the 
provisions  removed  or  destroyed,  the  bridges  broken  down, 
nor  was  any  thing  left  which  could  afford  either  shelter  or  sub- 
sistence to  an  invader.  Such  had  been  the  wise  orders  of  the 
generals  of  the  senate  :  whose  design  was  to  protract  the  war, 
to  ruin  the  army  of  Maximin  by  the  slow  operation  of  famine, 
and  to  consume  his  strength  in  the  sieges  of  the  principal 
cities  of  Italy,  which  they  had  plentifully  stored  with  men  and 
provisions  from  the  deserted  counVy.  Aquileia  received  and 
withstood  the  first  shock  of  the  invasion.  The  streams  that 
issue  from  the  head  of  the  Hadriatic  (rulf,  swelled  by  the  melt- 
ing of  the  winter  snows,-'"*  opposed  an  unex|)ected  obstacle  to 
Ihe  arms  of  Maximin.  At  length,  on  a  singular  bridge,  con- 
structed with  art  and  difficulty,  of  large  hogsheads,  he  trans- 
ported his  army  to  the  opposite  bank,  rooted  up  the  beautiful 
vineyards  in  the  neighborhood  of  Aquileia,  demolished  the 
suburbs,   and   employed  the   timber  of   the   buildings    in   the 

^*  Vclloius  Patcrculus,  1.  ii.  c.  24.  The  prcsitlent  de  Montesquieu 
(in  his  diiilof;ue  lietwecn  Sylla  and  Eucrates)  expresses  the  senti- 
ments of  the  dictator  in  a  spirited,  and  even  a  sublime  manner. 

^*  Muratori  (Annali  d'  Italia,  torn.  ii.  p.  294)  thinks  the  melting 
of  the  snows  suits  better  with  the  months  of  June  or  July,  than 
with  those  of  FeViriiury.  The  opinion  of  a  man  who  passed  his  life 
between  the  Alps  and  the  Apennines,  is  undoubtedly  of  great 
weight;  yet  I  observe,  1.  That  the  long  winter,  of  which  Muratori 
takes  advantage,  is  to  be  found  only  in  the  li"'i;i  version,  and  not  in 
the  Crreek  text  of  Herodian.  2.  That  the  vicissitudes  of  suns  and 
-ains,  to  which  the  soldiers  of  Maximin  were  exposed,  (Herodian,  1. 
viii.  p.  277,)  denote  the  spring  rather  than  the  summer.  ^Ve  may 
observe,  likewise,  that  these  several  streams,  as  they  melted  into  one, 
30inposed  the  Tiniavus,  so  .poetically  (in  every  sense  of  the  word) 
described  ty  A'irgil.  They  are  about  twelve  miles  to  tJio  »iaat  ol 
A.<iuileia.     See  Cluver.  Italia  Antii^ua,  torn.  i.  p.  189,  &c. 


214  THE    DECLINE    AHD    EALL 

engines  and  towers,  with  which  on  every  side  he  attacked  thp. 
city.  The  walls,  fallen  to  decay  during  the  security  of  a  long 
peace,  had  been  hastily  repaired  on  this  sudden  emergency  : 
but  the  firmest  defence  of  Aquileia  consisted  in  the  constancy 
of  the  citizens;  all  ranks  of  whom,  instead  of  being  dismayed, 
were  animated  by  the  extreme  danger,  and  their  knowledge 
of  the  tyrant's  unrelenting  temper.  Their  courage  was  sup- 
ported and  directed  by  Crispinus  and  Menophilus,  two  of  the 
twenty  lieutenants  of  the  senate,  who,  with  a  small  body  of 
regular  troops,  had  thrown  themselves  into  the  besieged  place. 
The  army  of  Maximin  was  repulsed  in  repeated  attacks,  hi? 
machines  destroyed  by  showers  of  artificial  fire ;  and  the 
generous  enthusiasm  of  the  Aquileians  was  exalted  into  a  con- 
fidence of  success,  by  the  opinion  that  Belenus,  their  tutelar 
deity,  combated  in  person  in  the  defence  of  his  distressed 
worshippers.35 

The  emperor  Maximus,  who  had  advanced  as  far  as  Ra- 
venna, to  secure  tiiat  important  place,  and  to  hasten  the  mili- 
tary preparations,  beheld  the  event  of  the  war  in  the  more 
faithful  mirror  of  reason  and  policy.  He  was  too  sensible, 
that  a  single  town  could  not  resist  the  persevering  efforts  of  a 
great  army ;  and  he  dreaded,  lest  the  enemy,  tired  with  the 
obstinate  resistance  of  Aquileia,  should  on  a  sudden  relinquish 
the  fruitless  siege,  and  march  directly  towards  Rome  The 
fate  of  the  empire  and  the  cause  of  freedom  must  then  be 
committed  to  the  chance  of  a  battle ;  and  what  arms  could  he 
oppose  to  the  veteran  legions  of  the  Rhine  and  Danube .'' 
Some  troops  newly  levied  among  the  generous  but  enervated 
youth  of  Italy ;  and  a  body  of  German  auxiliaries,  on  whose 
firmness,  in  the  hour  of  trial,  it  was  dangerous  to  depend.  In 
the  midst  of  these  just  alarms,  the  stroke  of  domestic  conspir- 
acy punished  the  crimes  of  Maximin,  and  delivered  Rome  and 
the  senate  from  the  calamities  that  would  surely  have  attended 
the  victory  of  an  enraged  barbarian. 

The  people  of  Aquileia  had  scarcely  experienced  any  of 
the  common  miseries  of  a  siege  ;  their  magazines  were  plenti- 
fully supplied,  uud  several  fountains  within  the  walls  assured 
them  of  an  inexhaustible  resource  of  fresh  water.     The  sol- 

**  Hcrodian,  1.  viii.  p.  272.  The  Celtic  deity  was  supposed  to  be 
Apollo,  and  received  under  that  name  the  thanks  of  the  senate.  A 
temple  was  likewise  built  to  Venus  the  Bald,  in  honor  of  the  women 
of  Aquileia,  who  had  given  up  their  hair  to  make  ropes  for  the 
ci'Utary  engines. 


OP   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  215 

Hiew  of  IMaxitn.Ti  were,  on  the  contrary,  exposed  to  the  inclem- 
enoy  ot'  the  season,  the  contagion  of  disease,  and  the  horror: 
of  famine.  The  open  country  was  ruined,  tlie  rivers  filled 
wilh  the  slain,  and  polluted  with  hlood.  A  spirit  of  despair 
and  disattection  began  to  diHiise  itself  among  the  troops ;  and 
«s  they  wore  cut  olf  from  all  intelligence,  they  easily  believed 
hat  the  whole  empire  had  embraced  the  cause  of  the  senate, 
and  that  they  were  left  as  devoted  victims  to  perish  under  the 
impregnable  walls  of  Aquileia.  The  fierce  temper  of  the 
tyrant  was  exasperated  by  disappointments,  wiiich  l«e  imputed 
to  the  cowardice  of  his  army  ;  and  his  wanton  and  ill-timed 
cruelty,  instead  of  striking  terror,  inspired  hatred,  and  a  just 
desire  of  revenge.  A  party  of  Praetorian  guards,  who  trem 
bled  for  their  wives  am!  children  in  the  camp  of  Alba,  near 
Rome,  executed  the  sentence  of  the  .senate.  Maximin,  aban- 
doned by  his  guards,  was  slain  in  his  tent,  with  his  son,  (whom 
he  had  associated  to  the  honors  of  the  j)urj)le,)  Anulinus  the 
pr;cfect,  and  the  principal  ministers  of  his  tyranny.^*^  The 
sight  of  their  heads,  borne  on  the  point  of  spears,  convinced 
the  citizens  of  Aquileia  that  the  siege  was  at  an  end  ;  the  gates 
of  the  city  were  thrown  open,  a  liberal  market  was  providod 
for  the  hungry  troops  of  Maximin,  and  the  whole  army  joined 
in  soU'mn  jirotestations  of  fifleliiy  to  the  s(;nate  and  the  people 
of  Rome,  and  to  their  lawful  emperors  Maximus  antl  Balbinus. 
Such  was  the  deserved  fate  of  a  brutal  savage,  destitute,  as  he 
has  generally  been  represented,  of  every  sentiment  that  distin- 
guishes a  civilized,  or  even  a  human  being.  The  body  was 
suited  to  the  soul.  The  stature  of  Maximin  exceeded  the 
measure  of  eight  feet,  and  circumstances  almost  incredible  are 
related  of  his  malehless  strength  and  appetite.^'  Had  he  lived 
in  a  less  enlightened  ag(!,  tradition  and  poetry  might  well  have 


»«  ncrodian,  1.  vili.  p.  27;).  Hist.  Au-i;ust.  p.  14G.  The  duration 
of  Miiximin's  rcij^u  h;n  not  liccMi  deiiucd  witli  much  accuracy,  except 
by  Eutrojiius,  who  allows  luiii  tUicc  years  and  a  I'ow  days,  (1.  ix.  1  ;  ) 
w;;  may  depend  o:i  tlie  inte^irity  of  the  text,  as  the  Latin  oiigiual  ia 
cliecked  l)y  the  (iri-ek  vcrson  of  I'leaniiis. 

"  Ei<;ht  Roman  feet  and  one  thu-d,  which  are  equal  to  above  ein;ht 
EnH;lish  feet,  as  the  two  measures  arc  to  each  other  in  the  proportion 
ofD'iTto  1000.  Sfc  'Jraves's  dj-course  on  the  Roman  foot.  We  are 
told  that  .\Ia\iniin  could  drink  in  a  day  an  ani^  hora  (or  about  seven 
gallons)  of  wine,  and  eat  thirty  or  forty  j  ouud-.  of  meat.  lie  could 
move  a  loaded  wa^^on,  hreak  a  horde's  lej;  with  his  list,  eruuiblo 
jiones  in  h.s  hai;  1,  and  tear  up  small  trees  by  the  roots.  Seo  his  lifo 
vn  the  Augustan  ifistury. 


2]6  IHK    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

described  him  as  one  of  those  monstrous  g,iants,  whose  sup^^r 
natural  power  was  constantly  exerted  for  the  destniction  of 
mankind. 

It  is  easier  to  conceive  than  to  describe  the  universal  joy  of 
the  Roman  world  on  the  fall  of  the  tyrant,  the  news  of  which 
IS  said  to  have  been  carried  in  four  days  from  Aquileia  to 
Rome.  The  return  of  Maxnnus  was  a  triumphal  procession  •, 
his  colleague  and  young  Gordian  went  out  to  meet  him,  and 
the  three  prmces  made  their  entiy  into  the  capital,  attended 
by  the  arnbassadors  of  almost  all  the  cities  of  It;Uy,  saluted 
with  the  splendid  offerings  of  gratitude  and  superstition,  and 
received  with  the  unfeigned  acclamations  of  the  senate  and 
people,  who  persuaded  themselves  that  a  golden  age  would 
succeed  to  an  age  of  iron.^^  The  "conduct  of  the  two  emperors 
corresponded  with  these  expectations.  They  administered 
justice  in  person ;  and  the  rigor  of  the  one  was  tempered  by 
the  other's  clemency.  The  oppressive  taxes  with  which  Max- 
imin  had  loaded  the  rights  of  inheritance  and  succession,  were 
repealed,  or  at  least  moderated.  Discipline  was  revived,  and 
with  the  advice  of  the  senate  many  wise  laws  were  enacted 
by  their  Imperial  ministers,  who  endeavored  to  restore  a  civil 
constitution  on  the  ruins  of  military  tyranny.  '"'  What  reward 
may  we  expect  for  delivering  Rome  from  a  monster  ? "  was 
the  question  asked  by  Maximus,  in  a  moment  of  freedom  and 
confidence.  Balbinus  answered  it  without  hesitation  —  "  The 
love  of  the  senate,  of  the  people,  and  of  all  mankind." 
"Alas!"  replied  his- more  penetrating  colleague  —  "alas!  1 
thread  the  hatred  of  the  soldiers,  and  the  fatal  etiects  of  their 
resentment." ^^  Ilis  apprehensions  were  but  too  well  justified 
by  the  event. 

Whilst  Maximus  was  preparing  to  defend  Italy  against  the 
common  foe,  Balbinus,  who  remained  at  Rome,  liad  been 
engaged  in  scenes  of  blood  and  intestine  discord.  Distrust 
and  jealousy  reigned  in  the  senate  ;  and  even  in  the  tem[)le3 
where  they  assembled,  every  senator  carried  either  open  or 
concealed  arms.  In  the  midst  of  their  deliberations,  two  vet- 
erans of  the  guards,  actuated  either  by  curiosity  or  a  siniste^r 
motive,  audaciously  thrust  themselves  into  the  house,  and 
advanced  by  degrees  beyond  the  altar  of  Victory.    Gallicanus, 


'^  See  the  congratulatory  letter  of  Claudius  Julianus,  the  consul, 
to  the  two  emperors,  in  the  Au<.'ustan  History. 
^»  Ilist.  August,  p.  171. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  217 

a  consuliir,  and  MfBcenas,  a  Praetorian  senator,  viewed  wi*h 
mdignalion  tiirir  insolent  intrusion  :  drawing  their  daggers, 
they  laid  the  spies  (for  such  they  deemed  them)  dead  at  the 
foot  of  the  altar,  and  then,  advancing  to  the  door  of  the  senate, 
imprudeiitiv  exhorted  the  multitude  to  massacre  the  Prrctorians, 
as  the  secri,-t  adherents  of  the  tyrant.  Those  who  escaped  the 
first  fury  of  the  tumult  took  refuge  in  the  camp,  which  they 
defended  with  superior  advantage  against  the  rei'.erated  attacks 
of  die  people,  assisted  by  the  numerous  bands  of  gladiators, 
the  property  of  opulent  ncjbles.  The  civil  war  lasted  many 
da)"s,  with  infinite  loss  and  confusion  on  both  sides.  When 
the  pipes  were  broken  tliat  supplied  the  camp  with  water, 
the  Fr;etorians  were  reduced  to  intolerable  distress  ;  but  in 
tlieir  turn  tiiey  made  desperate  sallies  into  the  city^set  fire  to 
a  "-i-eat  number  of  houses,  and  filled  the  streets  with  the  blood 
of  the  innabitants.  Th.e  emperor  Balbinus  attempted,  by  inef- 
fectual edicts  and  precarious  truf;es,  to  njconciie  the  factions 
at  Rome.  But  tluir  animosity,  though  smothered  for  a  while, 
burnt  with  redoubknl  violence.  The  soldiers,  detesting  the 
senate  and  the  people,  despised  the  weakness  of  a  |)rince,  who 
wanted  either  the  spirit  or  the  power  to  command  the  obedi- 
ence of  his  subjects. ^" 

After  the  tyrant's  death,  his  formidable  army  had  acknowl- 
edged, from  necessity  rather  than  from  choice,  the  authority 
of  Maximus,  who  trans])orted  himself  without  delay  to  the 
camp  before  Aquileia.  As  soon  as  he  had  received  their  oath 
of  fidelity,  he  atldresscd  them  in  terms  full  of  mildness  and 
moderation;  lamented,  rather  than  arraigned,  the  wild  disor- 
ders of  the  times,  and  assured  the  soldiers,  that  of  all  their 
past  conduct  the  senate  would  remember  only  their  generous 
desertion  of  the  tyrant,  and  their  voluntary  return  *o  their 
duty.  Maximus  enforced  his  exhortations  by  a  liberal  dona- 
tive, purified  the  camp  bv  a  solemn  sacrifice  of  expiation,  and 
then  dismissed  the  legions  to  their  several  provinces,  impressed, 
as  he  hoped,  with  a  lively  sense  of  gratitude  and  obedience.''' 
But  not-liiiig  could  reconcile  the  haughty  spirit  of  the  Pneto- 
rians.  Thev  attended  the  emuerors  on  tin;  memorable  day  of 
their  public  entry  into  Rome;  but  amidst  the  general  accla- 
mations, the  sullen,  dejected  countenance  of  the  gu;irds  suf- 
ficiently  declared    that    they    considered    iiemselves    as    Oio 

*''  llerodian,  ).  viii.  p.  '2o3. 
"   lierodiaii,  1.  viii.  p.  2]'.i. 
12* 


216  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

object,  i-ather  than  the  partners,  of  the  triumph.  WHion  the 
whole  body  was  united  in  their  camp,  those  who  had  served 
under  Maximin,  and  those  who  had  remained  at  Rome,  insen- 
sibly co.nmunicated  to  each  other  their  complaints  and  appre- 
hensions. The  emperors  chosen  by  the  army  had  perished 
with  ignominy  ;  those  elected  by  the  senate  were  seated  en 
the  throne.4-  The  long  discord  between  the  civil  and  military 
powers  was  decided  by  a  war,  in  which  the  former  had  ob- 
tained a  complete  victory.  The  soldiers  must  now  learn  a 
new  doctrine  of  submission  to  the  senate;  and  whatever  clem- 
ency was  affected  by  that  politic  assembly,  they  dreaded  a 
slow  revenge,  colored  by  the  name  of  discipline,  and  justified 
by  fair  pretences  of  the  public  good.  But  their  fate  was  still 
in  their  own  hands  ;  and  if  they  had  courage  to  despise  tha 
vain  terrors  of  an  impotent  republic,  it  was  easy  to  convince 
the  world,  that  those  who  were  masters  of  the  arms,  were 
masters  of  tiie  authority,  of  the  state. 

When  the  senate  elected  two  princes,  it  is  probable  that, 
besides  the  declared  reason  of  providing  for  the  various  emer- 
gencies of  peace  and  war,  they  were  actuated  by  the  secret 
desire  of  weakening  by  division  the  despotism  of  the  supreiee 
magistrate.  Their  policy  was  et!ectual,  but  it  proved  fatal 
both  to  their  emperors  and  to  themselves.  The  jealousy  of 
power  was  soon  exasperated  by  the  difference  of  character. 
Maximus  despised  Bafbinus  as  a  luxurious  noble,  and  was  in 
his  turn  disdained  by  his  colleague  as  an  obscure  soldier. 
Their  silent  discord  was  understood  rather  than  seen  ;  "^^  but 
the  mutual  consciousness  prevented  them  from  uniting  in  any 
vigorous  measures  of  defence  against  their  common  enemies 
of  the  Prtetorian  camp.  The  whole  city  was  employed  in  the 
Capitoline  games,  and  the  emperors  were  left  almost  alone  in 
the  palace.  On  a  sudden,  they  were  alarmed  by  the  approach 
of  a  troop  of  desperate  assassins.  Ignorant  of  each  other's 
situation  or  designs,  (for  they  already  occupied  very  distant 
apartments,)  at>aid  to  give  or  to  receive  assistance,  tliey  wasted 
ti.e  important  moments  in  idle  debates  and  fruitless  reciimina- 
tions      The  arrival  of  the  guards  put  an  end  to  the  vain  strife. 

**  The  observation  had  been  made  imprudently  enough  in  the 
•eclamations  of  the  senate,  and  with  regard  to  the  soldiers  it  carried 
tae  appearance  of  a  wanton  insult      Hist.  August,  p.  170. 

**  Discordiae  tacitae,  et  qua;  intelligercntur  potius  quam  viderentur. 
Hin  August,  p.  170.  This  well-chosen  expression  is  probably  «to\en 
from  some  better  writer. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  219 

Tliey  seized  on  tliese  emperors  of  the  senate,  for  auch  they 
called  thorn  with  nialicioiis  contempt,  stripped  them  of  their 
garments,  and  dratiji;ed  tlicm  in  insolent  triumph  through  the 
streets  of  Rome,  with  the  de.sifjn  of  iiiHicting  a  slow  and  cruel 
death  on  these  unfortunate  princes.  The  fear  of  a  rescue 
from  the  faithful  G(;rmans  of  the  Imperial  guards,  shortened 
their  tortures  ;  and  their  bodies,  mangled  with  a  thojsand 
wounds,  were  left  exposed  to  the  insults  or  to  the  pity  of  the 
po[)ulace."''* 

In  the  space  of  a  few  months,  six  princes  liad  been  cut  off 
by  the  sword.  Gordian,  who  had  already  received  the  title  of 
Ciesar,  was  the  only  person  that  occurred  to  the  soldiers  as 
proper  to  fill  the  vacant  throne.''-''  Tliey  carried  him  to  the 
camp,  and  unanimously  saluted  him  Augustus  and  Emperor. 
His  name  was  dear  to  the  senate  and  people  ;  his  tender  age 
promi-sed  a  long  im[)unlty  of  military  license  ;  and  the  sub- 
mission  of  Rome  and  the  provinces  to  the  choice  of  the  Pne- 
torian  guards,  saved  the  republic,  at  the  expense  indeed  of  ita 
freedom  and  dignity,  from   the  horrors  of  a  new  civil   war  in 

the  heart  of  the  cap  ita  l.""^ 

»■ _^ 

**  llorodian,  1.  viii.  p.  287,  288. 

*'  Quia  noil  alius  crut  in  prajscnti,  is  the  nxprcssion  of  the  Augus- 
tan lliBtoiy. 

**  Qiiiiitus  Curtius  (L  x.  c.  9,)  pays  an  elegant  compHmcnt  to  the 
empcior  of  the  day,  for  liavin;^,  by  his  happy  accession,  extin>^uished 
80  many  firebrands,  sheathed  so  many  swords,  and  put  an  end  to  the 
evils  of  a  divided  government.  Alter  wcigiung  with  attention  every 
word  of  the  jiassage,  I  am  of  opinion,  tliat  it  suits  better  with  the 
elevation  of  ( jordian,  than  with  any  otlu-r  period  of  the  lloman  his- 
tory. In  tliat  case,  it  may  serve  to  dccick-  the  age  of  Quintus  Curtius. 
Those  who  place  liim  under  tlie  tirst  L'lesars,  argue  fr«/m  tlu:  purity 
of  his  style,  but  are  embarrassed  by  the  silence  of  Quintihuii,  in  hu 
accurate  list  of  Roman  historians.* 


•  This  conjecture  of  Gil)bon  is  without  foundation.  Many  pas?apes 
In  till-  work  (if  Ciuintiis  Curtius  clcurly  phice  hiiu  ;it  an  carhcr  pc.ticd. 
Thus,  in  sjieakinu;  nf  the  I'arthi.uis,  lie  s.iys,  lliiic  in  I'aitliieuin  i)ci-ventuni 
est;  tunc  it;nr)bik»m  ncnteui :  mnir  ci|)ut  Dnumini  (|ui  jiost  l^niilnati  ni  et 
Tigrim  ainiics  -^iti  Kuhro  iiiari  tiTiiiinantur.  Tlie  Pai  tliiaii  cnipirt  had  thii 
MXtciii  only  in  the  first  age  of  the  vulgar  lera :  to  that  af;e,  thercfnre,  must 
be  a-3  unci  the  date  of  'iuiutus  t'uitius.  .Mthmi^h  the  critics  (siys  M. 
de  Sain'e  Croix)  have  nmltiplicd  conjectures  on  this  subject,  iiKJst  i)f  tlieiii 
nave  ended  by  adopting  the-  opinim  which  places  Quintus  Curtius  under 
the  lei^u  of  Claudius.  !See  Just.  Lips,  ad  Ann.  Tac.  ii.  20.  Michel  le 
I'ellicr  Pra'f.  in  Curt.  'I'illeniont  Hist,  ties  Eni]).  i.  p.  2-'»l.  I)u  Bos  Rellec 
tions  sur  la  I'oesie,  2J  raitie.  '1  iralioschi  Stor'a  dclla,  Lett.  Ital.  ii.  149 
Bxainen.  c.t.  des  Historiens  d'Ale.\.iiidre,  2d  ed.  p.  104,  840,  8.50  — G. 

"•"liiH  iiiternunablc  question  seems  as  much  perplexed  as  ever.     The  KihI 


220  THE    DECLmE    A'.ID    F.M-I. 

As  the  third  Gordian  was  only  nineteen  vears  cf  age  at  the 
umo  of  liis  death,  the  history  of  his  life,  were  it  known  to  us 
with  greater  accuracy  than  it  really  is,  would  contain  little 
more  than  the  account  of  his  education,  and  the  conduct  of  the 
ministers,  who  by  turns  abused  or  guided  the  simplicity  of  his 
unexperienced  youth.  Immediately  after  his  accession,  he 
fell  into  the  hands  of  his  m.other's  eunuchs,  that  pernicious 
vermin  of  the  East,  who,  since  the  days  of  Elagabalus,  had 
mfested  (he  Roman  palace.  By  the  artful  conspiracy  of  these 
wretches,  an  impenetrable  veil  was  drawn  between  an  innocent 
prince  and  his  oppressed  subjects,  the  virtuous  disposition  of 
Gordian  was  deceived,  and  the  honors  of  the  empire  sold  with- 
out his  knowledge,  though  in  a  very  public  manner,  to  the 
most  worthless  of  mankind.  We  are  ignorant  bv  what  for- 
tunate accident  the  emperor  escaped  from  this  ignominious 
slavery,  and  devolved  his  confidence  on  a  minister,  whose 
wise  counsels  had  no  object  except  the  glorv  of  his  sovereign 
and  the  happiness  of  the  people.  It  should  seem  that  love  and 
learning  introduced  Misitheus  to  the  favor  of  Gordian.  The 
young  prince  married  the  daughter  of  his  master  of  liietoric, 
and  promoted  his  father-in-law  to  the  first  offices  of  the  empire. 
Two  admirable  letters  that  ]rassed  between  them  ar-e  still 
extant.  The  minister,  with  the  conscious  dignity  of  virtue 
congratulates  Gordian  that  he  is  delivered  from  the  tyranny  of 
the  eunuchs,''^  and  still  more  that  he  is  sensible  of  his  deliver- 
ance. The  emperor  acknowledges,  with  an  amiable  con- 
fusion, the  errors  of  his  past  conduct;  and  laments,  with  sin 
gular  propriety,  the  misfortune  of  a  monarch,  from  whom  a 
venal  tribe  of  courtiers  perpetually  labor  to  conceal  the 
truth.48 


"^  Hist.  August,  p.  IGl.  IVom  some  hints  in  the  two  Icttrrs,  I 
phould  c-xpoct  th.at  the  eunuchs  were  not  e.\])elle(l  the  i enlace  wiihout 
eomc  degree  of  gentle  violence,  and  that  the  young  (iordian  rather 
approved  of.  than  consented  to,  their  disgrace. 

■•**  Duxit  uxorein  liliam  Misithci,  quem  causa  eloquentiu-  digtium 
parcntela  sua  jjutavit ;  et  jjru'fc-ctuin  statim  fecit;  post  cpunl,  iioii 
puerile  jam  et  contemptibile  vidcbatur  impcrium. 


urgument  of  M.  Guizot  is  a  stnmg  one,  except  that  Parthian  is  often  u-^od 
by  later  writers  for  Persian.  Cunzius,  in  his  ])rpfaco  to  an  edition  puu- 
lishcd  at  llelnistadt,  (1802,)  maintains  the  opinion  of  Bagiiolo,  wh'uh  as 
HKns  Q.  Curtius  to  the  time  of  Constantinc  tlic  (ireat.  Schniieder,  iu  his 
edit.  Gottintj.  1S03,  sums  up  in  this  sentence,  a-tatem  Curtii  igncari  j)rt 
Urn  est.  —  M. 


OF    THK    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  <J2l 

The  lifj  of  Misilheus  had  been  spent  in  the  profession  of 
letters,  not  of  arms  yet  such  was  the  versatile  genius  of  that 
great  man,  that,  when  he  was  appointed  Proetorian  Praifect, 
ne  discharged  the  miLtary  duties  of  his  place  with  vigor  and 
ability.  The  Persians  had  invaded  Mesopotamia,  and  threat- 
ened Antioch.  P>y  the  persuasion  of  his  tatlier-in-law,  the 
young  emperor  quitted  the  luxury  of  Roin#,  opened,  for  the 
last  time  recorded  in  history,  the  temple  of  Janus,  and 
marched  in  person  into  the  East.  On  his  approach,  with  a 
great  army,  the  Persians  withdrew  their  garrisons  from  the 
cities  which  they  had  already  taken,  and  retired  from  the 
Euphrates  to  the  Tigris.  Gordian  enjoyed  the  pleasure  of 
announcing  to  tlse  senate  the  first  success  of  his  arms,  which 
he  ascribed,  with  a  beccjining  modesty  and  gratitude,  to  the 
wisdom  of  his  father  and  Prajfect.  Durmg  the  whole  expe- 
dition, Misitheus  watched  over  the  safety  and  discipline  of 
the  army  ;  whilst  he  |)reventcd  their  dangerous  murmurs  by 
maintaining  a  regular  plenty  in  the  camp,  and  by  establishing 
ample  magazines  of  vinegar,  bacon,  straw,  barley,  and  wheat, 
in  all  the  cities  of  the  frontier.'^  But  the  prosjjerity  of 
(jordian  expired  with  Misitheus,  who  died  of  a  flux,  not  with- 
out very  strong  suspicions  of  pois(jn.  Philip,  his  successor  in 
the  proefecture,  was  an  Anib  by  birth,  and  consequently, 
in  the  earlier  part  of  his  life,  a  robber  by  profession.  His 
rise  from  so  obscure  a  station  to  the  first  dignities  of  the 
enipire,  seems  to  prove  that  he  was  a  bold  and  able  leader. 
Hut  his  boldness  prompted  him  to  aspire  to  the  throne,  and 
his  abilities  were  employed  to  supplant,  not  to  serve,  his  indul- 
gent master.  The  minds  of  the  soldiers  were  irritated  by  an 
artificial  scarcity,  created  by  his  contrivance  in  the  camp , 
and  the  distress  of  the  army  was  attributed  to  the  youth  and 
incapacity  of  the  prince.  It  is  not  in  our  power  to  trace  the 
successive  steps  of  the  secret  conspiracy  and  open  sedition, 
which  were  at  length  fatal  to  (Jordian.  A  sepulchral  monu- 
ment was  erected  to  his  memory  on  the  spot'"  where  he  was 

*'  Hist.    August,  p.   1()2.      Aurclius  Victor.      Porphyrius  in  Vit 
Plotin.  ap.  Fabriciuin,  Biblioth.   Graec.   1.  iv.  c.  36.     Tlie  philnsoplier 
riotiuus  accompanied  the  army,  promptcil  by  the  love  of  knowledge, 
and  by  the  hope  of  penetrating  as  far  as  India. 

^"^  About  t\\xM\ty  miles  from  the  Utile  town  of  Circcsium,  on  the 
frontier  of  the  two  empires.* 

•  Now  ICerkosia;  placed  in  the  auKle  formed  by  the  juncture  of  the 
Ohaboias,  or  al  Khab.Tur,  witli  the  Euptirates.     This  situation  appeared  ai 


222  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

killed,  near  the  conflux  of  the  Euphrates  with  the  little  river 
Aboras.^i  The  fortunate  Philip,  raised  to  the  empire  by  the 
votes  of  the  soldiers,  found  a  ready  obedience  from  the 
senate  and  the  provinces.-''^ 

We  cannot  forbear  transcribing  the  ingenious,  though 
somewhat  fanciful  descriplion,  vvliich  a  celebrated  writer 
of  our  own  times^has  traced  of  the  military  government  of 
llie  Roman  empire.  "  What  in  that  age  was  called  the  Ho- 
man  empire,  was  only  an  irregular  republic,  not  unlikn  the 
aristocracy''^  of  Algiers,''''  where  the  militia,  possessc^d  of  the 
sovereignty,  creates  and  deposes  a  magistrate,  who  is  styled 
u  Dey.  Perhaps,  indeed,  it  may  be  laid  down  as  a  general 
rule,  that  a  military  government  is,  in  some  respects,  more 
republican  than  monarchical.  Nor  can  ii  be  said  that  the 
soldiers  only  partook  of  the  government  by  their  disobedienco 
and  rebellions.  The  speeches  made  to  them  by  the  emperors 
were  they  not  at  length  of  the  same  nature  as  those  formerly 
pronounced  to  the  people  by  the  consuls  and  the  tribunes.' 
And  ahhough  the  arnues  had  no  regular  place  or  forms  of 
assembly  ;  though  their  debates  were  short,  their  action  sud- 
den, and  their  resolves  seldom  the  result  of  cool  reflccticiu 
did  they  not  dispose,  with  absolute  sway,  of  the  public  for- 
tune ?     What    was    the   emperor,    e.xcept    the  minister  of  a 

*'  The  inscription  (which  contained  a  very  singular  pun  )  was  erased 
by  the  order  of  Licinius,  who  chiimcd  some  degree  of  relationNhip  to 
Philij),  (Hist.  August,  p.  l(i.5;)  but  the  tamufus,  or  mound  of  e.'irth 
which  formed  the  sepulchre,  still  subsisted  in  the  time  of  Julian.  See 
Ammian  Marcellin.  xxiii.  5. 

**  Aurelius  Victor.  Eutrop.  ix.  2.  Orosius,  vii.  20.  Ammianus 
MarccUinus,  xxiii.  o.  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  19.  Philip,  who  was  a  native 
of  Bostra,  was  about  forty  years  of  age.* 

*•*  Can  the  epitliot  of  Ari^tocraci/  be  ajjiilied,  with  any  propriety,  to 
the  government  of  Algiers  ?  Every  military  government  floats  be- 
tween two  extremes  of  absolute  monanhy  and  wikl  democracy. 

^*  The  military  repul)lic  of  tlie  Mamelukes  in  Kgyi^t  would  liuvo 
afforded  M.  de  Montesquieu  (see  Considerations  sur  la  Urandi'ur  el  la 
Decadence  des  lloniains,  c.  IG)  a  juster  and  more  noljle  parallel. 

advantageous  to  Diocletian,  th;it  he  raised  fortifications  to  make  it  the 
bulwark  of  the  empire  on  the  side  of  Mcbupotuinia.  D'Anville,  Geog.  Ano. 
ii.  19G. — G.  It  is  the  Carcheniish  of  the  Old  Testament,  2  Chron.  xxxv 
2i»      Jcr.  xlvi.  2.  — M. 

*  Now  IJosra.  It  was  once  the  metropolis  of  a  [jroviiice  mimed  Arabia, 
nv.d  the  chief  city  of  A'.raiiitis,  of  which  tlie  name  is  preserved  in  lieled 
liauran,  the  limits  of  wliich  meet  ihe  dcsci  t.  D'Anvillf,  Gcng.  Aiic.  ii 
18b.  According  to  Victor,  (in  Cajsur  ,J  Philip  was  a  native  cf 'f  rachouitia 
aj.other  province  of  Arabia.  —  G. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  223 

violent  government,  elected  for  the  priviite  benefit  of  thp 
«olcli(.>rs  ? 

"  When  the  army  had  elected  Philip,  who  was  Praetorian 
pra;f<?ct  to  the  third  Gordian,  the  latter  demanded  that  he 
might  rcinam  sole  emperor;  he  was  unable  to  obtain  it.  He 
r(;i|uesled  that  the  power  Miii^bt  be  equally  divided  between 
them ;  the  army  would  nut  listen  to  his  speech.  He  con- 
senied  to  be  degraded  to  the  rank  of  Caesar  ;  the  favor  was 
rcfusiui  him.  He  desired,  at  least,  he  might  be  appointed 
I'rajtorian  pra'fect ;  his  prayer  was  rujecleiJ.  Finally,  he 
pleaded  for  his  life.  The  army,  in  these  several  judgment;), 
exercised  the  supreme  magistracy."  According  to  the  histo- 
rian, whose  doubtful  narrative  the  President  Do  Montesquieu 
has  adopted,  Philip,  who,  during  tl'.e  whole  transaction,  had 
pres(;rved  a  sullen  silence,  was  inclined  to  spare  the  innocent 
life  of  his  biniefactor ;  till,  recollecting  that  his  iiuKJcence 
might  excite  a  dangerous  com[)assion  in  the  Roman  world,  lie 
commanded,  without  regard  to  his  suppliant  cries,  that  ho 
should  be  seized,  stripped,  and  led  away  to  instant  death. 
After  a  moment's  pause,  the  inhuman  sentence  was  exe- 
cuted.-^^ 

On  his  return  from  the  East  to  Rome,  Philip,  desirous  of 
obliterating  the  memory  of  his  crimes,  and  of  ca|)tivating 
the  allections  of  the  people,  solemnized  the  secular  games 
with  inlinite  pomp  and  magnificence.  Since  their  institution 
or  revival  by  Augustus,''"''  they    had   been  celebrated  by  Clau- 


**  The  Augustan  History  (p.  Hi.'^  164)  cannot,  in  this  instance,  be 
reconciled  with  itself  or  with  probability.  How  could  Philip  con- 
demn his  predecessor,  and  j'et  consecrate  his  meniorj'  ?  How  could 
lie  order  his  publi','  execution,  and  yet,  in  his  letters  to  the  senate, 
cxculimte  himself  from  the  f^uilt  of  his  death?  I'hilip,  though  an 
ambitious  usurper,  was  by  no  means  a  mad  tyrant.  Some  chrono- 
logical dilKiulties  have  UkeAvise  been  discovered  by  the  nice  eyes  ot 
I'iUemont  and  Muratori,  in  this  supposed  association  of  I'hiUp  to  tho 
empire.* 

^'^  The  account  of  the  last  sujjijosod  celebration,  though  in  an 
tnlightened  period  of  history,  was  so  very  doubtful  and  obscure,  that 
the  alternative  seems  not  doubtful.     When  the  popish  jubilees,  the 


•  Wenck  endeavors  to  reconcile  these  discrepancies.  He  supposes  that 
GoTdi:;u  was  led  aw;iy,  and  died  a  natural  death  in  piison.  This  is  diicctly 
contrary  to  the  statoiuciit  of  Capitolinus  and  of  Zosinnis,  whom  he  adduces 
in  support  of  his  theory,  lie  is  nu  re  successful  in  his  precedents  of 
usurpers  dtifying  the  victims  of  their  ambition.  Sit  uivus,  uuiuinidu  not 
kit  vivuk.  —  il. 


•224  THE    DECLINE    ANU    FALL 

dius,  by  Domitian,  and  by  Severus,  and  were  now  reneweo 
the  fifth  time,  on  the  accomplishnnent  of  the   full  period  of  a 
thousand   years   from    the  foundation  of  Rome.     Every  cir- 
cumstance   of    the   secular    games    was  skilfully  adapted   to 
inspire  the  superstitious   mind   with  deep  and  solemn  rever- 
ence.    The  long  interval  between  them  s'''   exceeded  the  terni 
of  human  life  ;  and   as   none  of  the  spectators  had  already 
seen  them,  none  could  flatter  themselves  with  die  expectation 
of   beholding  them    a   second    time.     The    mystic    sacrifices 
were   jK-rforrned,    during  three    nights,  on  the  banks  of   the 
Tyber;  and  the  Campus  Martius    resounded    with   music  and 
dances,  and    was    illuminated    with    innumerable    lamps  and 
torches.     Slaves  and   strangers   were  excluded  from  any  par- 
ticipation in  these  national  ceremonies.     A  chorus  of  twenty- 
seven    youths,   and    as   many   virgins,  of  noble   families,  and 
whose  parents  were  both  alive,  imj)lored  the   propitious  gods 
in  favor  of  the  present,  and  for  the  hope  of  the  rising  genera- 
tion ;  requesting,    in    religious  hymns,  that  accoriling  to  the 
faith  of  their  ancient  oracles,  they    would   still    maintain  die 
virtue,   the   felicity,  and  the    empire   of  the    Roman    people.^^ 
The  magnificence  of  Philip's  shows  and  entertainments  daz- 
zled theeyes  of  the  multitude.     The  devout  were  employed 
in  the  rites  of  superstition,  whilst  the   reflecting  few    revolved 
in  their  anxious  minds  the  past  history  and  the  (uVare  fate  of 
the  empire. 

Since  Romulus,  with  a  small  band  of  shepherds  and  out- 
laws,  fortified  himself  on  the  hills  near  the  Tyber,  ten 
centuries  had  already  elapsed.-''^  During  the  four  first  ages. 
the  Romans,  in  the   laborious  school  of  poverty,  had  acquired 

cop5'  of  the  secular  games,  were  invented  tiy  Boniface  VII.,  the  crafty 

f»ope  pretended  that  he  only  revived  an  ancient  uistitution.     See  M. 
e  Chais,  Lcttres  sur  les  Jubiles. 

"  Either  of  a  hundred  or  a  hundred  and  ten  years.  \  arro  and 
Livy  ad  jpted  the  former  opinion,  but  the  infallible  authority  of^  llio 
Sybil  CO  isocratcd  the  latter,  (Consorinus  de  Die  Natal,  c.  17.)  The 
emperois  Claudius  and  Philip,  huwever,  did  hot  treat  the  oracle  with 
hnplicit  rcsi)ect. 

"''  The  idea  of  the  secular  games  is  best  understood  trom  the  poem 
of  Horace,  and  the  description  of  Zosimus,  1.  ii.  p.  I(i7,  &c. 

**  The  received  calculation  of  Varro  assigns  to  the  foundation  ot 
Rome  an  ajra  that  corresponds  witli  the  7oilh  year  before  Christ.  But 
60  little  is  tlie  chronology  of  Kome  to  be  dei^endcd  on,  in  tlic  morr 
early  ages,  thai  Sir  Isaac  Newton  has  brought  tl>e  same  event  ai  lo\ 
Et8  the  year  627      'Coiroare  Nicbuhr,  vol.  i.  p.  'Z~l.       M.l 


01     TRt    nOMAN    F.MPIltE.  !2Vi3 

llie  vir  uos  of  war  and  government  :  1)y  the  vigorous  exertion 
of  those  virtues,  and  by  the  assistance  of  fortune,  they  had 
obtained,  in  the  course  of  the  three  succeeding  centuries,  an 
absoUite  empire  over  many  countries  of  Europe,  Asia,  and 
Africa.  The  last  thn^e  liundred  years  had  been  consumed  in 
apparent  prosperity  and  internal  decline.  The  nation  of  sol- 
diei-s,  magistrates,  and  legislators,  who  composed  Uie  thirty- 
five  tribes  of  the  Roman  people,  was  dissolvefl  into  the 
common  mass  of  mankind,  and  confounded  with  tlie  millions 
of  servile  provincials,  who  had  received  the  name,  without 
adopting  the  spirit,  of  Romans.  A  mercenary  army,  levied 
among  the  subjects  and  Ijarbarians  of  the  frontier,  was  tiie 
only  order  of  men  who  preserved  and  ab\ised  their  independ- 
ence. By  their  tumultuary  election,  a  Syrian,  a  Goth,  or  an 
Arab,  was  e.xalted  to  the  throne  of  Rome,  and  invested  with 
despotic  power  over  the  conquests  and  over  the  country  of 
the  Scipios. 

The  limits  of  the  Roman  empire  still  extended  from  the 
Western  Ocean  to  the  Tigris,  and  from  Mount  Atlas  to  the 
Rhine  and  the  Danube.  To  the  undiscerning  eye  of  the  vul- 
gar, Philip  appeared  a  monarcli  no  less  powerful  than  Hadrian 
or  Augustus  had  formerly  been.  The  form  was  still  the  same, 
but  the  animating  health  and  vigor  were  fled.  The  industry 
of  the  people  was  discouraged  and  exhausted  by  a  long  scries 
of  oppression.  The  disci|)!ine  of  the  legions,  which  alone, 
after  the  extinction  of  every  other  virtue,  had  propped  the 
greatness  of  the  state,  was  corrupted  by  the  ambition,  or  re- 
laxed by  the  weakness,  of  the  emperors.  Tlie  strength  of  the 
frontiers,  which  had  always  consisted  in  arms  ratlier  than  in 
fortiiications,  was  insensibly  undermined  ;  and  the  fairest 
provinces  were  left  exposed  to  the  rapaciousness  or  ambition 
of  the  barbarians,  who  soon  discovered  the  decline  of  the 
Roman  empire. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

OF    THE    STATE    OF    PERSIA    JiFTER    THE     RESTORATION     Cf     TH8 
MONARCHY   BY   ARTAXUKXES. 

Whenever  Tacitus  indulges  himself  in  those  beautiful 
episodes,  in  which  he  relates  some  domestic  transaction  of 
the  Germans  or  of  tne  Partliians,  his  pi  ncipal  object  is  to 
relieve  the  attention  of  the  reader  from  a  uniform  scene  of 
vice  and  misery.  From  the  reign  of  Aug'.istus  to  the  time 
of  Alexander  Severus,  the  enemies  of  Rome  were  in  her 
bosom  —  the  tyrants  and  the  soldiers  ;  and  her  prosperity  had 
a  very  distant  and  feeble  interest  in  the  revolutions  that  might 
happen  beyond  the  Rhine  and  the  Euphrates.  But  when  the 
military  order  had  levelled,  in  wild  anarchy,  the  power  of  the 
prince,  the  laws  of  the  senate,  and  even  the  discipline  of  the 
camp,  the  bar"barians  of  the  North  and  of  the  East,  who  had 
long  hovered  on  the  frontier,  boldly  attacked  the  provinces  of 
a  declining  monarchy.  Their  vexatious  inroads  were  changed 
into  formidable  irruptions,  and,  after  a  long  vicissitude  of  mu- 
tual calamities,  many  tribes  of  the  victorious  invaders  estab- 
lished themselves  in  the  provinces  of  the  Roman  Em|)ire.  To 
obtain  a  clearer  knowledge  of  these  great  events,  we  shall 
endeavor  to  form  a  previous  idea  of  the  character,  forces,  and 
designs  of  those  nations  who  avenged  the  cause  of  ilannibal 
and  Mithridates. 

In  the  more  early  ages  of  the  world,  whilst  the  forest  that 
covered  Europe  atTorded  a  retreat  to  a  few  wandering  savajjes, 
liie  inhabitants  of  Asia  were  already  collected  mio  popmous 
cities,  and  reduced  uikUt  extensive  empires  the  seat  of  the 
arts,  of  luxury,  and  of  des[)otism.  The  Assyrians  reigned 
over  tlie  East.'  till  the  sceptre  of  Ninus  and  Semiramis  drojjped 


*  An  ancient  chronologist,  (pioted  by  Velleius  Paterculus,  (1.  i.  c.  fi,) 
observes,  that  the  Assyrians,  the  Meik^s,  the  Persians,  and  the  Macedo- 
nians, reif^Mcd  over  Asia  one  thousand  nine  hunched  and  ninety-livo 
vears,  I'roui  the  atcessifm  of  Niaus  to  the  dcl'oat  of  Antiochus  liy  the 
Romans.  As  the  hitter  of  these  f^reiit  events  happened  '1H9  years  before 
C'a-ist.  the  foi  ner  -aay  be  placed  2184  years  bc;bri  tlie  same  »>r4. 
■22o 


OF    TH2    ROMAN    I'.MPIRE.  227 

from  tho  bands  of  their  enervated  successors.  Tlie  Modes 
and  the  Babylonians  divided  their  power,  and  were  themselves 
swallowed  up  in  the  monarchy  of  the  Persians,  whose  nrma 
could  not  be  confined  within  the  narrow  limits  of  Asia.  Fol- 
lowed, as  it  is  said,  by  two  millions  of  men^  Xerxes,  the  de- 
scendant of  Cyrus,  invaded  Greece.  Thirty  thousand  sol- 
diers^ under  the  command  of  Alexander,  the  son  of  I'hilip, 
who  was  intrusted  by  the  (ireeks  with  their  glory  and  reveiijre, 
were  sufficient  to  subdue  Persia.  The  princes  of  the  house 
of  Seleucus  usurped  and  lost  the  Macedonian  command  over 
the  East.  About  the  same  time,  that,  by  an  ignominious 
tjeaty,  they  resigned  to  the  Romans  the  country  on  this  side 
Mount  Tanis,  they  were  driven  by  the  Parthians,*  an  obscure 
horde  of  Scythian  origin,  from  all  the  provinces,  of  Upper 
Asia.  The  formidable  power  of  the  Parthians,  which  spread 
from  India  to  the  frontiers  of  Syria,  was  in  its  turn  subverted 
by  Ardsliir,  or  Artaxerxes  ;  the  founder  of  a  new  dynasty, 
which,  under  the  name  of  Sassanides,  governed  Persia  till  the 
invasion  of  the  Arabs.  This  great  revolution,  whose  fatal 
influence  was  soon  experienced  by  the  Romans,  happened  in 
the  fourth  year  of  Alexander  Severus,  two  hundred  and  twen- 
ty-six years  after  the  Christian  asra.'-^t 

The  Astronomical  Observations,  found  at  Babylon  by  Alexander, 
went  fifty  years  higher. 

*  In  the  tive  hundred  and  thirty-eighth  year  of  the  ipra  of  Seleu- 
cus. See  Agathias,  1.  ii.  \>.  63.  This  great  event  (such  is  the  care- 
lessness of  the  Orientals)  is  placed  t)y  Eutychius  as  high  as  the  tenth 
year  of  Commodus,  and  by  Closes  of  Choreuc  as  low  as  the  reign  of 
Philip.  Ammianus  Marcellinus  has  so  servilely  copied  (xxiii.  6)  his 
ancient  materials,  which  are  indeed  very  good,  that  he  describes  the 
family  of  the  Arsacides  as  still  seated  on  the  Persian  throne  in  the 
middle  of  the  fourth  century. 


*  The  Parthians  were  a  tribe  of  the  Indo-Gcrmanic  branch  which  dwelt 
O'l  the  soiith-east  of  the  Ca^spian,  and  belontjed  to  the  same  rare  as  the 
(Jetx,  the  Massageta;,  and  other  nations,  confouiided  by  the  ancients  under  " 
the  vague  denomination  of  Scythians,  Klaproth,  Tableaux  Hist,  de  I'Asie, 
p.  40.  Strabo  (p.  747)  calls  the  Parthians  Carduchi,  i.  e.,  the  inhabitants 
of  Curdistan.  — M. 

t  The  Persian  History,  if  the  poetry  of  the  Shah  Nameh,  the  Book  of 
Kings,  may  deserve  tliat  name,  mentions  tour  dynasties  fronj  the  earliest 
ages  to  the  invasion  of  the  Saracens.  The  Shah  Nameh  was  coni])Ose'l 
with  the  view  of  perpetuating  the  remains  of  the  orii^inal  Persian  reeordj 
or  traditions  which  had  survived  the  Saracetdr;  invasion.  The  task  was 
undertaken  by  the  poet  Dukiki,  and  afterwards,  under  the  patronage  of 
Mahmood  of  Ghazni,  completed  by  Perdusi.  The  first  of  these  dynasties 
is  tiial  of  Kaiomors,  as  Sir  W.  Jones  observes,  the  dark  £.nd  fabulous  j-eriod  ; 
the   8ecoud,  that  of  the  Kaianian,  the  heroic  and  poetical,  in   wliich  the 


228  rHE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

Artaxerxes  had  served  with  great  reputation  in  the  armieH 
of  Artaban,  the  last  king  of  the  Parthians,  and  it  appears  that 
he  was  driven  into  exile  and  rebellion  by  royal  ingratitude, 
the  customary  reward  for  superior  merit.  His  birth  v\aH 
obscure,  and  the  obscurity  equally  gave  room  to  the  asper- 
sions of  his  enemies,  and  the  flattery  of  his  adherents.  If  we 
credit  the  scandal  of  the  former,  Artaxerxes  sprang  from  tho 
illegitimate  commerce  of  a  tanner's  wife  with  a  common 
soldier.^  The  latter  represent  him  as  descended  from  a  branch 
of  the  ancient  kings  of  Persia,  though  time  and  misfortune  had 
gradually  reduced  his  ancestors  to  the  humble  station  of  pri 
vate  citizGns.'*  As  the  lineal  heir  of  the  monarchy,  he  asserted 
his  right  to  the  throne,  and  challenged  the  noble  task  of  deliv- 
ering the  Persians  from  the  oppression  under  which  tney 
groaned  above  five  centuries  since  the  death  of  Darius.  The 
Parthians  were  defeated  in  three  great  battles.*  In  the  last 
of  these  their  king  Artaban  was  slain,  and  the  spirit  of  the 
nation  was  forever  broken.-''  The  authority  of  Artaxerxes  wa3 
solemnly  acknowledged  in  a  great  assembly  held  at  Balch  in 
Khorasan.t  Two  younger  branches  of  the  royal  house  of 
Arsaces  wer'e  confounded  among  the  prosti'ate  satraps.  A 
third,  more  mindful  of  ancient  grandeur  than  of  present  neces- 
sity, attempted  to  retire,  with  a  numerous  train  of  vassals, 
towards  their  kinsman,  the  king  of  Armenia ;  but  this  little 
arnr.y  of  deserters  was  intercepted,  and  cut  off,  by  the  vigi- 
lance of  the  conqueror,^  who  boldly  assumed  the  double  dia- 

'  The  tanner's  name  was  Babcc ;  the  soldier's,  Sassan :  from  the 
former  Artaxerxes  obtained  the  surname  of  Babegan,  from  the  latter 
all  his  descendants  have  been  styled  Sassa7}tdfs. 

*  D'Herhelot,  Bibliothequo  Oriontalc,  Ardshir. 

*  Dion  Cassius,  1.  Ixxx.  Hcrodian,  1.  vi.  p.  207.  Abulpharagiui 
Dynast,  p.  80. 

*  See  Moses  Chorenensis,  1.  ii.  c.  Go — 71. 


Jcained  have  discovered  some  curious,  and  imagined  some  fanciful,  analo- 
gies with  the  Jewish,  the  Greek,  and  tlie  Roman  accounts  of  the  eastern 
world.  See,  on  the  Shall  Naiuch,  Translation  by  Goerres,  with  Von  Ham- 
mer's Review,  Vienna  Jahrbuch  von  Lit.  17,  7o,  77.  Malcolm's  Persia, 
8vo.  ed.  i.  5)3.  Macan's  Preface  to  his  Critical  Edition  ot  the  Shah  Nameh. 
On  the  early  Persian  History,  a  very  sensible  abstract  of  various  opinions 
in  Malcolm's  Hist,  of  Persia.  —  M. 

*  In  the  plain  of  Hoormuz,  the  son  of  Babek  was  hailed  in  the  field  with 
the  proud  title  of  Shahan  Shah,  kiiif?  of  kings  —  a  name  ever  since  assumed 
D}'  the  sovereigns  of  Persia.     Malcolm,  i.  71.  — M. 

+  See  the  Persian  accouut  of  the  rise  cf  Ardeschir  Babegan,  in  Malcolm 
169.  — M. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  229 

dem,  and  the  title  of  Ki-^g  of  Kings,  which  had  been  enjoyed 
by  his  predecessor.  But  these  pompous  titles,  instead  of 
grutifying  the  vanity  of  tlie  Persian,  served  only  to  admonish 
him  of  his  duty,  and  to  inflame  in  his  soul  the  ambition  of 
restoring,  in  their  full  solendor,  the  religion  and  empire  of 
Cyrus 

1.  During  the  long  servitude  of  Persia  under  the  Macedonian 
and  the  Parthian  yoke,  the  nations  of  Europe  and  Asia  had 
mutually  adopted  and  corrupted  each  other's  superstitions. 
The  Arsacides,  indeed,  practised  the  worship  of  the  Magi; 
but  they  disgraced  and  polluted  it  with  a  various  mixture  of 
foreign  idolatry.*  The  memory  of  Zoroaster,  the  ancien* 
prophet  and  ph-losopher  of  the  Persians,''  was  still  revered  in 
the  East  ;  but  the  obsolete  and  mysterious  language,  in  which 
the  Zendavesta  was  composed,*^  opened  a  field  of  dispute  to 
Bcventy  sects,  who  variously  explained  the  fundamental  doc- 


'  Hyde  and  Prideaux,  working  up  the  Persian  legends  and  their 
own  conjectures  into  a  very  agreeable  story,  represent  Zoroaster  as  a 
contemporary  of  Darius  Ilystaspes.  But  it  is  sufficient  to  observe,  that 
the  Greek  writers,  who  lived  almost  in  the  age  of  Darius,  agree  in 

E lacing  the  aera  of  Zoroaster  many  hundred,  or  even  thousand,  years 
efore  their  own  time.  The  judic-ious  criticism  of  Mr.  Moyle  per- 
ceived, and  maintaiiied  against  his  uncle  Dr.  I'rideaux,  the  antiquity 
of  the  Persian  prophet.     See  his  work,  vol.  ii.f 

*  That  ancient  idiom  was  called  the  Zend.  The  language  of  the 
commentary,  the  Pehlvi,  though  much  more  modern,  has  cca.scd 
many  ages  ago  to  be  a  living  tongue.  This  fact  alone  (if  it  is  allowed 
as   authentic)  sufficiently  warrants  the  antiquity  of  those  writings 


*  Silvestre  de  Sacy  (Antiquity's  de  la  Perse)  has  proved  the  neglect  of 
the  Zoroastrian  religion  under  the  Parthian  kings.  —  M. 

t  There  are  three  leading  theories  concerning  the  age  of  Zoroaster; 
1.  That  which  assigns  him  to  an  age  of  great  and  almost  indefinite  anti- 
quity —  it  is  that  of  Moyle,  adopted  by  Gibbon,  Volney,  Recherchcs  sur 
"Histoire,  ii.  2.  Rhode,  also,  (die  Hcili^e  Sage,  &c.,)  in  a  very  ingenious 
and  ably-developed  theory,  throws  the  Bactrian  prophet  far  back  into 
antiquity.  2.  Foiicher,  (Mmi.  de  I'Acad.  xxvii.  253,)  Tychscn,  (in  Com 
Soc.  Gott.  ii.  112,)  Hecren,  (Ideen.  i.  4.)!),)  and  recently  Holty,  identify  the 
Oushtasp  of  the  Persian  mythological  history  with  Cyaxares  the  First,  the 
king  of  the  Modes,  and  consider  the  leligion  to  be  Median  in  its  origin, 
M.  Gtii/ot  considers  this  opinion  most  probable,  note  in  loc.  3.  Hyde,  Pri- 
deaux, Anquctil  du  Perron,  Klcuker,  Herder,  Gocrres,  (Mythen-Ge- 
Bchichte,)  Von  Hammer,  (Wicn.  Jahrbuch,  vol.  ix.,)  Malcolm,  (i.  528,)  De 
Guigniaut,  (Kolii;.  de  I'Antici.  2d  part,  vol.  iii.,)  Klaproth,  (Tableaux  de 
I'Asie,  p.  21,)  make  Gushtasp  Darius  Hystaspcs,  and  Zoroaster  his  con- 
temporary. The  silence  of  Herodotus  appears  the  great  objection  to  this 
theory.  Some  writers,  as  M.  Foucher,  (re.sting,  as  M.  Guizot  observes,  on 
the  doubtful  authority  cf  Pliny,)  make  more  than  one  Zoroaster,  f.nd  so 
attempt  to  reconcile  th«  :onflicting  theories. — M. 


'^30  THE    DECLINE    AND    FAIL 

trines  of  thiir  religion,  and  were  all  indiFerently  derided  by  a 
crowd  of  infidels,  who  rejected  the  divine  mission  and  ntiira- 
cles  of  the  prophet.  To  suppress  the  idolaters,  reunite  the 
schismatics,  and  confute  the  unbelievers,  by  the  infallible 
decision   of  a   general    council,   the    pious  Artaxerxes  sum- 


wliich  M.  d'Anquetil  has  brought  into  Europe,  and  translated  into 
French.* 


/ 


*  Zend  signifies  life,  living.  The  word  means,  either  the  collection  of 
the  canonical  books  of  the  followers  of  Zoroaster,  or  the  language  itself  in 
which  thty  are  written.  Th»s'  are  the  books  that  contain  the  word  of  life, 
whether  the  language  was  originally  called  Zend,  or  whether  it  was  so 
called  from  the  contents  of  the  books.  Avesta  means  word,  oracle,  reve- 
lation :  this  term  is  not  the  title  of  a  particular  work,  but  of  the  collection 
of  the  books  of  Zoroaster,  as  the  revehition  of  Ormuzd.  This  collection 
is  sometimes  lalled  Zendavesta,  sometimes  briefly  Zend. 

The  Zend  wts  the  ancient  language  of  Media,  as  is  proved  by  its  affinity 
■with  the  dialecli  of  Armenia  and  Georgia ;  it  was  already  a  dead  language 
under  the  Arsacides  in  the  country  which  was  the  scene  of  the  events  re- 
corded in  the  Zendavesta.  Some  critics,  among  others  Richardson  and 
Sir  W.  Jones,  hav  •  called  in  question  the  antiquity  of  these  books.  The 
former  pretended  tait  the  Zend  had  never  been  a  written  or  spoken  lan- 
guage, but  had  hnev  invented  in  the  later  times  by  the  Magi,  for  the  pur- 
poses of  tlicir  art ;  li\t  Kleuker,  in  the  dissertations  which  he  added  to 
those  of  Anquetil  an  i  the  Abbe  I'.jucher,  has  proved  that  the  Zend  was  a 
living  and  spoken  lai  Ruage.  —  G.  Sir  W.  Jones  appears  to  have  aban 
doned  his  doubts,  on  discovering  the  affinity  between  the  Zend  and  the 
Sanskrit.  Since  tlie  time  of  Kkniker,  this  question  has  been  investigated 
oy  many  learned  scholars.  Sir  W.  Jones,  Leyden,  (A.<iat.  Research,  x. 
283,)  and  Mr.  Erskine,  (Bombay  Trans,  ii.  299,)  consider  it  a  derivative 
from  the  Sanskrit.  Th.-  antiquity  of  tlie  Zendavesta  has  likewise  been 
asserted  by  Rask,  the  gn  ;\t  Dani.sh  linguist,  who,  according  to  Ilalcolm, 
brought  back  from  the  E;.st  fresh  transcripts  and  additions  to  those  pub- 
lished by  Anquetil.  Accoiding  to  Rask,  the  Zend  and  Sanskrit  are  sister 
dialects  ;  the  one  the  pareufof  the  Persian,  the  other  of  the  Indian  fam- 
ily of  languages.  —  G.  and  M.  But  the  subject  is  most  satisfactorily  illus- 
trated in  Bopp's  comparative  Grammar  of  the' Sanscrit,  Zend,  Greek,  Latin, 
Lithuanian,  Gothic,  and  German  languages.  Berlin,  1833-5.  According 
10  Bopp,  the  Zend  is,  in  some  respects,  of  more  remarkable  structure  tlian 
the  Sanskiit.  Parts  of  the  Zendavesta  liave  been  pulilisbed  in  the  original, 
by  M.  Bournouf,  at  Paris,  and  M.  Olshausen,  in  Hamburg. — M. 

The  Pehlvi  was  the  language  of  the  countries  bordering  on  Assyria,  and 
probably  of  Assyria  itself.  Pehlvi  signifies  valor,  heroism;  the'  Pehlvi, 
therefore,  was  the  language  of  the  aiicient  heroes  and  kings  of  Persia,  the 
valiant.  (Mr.  Er^kinc  prefers  the  derivation  from  Pchla,  a  border.  —  M. 
It  contains  a  number  of  Aramaic  roots.  Anquetil  considered  it  formed 
from  the  Zend.  Kleuker  docs  not  adopt  this  opinion.  The  Pehlvi.  he 
Bays,  is  much  more  flowing,  and  less  overcharged  with  vowels,  than  the 
Zend.  The  books  of  Zoroaster,  first  written  in  Zend,  were  afterwards 
translated  into  Pehlvi  and  Parsi.  The  Pehlvi  had  fallen  into  disuse  under 
the  dynasty  of  the  Sassanides,  but  the  learned  still  wrote  it.  The  Parsi, 
the  dialect  of  Pars  or  Farristan,  was  then  the  prevailing  dialect.  Kleuker, 
Anhang.  zum  Zend  Avesta,  2,  ii.  part  i.  p.  lo8,  i)art  ii.  .">!.  —  G. 

Mr.  Jirskine  (Bombay  'rransactioni;)  considers  the  existing  Zeiiiavesta 
to  hare  be?n  compiled  in  the  time  of  iVrdeschir  Babhegdu.  ~   M. 


OF    Tin     ROMAN    EMPIRE.  231 

p.iuued  the  Magi  from  all  parts  of  his  dominions.  Thes*? 
priests,  who  had  so  long  sighed  in  contempt  and  obscHrity 
obeyed  the  welcome  summons ;  and  on  the  appointed  day 
appeared,  to  the  number  of  about  (jighty  thousand.  But  as 
the  debates  of  so  tumultuous  an  assembly  could  not  have  been 
directed  by  the  authority  of  reason,  or  influenced  by  the  art  of 
policy,  the  Persian  synod  was  reduced,  by  successive  opera- 
tions, to  forty  thousand,  to  four  thousand,  to  four  hundred,  to 
forty,  and  at  last  to  seven  Magi,  the  most  respected  for  thtrir 
learning  and  piety.  One  of  these,  Erdaviraph,  a  young  but 
holy  prelate,  received  from  the  hands  of  his  brethren  three 
cups  of  soporiferous  wine.  He  drank  them  ofT,  and  instantly 
fell  into  a  long  and  profound  sleep.  As  soon  as  he  waked, 
he  related  to  the  king  and  to  the  believing  multitude,  his  jour- 
ney to  heaven,  and  his  intimate  conferences  with  the  Deity. 
Every  doub*  was  silenced  by  this  supernatural  evidence  ;  and 
the  articles  of  the  faith  of  Zoroaster  were  fixed  with  equal 
authority  and  precision.^  A  short  delineation  of  that  cele- 
brated system  will  be  found  useful,  not  only  to  display  the 
character  of  the  Persian  nation,  but  to  illustrate  many  of  their 
most  important  transactions,  both  in  peace  and  war,  with  the 
Roman  empire."' 

The  great  and  fundamental  article  of  the  system,  was  the 
celebrated  doctrine  of  the  two  principles;  a  bold  and  injudf- 
cious  attempt  of  Eastern  philosophy  to  reconcile  the  existence 
of  moral  and  physical  evil  with  the  attributes  of  a  beneficent 
Creator  and  Governor  of  the  world.  The  first  and  original 
Being,  in  whom,  or  by  whom,  the  universe  exists,  is  denominated 
m  the  writings  of  Zoroaster,  Time  unthout  bounds ;\  but  it  must 
t>e  confessed,  that  this  infinite  substance  seems  rather  a  meta- 
physical abstraction  of  the  mind,  than  a  real  object  endowed 


'  Hyde  de  lleligione  veterum  Pers.  c.  21. 

'"  I  have  principally  drawn  this  account  from  the  Zcndavsta  of 
vl.  d'An(juetil,  and  the  Sadder,  sutjjoincd  to  Dr.  Hyde's  treatise,  it 
inust,  however,  be  confessed,  that  the  studied  obsciuity  of  a  prophet, 
the  ti<^urative  style  of  the  East,  and  the  deceitful  medium  of  a  French 
or  Latin  yersion,  may  have  betrayed  us  into  error  and  heresy,  in  this 
abridgment  of  Persian  theology.* 


•  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  Gibbon  followed  the  post-Mahometan  Saddei 
of  Hyde.  — M. 

t  /eruiine  .Vkcrene,  so  translated  by  Anquetil  and  Kleuker.  There  is  a 
dissertation  of  Foucher  on  tliis  s  il)ject,  Mem.  de  I'Acad.  des  Inscr.  t.  xtxx. 
Accordins^  to  Bohlen  (das  alte  Inlien)  it  w  the  Sanskrit  Sarvain  Alcaraiuim, 
the  Uncreated  Whole  ;  or,  according  to  Fred.  Schlegel,  Sarvam  Akharyatn, 
the  IJncreate  Indirisible.  —  M. 


232  THE  d;cline  and  fall 

with  self-consciousness,  or  possessed  of  moral  perfections 
From  either  the  blind  or  the  intellige.it  operation  of  this  m- 
finite  Time,  which  bears  but  too  near  an  affinity  whh  the  chaos 
of  the  Greeks,  the  two  secondary  but  active  principles  of  the 
universe,  were  from  all  eternity  produced,  Ormusd  and  Ahri- 
man,  each  of  them  possessed  of  the  powers  of  creation,  bu\ 
each  disposed,  by  his  invariable  nature,  to  exercise  them  with 
different  designs.*  The  principle  of  good  is  eternally  ab- 
sorbed in  light;  the  principle  of  evil  eternally  buried  in  dark- 
ness. The  wise  benevolence  of  Ormusd  formed  man  capable 
of  virtue,  and  abundantly  provided  his  fair  habitation  with  the 
materials  of  happiness.  By  his  vigilant  providence,  the  mo- 
tion of  the  planets,  the  order  of  the  seasons,  and  the  temper- 
ate mixture  of  the  elements,  are  preserved  But  the  malice 
of  Ahriman  has  long  since  pierced  OrmuscTs  egg ;  or,  in 
other  words,  has  violated  the  harmony  of  his  works.  Since 
that  fatal  eruption,  the  most  minute  articles  of  good  and  evil 
are  intimately  intermingled  and  agitated  together;  the  rank- 
est poisons  spring  up  amidst  the  most  salutary  plants;  deluges, 
earthquakes,  and  conflagrations  attest  the  conflict  of  Nature, 
and  the  little  world  of  man  is  perpetually  shaken  by  vice  and 
misfortune.  Whilst  the  rest  of  human  kind  are  led  away  cap- 
tives in  the  chains  of  their  infernal  enemy,  the  faithful  Persian 
alone  reserves  his  religious  adoration  for  his  friend  and  pro- 
tector Ormusd,  and  fights  under  his  banner  of  light,  in  the  full 
confidence  that  he  shall,  in  the  last  day,  share  the  glory  of  his 
triumph.  At  that  decisive  period,  the  enlightened  wisdom  of 
goodness  will  render  the  power  of  Ormusd  superior  to  the 
furious  malice  of  his  rival.  Ahriman  and  his  followers,  dis- 
armed and  subdued,  will  sink  into  their  native  darkness  ;  and 
virtue  will  maintain  the  eternal  peace  and  harmony  of  the 
universe. 11 1 

'  The  modern  Parsces  (and  in  some  degree  the  Sadder)  exalt 
v^rmusd  into  the  lirst  and  omnipotent  cause,  whilst  they  degrado 
A.hriman  into  an  inferior  but  rebellious  spirit.  Their  desire  of  pleas- 
ing the  Mahometans  may  have  contributed  to  rctine  their  theological 
system.  . 

*  This  is  an  error.  Ahriman  was  not  forned  by  his  invariatle  nature  to 
do  evil  ;  the  Zendavosta  expressly  recognizes  (see  the  l/escliiie)  tluit  he 
was  bom  (/ood,  that  in  his  origin  he  was  li<jht ;  envy  rendered  him  evil  ;  he 
became  jeah)us  of  the  ])ower  and  attributes  of  (Jnuuzd  ;  then  liijhi  w;i<j 
chani^ed  into  daiknes.-?,  and  Ahriman  was  precipitated  int'>  tlic  aliy.->s.  Sec 
the  Abridgment  of  the  Doctrine  of  the  Ancii  iit  I'trvi^nt',  bv  Ancjuc'il,  r. 
a. '}2.  —  G.  "  " 

t  According  to  tlie  Zendavesta,  Ahriman  will  imi  he  annihilated  or  pre- 
cipitated forever  into  darkness  :  at  the  resurrection  of  the  uead  lie  will  be 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMl'lRE.  233 

The  llicoIo<^y  of  Zoroaster  was  darkly  comprcliendcd  by 
foreigners,  and  even  by  the  far  greater  number  of  his  disci- 
ples ;  but  tlie  most  careless  observers  were  struck  with  the 
philosophic  simplicity  of  the  Persian  worship.  "  That  people," 
says  IJerodotus,^-  "  rejects  the  use  of  temples,  of  altars,  and 
of  statues,  and  smiles  at  the  Tolly  of  those  nations  wno  im- 
agine that  the  guds  are  sprung  from,  or  bear  any  alTinity 
with,  the  human  nature.  'J'he  tops  of  the  highest  mouniaina 
are  the  places  chosen  for  sacriiiccs.  Hymns  and  prayers 
are  the  principal  worship;  the  Supreme  God,  who  fills  the 
wide  circle  of  heaven,  is  the  object  to  whom  they  are  ad- 
dressed." Yet,  at  the  same  time,  in  the  true  spirit  of  a 
polytheist,  he  accuseth  them  of  adoring  Eartli,  Water,  Fire, 
the  Winds,  and  the  Sun  and  Moon.  But  the  Persians  of  every 
age  have  denied  the  charge,  and  explained  the  cfpaivocal  con- 
duct, which  might  appear  to  give  a  color  to  it.  The  elements, 
and  more  particularly  Fire,  Light,  and  the  Sun,  whom  they 
called  Mithra,t  were  the  objects  of  their  religious  reverence 

"^  Herodotus,  1.  i.  c.  131.  But  Dr.  PridcaUx  thinks,  with  reason, 
that  the  use  of  temples  was  afterwards  pcnuittcd  iii  the  Magiun 
reUKion.* 


entirely  defeated  by  Ormtizd,  his  power  will  be  destroyed,  his  kingdom 
overthrown  to  its  foundations,  lie  will  himself  be  purified  in  torrents  of 
melting  metal ;  lie  will  change  his  heart  and  his  will,  become  holy,  lieavcn- 
ly,  establish  in  his  dominions  tlic  law  and  word  of  Ormuzd,  unite  himself 
with  liim  in  everlasting  friendsliip,  and  both  will  sing  hymns  in  honor  of 
the  Great  Eternal.  !See  Anquetil's  Abridgment.  Kleuker,  Anhang,  part 
iii.  p.  cSo,  36  ;  and  the  Izeschue,  one  of  the  books  of  the  Zendavesta.  Ac- 
curding  to  the  Sadder  Bun-Dehesch,  a  more  modern  work,  Ahriman  is  to 
be  annihilated  :  but  this  is  contrary  to  the  text  itself  of  the  Zendavesta, 
and  to  the  idea  which  its  author  gives  of  the  kingdom  of  Eternity,  after 
the  twelve  thousand  years  assigned  to  the  contest  between  Good  and  Evil. 
—  G. 

*  The  pyraea,  or  fire  temples  of  the  Zoroastrians,  (observes  Kleuker, 
Persica,  p.  16,)  were  oidy  to  be  found  in  Media  or  Aderbidjan,  provinces 
into  which  Herodotus  did  not  penetrate.  —  M. 

t  Among  the  Persians  Mithra  is  not  the  Sun :  Anquetil  has  contested 
and  triuniiiiiantly  refuted  the  opinion  of  those  who  confound  them,  and  it 
is  evidently  contrary  to  the  text  of  the  Zendavesta.  Mithra  is  the  first  of 
the  genii,  or  /zci/^,  created  by  Ormuzd;  it  is  he  who  watches  overall  nature. 
Hence  arose  the  misapprehension  of  some  of  the  Greeks,  who  have  said 
that  Mithra  was  the  summus  deus  of  the  Persians  :  he  has  a  tiiousand  ears 
ancl  ten  thousand  eyes.  The  Chaldeans  appear  to  liave  assigned  him  a 
higlicr  rank  than  the  Persians.  It  is  he  who  bestows  upon  the  earth  the 
light  of  the  sun.  The  sun,  named  Klior,  (bi  ightness,"  is  thus  an  inferior 
gffnius,  who,  with  many  other  genii,  bears  a  jLiit  in  the  functions  of  MitUra. 
These  -issistant  genii  to  another  genivis  are  called  his  kuinAurs ;  but  in  the 
Zendavesta  they  are  never  confounded.  On  the  days  s.icred  to  a  particular 
Kei>ius,  the  Per.sian  ought  to  recite,  not  only  the  prayers  addressed  to  hiiw 
bu*.  those  al.io  which  are  addressed  to  his  k.uakaris ;  thus  the  hymn  or  iescht 
lo 


234  THE    1>ECL1NE    AMD    FALL 

beci'use  ihey  considered  them  as  the  purest  sy:  ibols,  tlii 
noblest  productions,  and  the  most  powerful  agents  ol"  the  Di- 
vine Power  and  Nature. •■' 

Every  mode  of  religion,  to  make  a  deep  and  lasting  im- 
pression on  the  human  mind,  must  exercise  our  obedience,  by 
enjoining  practices  of  devotion,  for  which  we  can  assign  no 
reason;  and  must  acqu're  our  esteein,  by  inculcating  moral 
duties  analogous  to  the  dictates  of  our  own  hearts.  The  reli- 
gion of  Zoroaster  was  abundantly  provided  with  the  former 
and  possessed  a  sufficient  portion  of  the  latter.  At  the  age 
of  puberty,  the  faithful  Persian  was  invested  with  a  mysterious 
girdle,  the  badge  of  the  divine  protection  ;  and  from  that  mo- 
ment all  the  actions  of  his  life,  even  the  most  indifferent,  or 
the  most  necessary,  were  sanctified  by  their  peculiar  prayers, 
ejaculations,  or  genuflections  ;  the  omission  of  whicti,  under 
any  circumstances,  was  a  grievous  sin,  not  inferior  in  guilt  to 
the  violation  of  the  moral  duties.  The  moral  duties,  how- 
ever, of  justice,  mercy,  liberality,  &c.,  were  in  their  turn 
required  of  the  disciple  of  Zoroaster,  who  wished  to  escape 
the  persecution  of  Ahriman,  and  to  live  with  Ormusd  in  a 
blissful  eternity,  where  the  degree  of  felicity  will  be  exactly 
proportioned  to  the  degree  of  virtue  and  piety. ^^ 

'^  Hyde  de  Relig.  Pcrs.  c.  8.  Notwithstanding  all  their  distinc- 
tions and  protestations,  which  seem  sincere  enough,  their  tyrants, 
the  Mahometans,  have  constantly  stigmatized  them  as  idolatroua 
worshippers  of  the  fire. 

'■»  See  the  Sadder,  the  smallest  part  of  which  consists  of  moral 
precepts.  The  ceremonies  enjoined  are  infinite  and  trifling.  Fifteen 
genuflections,  prayers,  &c.,  were  required  whenever  the  devout  Per- 
sian cut  his  nails  or  made  water ;  or  as  often  as  he  put  on  the  sacred 
girdle.     Sadder,  Art.  14,  50,  60.* 


of  Mithra  is  recited  on  the  day  of  tlie  sun,  (Klior,)  and  vice  versfi.  It  is 
probably  this  which  has  sometimes  caused  them  to  be  confounded  ;  but 
Anquetil  had  himself  exposed  tliis  error,  vvhicli  Kleukcr,  and  all  who  have 
Btudied  the  Zendavcsta,  have  noticed.  See  viii.  Diss,  of  Anquetil.  Kleu- 
ker's  Anhang,  part  iii.  p.  lo2.  —  G. 

M.  Guizot  is  unquestionably  right,  according  to  the  pure  and  original 
doctrine  of  the  Zend.  The  Mithiiac  worship,  which  was  so  extensively 
propagated  in  the  West,  and  in  which  Mithra';uul  the  sun  were  perpetually 
confounded,  seems  to  have  been  formed  from  a  fusion  of  Zoroastrianism 
and  Chaldaism,  or  the  Syrian  worship  of  the  sun.  An  excellent  abstract 
of  the  question,  with  references  to  the  works  of  the  chief  modern  writer* 
on  this  curious  subject,  I)e  Sacy,  Kleuker,  Von  Hammer,  iSrc,  may  be  tound 
In  De  Guigniaut's  translaticui  of  Kreuzer.  Ilelig.  dAntiquitc,  notes  viii.  ix 
JO  book  ii.  vol.  i.  2d  oart,  page  728.  — M. 

•  Zoroaster  exacted  much  less  ceremonial  observaiii'c,  than,  at  a  latci 
period   the  pries's  of  his  doctrines.     This  is  the  progress  of  all  religious 


OF    T1:E    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  23& 

Hut  thei  3  are  some  remarkable  instances  in  whicli  Zoioas 
ter  la)s  aside  the  propliet,  assumes  the  legislator,  and  discov 
ers  a  liberal  concern  for  private  and  public  happiness,  seldom 
to  be  found  among  the  grovelling  or  visionary  schemes  of 
superstition.  Fasting  and  celibacy,  the  common  means  of 
purchasing  the  divine  favor,  he  condemns  with  abhorrence 
as  a  criminal  rejection  of  the  best  gifts  of  Providence.  Th<» 
saint,  in  the  Magian  religion,  is  obliged  to  begot  children,  to 
plant  useful  trees,  to  destroy  noxious  animals,  to  convey 
water  to  the  dry  lands  of  Persia,  and  to  work  out  his  salvation 
by  pursuing  all  the  labors  of  agriculture.*  We  may  quote 
from  the  Zendavesta  a  wise  and  benevolent  maxim,  which 
compensates  for  many  an  absurdity.  "  He  who  sows  the 
ground  with  care  and  diligence  acquires  a  greater  stock  of 
religious  merit  than  he  could  gain  by  the  repetition  of  ten 
thousand  prayers."  ^^  In  the  spring  of  every  year  a  festival 
was  celebrated,  destined  to  represent  the  primitive  equality, 
and  the  present  connection,  of  mankind.  The  stately  kings 
Df  Persia,  exchanging  their  vain  pomp  for  more  genuine 
greatness,  freely  mingled  with  the  humblest  but  most  useful 
of  their  subjects.  On  that  day  the  husbandmen  were  admit- 
ted, without  distinction,  to  the  table  of  the  king  and  his 
Satraps.  The  monarch  accepted  their  petitions,  inquired  into 
their  grievances,  and  conversed  with  them  on  the  most  equal 
terms.  "  From  your  labors,"  was  he  accustomed  to  say,  (and 
to  say  with  truth,  if  not  with  sincerity.)  "•  from  your  labors 
we  receive  our  subsistence ;  you  derive  your  tranquillity  from 
our  vigilance  :  since,  therefore,  we  are  mutually  necessary  to 
each  other,  let  us  live  together  like  brothers  in  concord  and 
love."  '6  Such  a  festival  must  indeed  have  degenerated,  in  a 
wealthy  and  despotic  empire,  into  a  theatrical  representation  ; 

'*  Zendavesta,  torn.  i.  p.  224,  and  Precis  du  Systome  de  Zovoastre, 
torn.  iii. 

'"  Hyde  de  Religione  Persarum,  c.  19. 


the  worship,  simple  in  its  origin,  is  ^adually  overloaded  with  minute 
pnperslitinns.  The  maxim  of  the  Zendavesta,  on  the  relative  merit  o' 
Bowiuf?  tlie  earth  and  of  prayers,  quoted  below  by  Gibbon,  proves  that 
Zoroaster  did  not  attach  too  much  importance  to  these  observances. 
Thus  it  is  not  from  tlic  Zendavesta  that  Gibbon  derives  tlie  proof  of  hia 
allegation,  but  from  the  Sadder,  a  much  later  work.  —  G. 

*  See,  on  Zoroaster's  encouragement  of  agriculture,  the  ingenioui 
remarks  of  Ilejrrn,  Idecn.  vol.  i.  p.  449,  &c.  \iid  Rhcde,  Heilige  Sage, 
t).  517. —  M. 


236  THE    DECLINE   AND    FALI, 

but  it  was  at  least  a  comedy  well  worthy  of  a  royal  audienoe- 
and  which  might  sometimes  imprint  a  salutary  lesson  on  the 
mind  of  a  young  prince. 

Had  Zoroaster,  in  all  his  institutions,  invariably  supported 
this  exalted  character,  his  name  would  deserve  a  place  with 
those  of  Numa  and  Confucius,  and  his  system  would  be  justly 
entitled  to  a"  the  applause,  which  it  has  pleased  some  of  our 
divines,  and  even  some  of  our  philosophers,  to  bestow  on  it. 
But  in  that  motley  composition,  dictated  by  reason  and  pas- 
sion, by  enthusiasm  and  by  selfish  motives,  some  useful  and 
sub  ime  truths  were  disgraced  by  a  mixture  of  the  most  ab- 
ject and  dangerous  superstition.  The  Magi,  or  sacerdotal 
order,  were  extremely  numerous,  since,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  fourscore  thousand  of  them  were  convened  in  a  general 
council.  Their  forces  were  multiplied  by  discipline.  A  reg- 
ular hierarchy  was  diffused  through  all  the  provinces  of  Per- 
sia ;  and  the  Archimagus,  who  resided  at  Balch,  was  respected 
as  the  visible  head  of  the  church,  and  the  lawful  successor  of 
Zoroaster.  17  The  property  of  the  Magi  was  veiy  consider- 
able. Besides  the  less  invidious  possession  of  a  large  tract 
of  the  most  fertile  lands  of  Media, i^  they  levied  a  general  tax 
on  the  fortunes  and  the  industry  of  the  Persians. '^  "  Though 
your  good  works,"  says  the  interested  prophet,  "  exceed  in 
number  the  leaves  of  the  trees,  the  drops  of  rain,  the  stars  in 
the  heaven,  or  the  sands  on  the  sea-shore,  they  will  all  be  un- 
profitable to  you,  unless  they  are  accepted  by  the  dcstour,  or 
priest.  To  obtain  the  acceptation  of  this  guide  to  salvation, 
you  must  faithfully  pay  him  tithes  of  all  you  possess,  of  your 
goods,  of  your  lands,  and  of  your  money.  If  the  destour  be 
satisfied,  your  soul  will  escape  hell  tortures  ;  you  will  secure 
praise  in  this  world  and  happiness  in  the  next.     For  the  des- 

"  Hyde  de  Religione  Persarum,  c.  28.  Both  Hyde  and  Prideaux 
affect  to  apply  to  the  Magian  the  terms  consecrated  to  the  Christiar 
nierarchy. 

*  Ammian.  Marcellin.  xxiii.  6.  He  informs  us  (as  far  as  we  may 
credit  him)  of  two  cuiious  particulars:  1.  That  the  Ma^i  derived 
pome  of  their  most  secif  t  doctrines  fi'ora  the  Indian  Brachmans ;  and, 
2.  That  they  were  a  tribe,  or  family,  as  well  as  order. 

'*  The  divine  institution  of  tithes  exhibits  a  singular  instance  of 
conformity  between  the  law  of  Zoroaster  and  that  of  Moses.  Those 
who  cannot  otherwise  account  for  it,  may  suppose,  if  they  please^  that 
.he  Magv  of  the  latter  times  inserted  so  usef'il  an  interpolation  into  the 
writings  if  their  prophet. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  231' 

lours  are  the  teachers  of  religion;  they  know  all  things,  and 
they  d  sliver  all  men."  2"  * 

These  convenient  maxims  of  reverence  and  implicit  faitn 
were  doubtless  imprinted  with  care  on  the  tender  minds  of 
youth  ;  since  the  Magi  were  the  masters  of  education  in  Per- 
sia, and  to  their  hands  the  children  even  of  the  royal  family 
were  intrusted.^'  Tlie  Persian  priests,  who  were  of  a  spec- 
ulative genius,  preserved  and  investigated  the  secrets  of  Ori 
ental  philosophy;  and  acquired,  either  by  superior  knowledge, 
or  superior  art,  the  reputation  of  being  well  verseii  in  some 
occult  sciences,  which  have  derived  their  appellation  from  the 
Magi.-'-^  Tliose  of  more  active  dispositions  mixed  with  the 
world  in  courts  and  cities  ;  and  it  is  observed,  that  the  admin- 
istration of  Artaxerxes  was  in  a  great  measure  directed  by  tho 
counsels  of  the  sacerdotal  order,  whose  dignity,  either  from 
policv  or  devotion,  that  prince  restored  to  its  ancient  splen- 
dor.23 

The  first  counsel  of  the  Magi  was  agreeable  to  the  unso- 
ciable   genius    of    their    faith,-"*   to    the    practice    of   ancient 


*"  Sadder,  Art.  viii. 

»'  Plato  in  Alcibiad. 

'"  Pliny  (Hist.  Natur.  1.  xxx.  c.  1)  observes,  that  magic  held  man- 
kind by  the  triple  chain  of  religion,  of  physic,  and  of  astronomy. 

"  Agathias,  1.  iv.  p.  1:54. 

*•  Mr.  Hmne,  in  the  Natural  History  of  Kcligion,  sagaciou.sly 
lemarks,  that  the  most  rctined  and  philosophic  sects  are  constantly  the 
most  intolerant,  t 


*  The  passage  quoted  by  Gibbon  is  not  taken  from  ttie  writings  of  Zor- 
oaster, but  from  the  Sadder,  a  work,  as  has  been  before  said,  much  later 
than  the  books  which  form  the  Zendavcsta,  and  written  by  a  Magus  for 
popular  use  ;  what  it  contains,  therefore,  cannot  be  attril)Uted  to  Zoroaster. 
It  is  remarkable  that  Gibbon  slioiild  fall  into  this  error,  for  Hyde  himself 
does  not  ascribe  the  Sadder  to  Zoroaster;  he  remarks  that  it  is  written  in 
verse,  while  Zoroaster  always  wrote  in  prose.  Hyde,  i.  p.  27.  Whatevei 
may  be  the  case  as  to  the  latter  assertion,  for  whi(  h  there  ajjpears  little 
found;iti(m,  it  is  unquestionable  that  the  Sadder  is  of  much  later  date. 
The  Abbe  Foucherdoes  not  even  believe  it  to  be  an  extract  from  the  works 
of  Zoroaster.  See  his  Diss,  before  (pioted.  Mom.  do  I'Acad.  des  Ins.  t. 
njivii.  —  G.  Perhaps  it  is  rash  to  speak  of  any  part  of  the  Zendavesta  aa 
the  writiiuj  of  Zoroaster,  thoufjh  it  may  l)e  a  genuine  representation  of  his 
doctrines.  As  to  the  Sadder,  liyde  (in  Pr;cf.)  considered  it  not  al)ove  200 
years  old.  It  is  manifestly  post-Mahometan.  See  Art.  xxv.  on  fasting. 
—  >]. 

f  Hume's  comparison  is  rather  between  theism  and  polytheism.  In 
India,  in  Greece,  and  in  modern  Europe,  philosophic  religion  has  looked 
down  with  contemptuous  toleration  on  the  superstitions  of  the  vidgar.  — M. 


238  THE    DLCLINt    Affc    FALL 

kings  25  and  even  to  the  exanDple  of  their  legislator,  who  had 
fallen  a  victim  to  a  religious  war,  excited  by  his  own  intoler 
ant  Zfial.^s  By  an  edict  of  Artaxerxes,  the  exercise  of  every 
worship,  except  that  of  Zoroaster,  was  severely  prohibited. 
The  temples  of  the  Parthians,  and  the  statues  of  their  deified 
monarchs,  were  thrown  down  with  ignominy."^  The  sword 
of  Aristotle  (such  was  the  name  given  by  the  Orientals  to  the 
polytheism  and  philosophy  of  the  Greeks)  was  easily  broken  ;2- 
the  flames  of  persecution  soon  reached  the  more  stubborn  Jews 
and  Christians ;  29  nor  did  they  spare  the  heretics  of  their  own 
nation  and  religion.  The  majesty  of  Ormusd,  who  was  jeal- 
ous of  a  rival,  was  seconded  by  the  despotism  of  Artaxerxes, 
who  could  not  suffer  a  rebel ;  and  the  schismatics  within  his 
vast  empire  were  soon  reduced  to  the  inconsiderable  number 
of  eighty  thousand. ^^  *  This  spirit  of  persecution  reflects 
dishonor  on  the  religion  of  Zoroaster ;  but  as  it  was  not  pro- 
ductive of  any  civil  commotion,  it  served  to  strengthen  the 
new  monarchy,  by  uniting  all  the  various  inhabitants  of  Per- 
sia in  the  bands  of  religious  zeal.t 

II.  Artaxerxes,  by  his  valor  and  conduct,  had  wrested  the 
sceptre  of  the  East  from  the  ancient  royal  family  of  Parthia. 
There  still  remained   the   more  difficult  task  of  establishing, 

^^  Cicero  de  Legibus,  ii.  10.  Xerxes,  by  the  advice  of  the  Magi, 
destroyed  the  temples  of  Greece. 

*«  Hyde  de  Relig.  Persar.  c.  23,  24.  D'Herbelot,  Bibliotheque 
Orientale,  Zurdusht.     Life  of  Zoroaster  in  toni.  ii.  of  the  Zendftvesta. 

^  Compare  Moses  of  Chorene,  1.  ii.  c.  74,  with  Ammian.  Marcel- 
lin.  xxiii.  6.     Hereafter  I  shall  make  use  of  these  passages. 

*"*  Ilahbi  Abraham,  in  the  Tarikh  Schickard,  p.  108,  109. 

*'  Basnage,  Histoire  des  Juifs,  1.   viii.   c.  3.     Sozomen,   1.  ii.  c.  1. 

Manes,  who  suffered  an  ignominious  death,  may  be  deemed  a  Magian 

as  well  as  a  Christian  heretic. 

•''"  Hyde  de  Roligione  Persar.  c.  21. 

«  

•  It  is  incorrect  to  attribute  these  persecutions  to  Artaxerxes.  The 
Jews  were  held  in  honor  by  him,  and  their  schools  flourished  during  his 
reign.  Compare  Jost,  Geschichte  der  Israeliter,  b.  xv.  5,  with  Basnage. 
Sapor  was  forced  by  the  people  to  temporary  severities ;  but  their  real  per- 
secution did  noc  begin  till  the  reigns  of  Yezdigerd  and  Kobad.  Hist,  of 
Jews,  iii.  236.  According  to  Sozomen,  i.  viii..  Sapor  first  persecuted  the 
Christians.  Manes  was  put  to  death  by  Varanes  the  First,  A.  D.  277. 
Beausobre,  Hist,  de  Man.  i.  209.  —  M. 

t  In  tiip  testament  of  Ardischcr  in  Ferdusi,  the  poet  assigns  these  sen- 
timsnts  to  the  dying  king,  as  he  addresses  his  soh  :  Never  forget  that  aa 
a  kinn;,  you  are  at  once  the  protector  of  religion  and  of  your  country. 
Consider  the  altar  and  the  throne  as  insepa  able;  they  must  always  sus'ain 
•ach  other.     Malo)lm's  Persia,  i.  74.  —  M- 


OF    THE    F.OMAr*    EMPIRT.  239 

ihroughDut  the  vast  extent  of  Persia,  a  uniform  and  vigorous 
administration.  The  weak  inchilgence  of  the  Arsacides  had 
resigned  to  their  sons  and  l)rotlicrs  the  principal  provinces, 
and  the  ";reatcst  ofl'ices  of  tlie  kii.irdoni  in  the  nature  of  hercd- 
itary  possessions.  "^Phe  tntaxce,  or  eighteen  most  powerful 
satraps,  were  permitted  to  assume  tlie  regal  title;  and  the 
vain  |)n(ie  of  the  monarch  was  dcdighted  with  a  nominal 
dominion  over  so  many  vassal  kings.  Even  tribes  of  barba- 
rians in  their  mountains,  and  the  Greek  cities  of  Upper  Asia,^' 
within  tlieir  walls,  scarcely  acknowledged,  or  seldom  obeyed, 
any  superior;  and  the  Parthian  empire  exhibited,  under  other 
names,  a  lively  image  of  the  feudal  system  ^"-^  which  has  since 
prevailed  in  Euro|)(!.  Put  the  active  victor,  at  the  head  of  a 
numerous  and  disciplined  army,  visited  in  person  every  prov- 
hice  of  Persia.  The  defeat  of  the  boldest  rebels,  and  the 
reduction  of  the  strongest  fortifications,^^  diffused  the  terror 
of  his  arms,  anil  prepared  tlu;  way  for  the  peaceful  reception 
of  his  authority.  An  obstinate  resistance  was  fatal  to  the 
rhiefs ;  but  tlieir  followers  were  treated  with  lenity .^^  A 
cheerful  submission  was  rewarded  with  honors  and  riches 
but  the  prudent  Art.axerxes,  sullering  no  person  except  him- 
self to  assume  the  title  of  king,  abolished  every  intermediatp 
power  between  the  throne  and  the  people.  His  kingdom, 
nearly  equal  in  extent  to  modern  Persia,  was,  on  every  side, 
bounded  by  the  sea,  or  by  great  rivers  ;  by  the  Euphrates, 
the  Tigris,  the  Araxes,  the  (-),\us,  and  the  Indus,  by  the  Cas- 
pian Sea,  and  the  Gu\C  of  Persia.*^^     That  country  was  com 

"  These  colonics  were  extremely  nuiucroas.  Seleucua  Nicator 
fouiKled  thiity-iiine  cities,  all  niinieil  from  himself,  or  some  of  his 
relations,  (sec  Apijiaii  in  Syri-ac.  p.  IH  )  The  a'la  of  vSelcucns  (still 
in  use  amonj^  the  eastern  C'luistians)  appears  as  late  as  the  year  508, 
of  CHirist  196.  on  the  mcrlals  of  the  (jreek  cities  within  the  Parthiiui 
cmjiire.  Sec  Moylc's  works,  vol.  i.  j).  273,  ice-,  and  M.  Frcret,  Mem. 
de  TAcadtnuic,  tom.  xix.. 

^■■^  The  modern  Persians  distinu'msh  that  i)criod  as  the  dynasty  of 
,he  kinj;s  of  the  nations.     See  I'lin.  Ilist.  Nat.  vi.  2o. 

^^  Eutychius  (toni.  i.  p.  ^  ;?.  'M\,  'M6)  relates  the  sic^c  of  the 
island  of  Mescne  in  llie  Tiifris,  with  aome  circr.mst&nces  not  unlikb 
the  story  of  Nysus  and  Scylla. 

•**  Ai^athias,  ii.  CA,  [ami  iv.  ]).  2'i0.]  Tlic  princes  of  Segcstan  de- 
fended their  indcj-endeiKe  during  many  vears.  As  romances  gen- 
erally transport  to  an  ancient  ]  criod  the  oeiits  of  their  -wti  time, 
it  is  not  impossible  that  tlie  fabulous  cxphnts  of  Uustan,  Prince  of 
S(-gcstan.  many  have  been  i^raltcil  on  this  real  history. 

^   We  can  sjarcely  atlii!  ute  to  the  Persia'i  monarchy  the  sea  coast 


2-10  TTiE    DtOLlNE    AND    TALI. 

puted  to  contain,  in  the  last  century,  five  hundred  and  fifty 
four  cities,  sixty  thousand  villages,  and  about  forty  millions  oi 
souls.36  [f  we  compare  the  administration  of  the  house  of 
Sassan  with  that  of  the  house  of  Sefi,  tlie  political  influence 
of  the  Magian  with  that  of  the  Mahometan  religion,  we  shall 
l>robably  infer,  that  the  kingdom  of  Artaxerxes  contained  at 
least  as  great  a  number  of  cities,  villages,  and  inhabitants. 
But  It  must  likewise  be  confessed,  that  in  every  age  the  want 
of  harbors  on  the  soa-coast,  and  the  scarcity  of  fresh  water 
in  the  inland  prcv'nc(;s,  have  been  very  unfavorable  to  the 
commerce  and  agricii'.ture  of  the  Persians  ;  who,  in  the  cal- 
culation of  their  numbers,  seem  to  have  indulged  one  of  the 
meanest,  though  most  common,  artifices  of  national,  vanity. 

As  soon  as  the  ambitious  mind  of  Artaxerxes  had  triumphe'' 
0''er  the  resistance  of  his  vassals,  he  began  to  threaten  the 
neighboring  states,  who,  during  the  long  slumber  of  his  pred- 
ecessors, had  insulted  Persia  with  impunity.  He  obtained 
some  easy  victories  over  the  wild  Scythians  and  the  effemi- 
nate Indians  ;  but  the  Romans  were  an  enemy,  who,  by  their 
past  injuries  and  present  power,  deserved  the  utrtiost  effortg 
of  his  arms.  A  forty  years'  tranquillity,  the  fruit  of  valor 
and  moderation,  had  succeeded  the  victories  of  Trajan.  Dur- 
ing the  period  that  elapsed  from  the  accession  of  Marcus  to 
the  reign  of  Alexander,  the  Roman  and  the  Parthian  empires 
were  twice  engaged  in  war  ;  and  although  the  whole  strength 
of  the  Arsacidcs  contended  with  a  part  only  of  the  forces  of 
Rome,  the  event  was  most  commonly  in  favor  of  the  latter, 
Macrinus,  indeed,  prompted  by  his  precarious  situation  and 
pusillanimous  temper,  purchased  a  peace  at  the  expense  of 


of  Gedrosia  or  Macran,  which  extends  along  the  Indian  Ocean  from 
Cape  Jask  (the  promontory  Cajiclla)  to  Cape  Goadcl.  In  the  time 
of  Alexander,  and  probably  many  ages  afterwards,  it  was  tbiuly  in- 
habited by  a  savage  [)Cople  of  Icthyophagi,  or  Fisbermon,  wlio  knew 
no  arts,  who  acknowledged  no  master,  and  who  were  divided  by  in- 
hos))itablc  deserts  from  the  rest  of  the  world.  (See  Arrian  do  Keb. 
Indicis.)  In  the  twelfth  century,  the  little  town  of  'L'aiz  (supposed 
by  M.  d'Anville  to  be  the  Teza  of  Ptolemy)  was  peojiled  and  enriched 
by  the  resort  of  the  Arabian  merchants.     (See  Gcographia  Nubiens, 

E.  oS,  and  d'Anville,  Geographic  Ancicnne,  torn.  ii.  i^  283.)  In  the 
ist  age,  the  whole  country  was  divided  between  three  princes,  ono 
Mahometan  and  two  Idolaters,  wlio  maintained  their  independence 
Bf^ainst  the  successors  of  Shah  Abbas.  (Voyages  do  Tavcrnier,  pait 
i.  1.  V.  p.  63.').) 

^  f;hardin,  torn.  iii.  c.  1,  2,  3. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  241 

near  two  millions  of  our  money  ^"  but  the  generals  of  Mar- 
cus, tne  emperor  Severus,  and  his  son,  erected  many  trophies 
in  Armenia,  Mesopotamia,  and  Assyria.  Among  their  ex- 
ploits, the  imperfect  relation  of  which  would  have  unseason- 
ably interrupted  the  more  important  series  of  domestic  revo- 
lutions, we  sliall  only  mention  the  repeated  calamities  of  the 
two  great  cities  of  Seleucia  and  Ctesij)hon. 

Seleucia,  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Tigris,  about  forty- 
five  miles  to  the  north  of  ancient  Baiiylon,  was  the  capital  of 
the  Macedonian  concpiests  in  U|)per  Asia  '-^^  Many  ages  after 
the  fall  of  their  empire,  Seleucia  retained  the  genuine  charac- 
ters of  a  (Jrecian  colony,  arts,  militarv  virtue,  and  the  love 
uf  freedom.  The  independent  republic  was  governed  by  a 
senate  of  three  hundred*  nobles  ;  the  [)eoj)le  consisted  of  six 
hundred  thousand  citizens;  the  walls  were  strong,  and  as  long 
as  concord  prevailed  among  the  several  order*  of  the  state, 
they  viewed  with  contempt  the  jxnver  of  the  Parthian  :  but 
the  mailness  of  faction  was  sometimes  provoked  to  implore 
the  dangerous  aid  of  the  common  enemv,  who  was  posted 
almost  at  the  gates  of  the  colony. ^^  The  Partliian  monarchs, 
like  the  Mogid  sovereigns  of  IJindostan,  delighted  in  the  pas- 
toral life  of  their  Scythian  ancestors  ;  and  the  Imperial  camp 
was  frequently  pitched  in  the  plain  of  Ctesiphon,  on  the  east- 
ern bank  of  the  Tigris,  at  the  distance  of  only  three  miles 
from  Seleucia.'"'  The  innumerable  attendants  on  luxury  and 
despotism  resorted  to  the  court,  and  the  little  village  of  Ctesi- 
phon insensibly  swelled  into  a  great  city.''^  Under  the  reign 
of  Marcus,  the  Roman  generals  penetrated  as  far  as  Ctesi- 
phon and  Stdeucia.  They  were  received  as  friends  by  the 
iJreek  colony  ;  they  attacked  as  enemies  the  seat  of  the  Par- 

^  Dion,  1.  xxviii.  p.  1335. 

^8  For  the  precise  situation  of  Rabylon,  Seleucia,  Ctesiphon,  Mo- 
Jain,  and  IJa^'dad,  cities  often  confoiinde'l  with  each' other,  see  an 
excellent  (Jeoy;raphical  Tract  of  M.  d'Anvillc,  in  Mem.  dc  I'Acade- 
niic,  toni.  xxx. 

^°  Tacit.  Annal.  xi.  i>.     Plin.  Hist.  Nat.  vi.  2G. 

*'  This  may  be  inferred  from  Strabo,  1.  xvi.  p.  743. 

*^  That  most  curious  traveller,  Bernier.  who  followed  the  camp  of 
Aurengzebe  from  Delhi  to  Cashmir,  describes  with  great  accuracy  the 
Immense  moving  city.  The  guard  of  cavalry  consisted  of  35,000  men, 
that  of  infantry  of  10,000.  It  was  computed  that  the  camp  contained 
150,000  horses,  mules,  and  clejiliants  ;  50,000  camels,  5(»,000  oxen, 
and  between  300,000  and  400,000  persons.  Almost  all  Delhi  followed 
the  court,  whose  maguifif  ence  supported  its  industry. 
13* 


242  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

ihian  kings ;  yet  both  cities  experienced  the  seme  treatmenL 
The  sack  and  conflagration  of  Seleucia,  with  the  massacre  of 
three  hundred  thousand  of  the  inhabitants,  tarnished  the  glory 
of  the  Roman  triumph.'*^  Seleucia,  already  exhausted  by  the 
neighborhood  of  a  too  powerful  rival,  sunk  under  the  fatal 
blow  ;  but  Ctesiphon,  in  about  thirty-three  years,  had  sufii- 
ciently  recovered  its  strength  to  maintain  an  obstinate  siege 
agains'  the  emperor  Severus.  The  city  was,  however,  taken 
by  assault;  the  king,  who  defended  it  in  person,  escaped  with 
precipitation  ;  a  hundred  thousand  captives,  and  a  rich  booty, 
rewarded  the  fatigues  of  the  Roman  soldiers. ''^  Notwith- 
standing these  misfortunes,  Ctesiphon  succeeded  to  Babylon 
and  to  Seleucia,  as  one  of  the  great  capitals  of  the  East.  In 
summer,  the  monarch  of  Persia  enjdyed  at  Ecbatana  the  cool 
breezes  of  the  mountains  of  Media  ;  but  the  mildness  of  the 
climate  engaged  him  to  prefer  Ctesiphon  for  his  winter  resi- 
dence. 

From  these  successful  inroads  the  Romans  derived  no  real 
or  lasting  benefit  ;  nor  did  they  attempt  to  preserve  such  dis- 
tant conquests,  separated  from  the  provinces  of  the  empire  by 
a  large  tract  of  intermediate  desert.  The  reduction  of  the  king- 
dom of  Osrhoene  was  an  acquisition  of  less  splendor  indeed,  but 
ot  a  far  more  solid  advantage.  That  little  state  occupied  the 
northern  and  most  fertile  part  of  Mesopotamia,  between  the  Eu- 
phrates and  the  Tigris.  Edessa,  its  capital,  was  situated  about 
twenty  miles  beyond  the  former  of  those  rivers ;  and  the  in- 
habitants, since  the  time  of  Alexander,  were  a  mixed  race  of 
Greeks,  Arabs,  Syrians,  and  Armenians.'*'*  The  feeble  sove- 
reigns of  Osrhoene,  placed  on  the  dangerous  verge  of  two 
contending  empires,  were  attached  from  inclination  to  the 
Parthian  cause  ;  but  the  superior  power  of  Rome  exacted 
from  them  a  reluctant  homage,  vvhich  is  still  attested  by  their 
medals.     After  the  conclusion  of  the  Parthian  war  und(,'r  Mar- 

«  Dion,  1.  Ixxi.  p.  1178.  Hist.  August,  p.  38.  Eutrop.  viii.  10. 
Kuscb.  in  Chronic,  (iuadratus  (quoted  in  the  Augustan  History) 
attempted  to  vindicate  the  llomans  by  alleging  that  the  citizens  of 
Seleucia  liad  tirst  violated  their  faith. 

*'  Dion,  1.  Ixxv.  p.  1263.  Herodian,  ..  iii.  p.  120.  Hist.  August. 
p.  70. 

**  The  polished  citizens  of  Antioch  called  those  of  Edessa  mixed 
barbarians.  It  was,  however,  some  praise,  that  of  tlic  three  dialects 
of  the  Syriac,  the  purest  and  most  elegant  (the  Aramatan)  was  spoken 
ftt  Edessa.  This  remark  M.  15aycr  (Hist.  Edess.  p. '5)  has  borrowed 
from  George  of  Malatia,  a  Syrian  writer. 


OF    T.IE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  213 

cus,  it  wai;  judged  prudent  tc  secure  some  substantial  pledj^es 
of  their  doubtful  fidelity.  Forts  were  constructed  in  several 
parts  of"  the  country,  and  a  Roman  garrison  was  fixed  in  the 
strong  town  of  Nisibis.  During  tiic  troubles  that  followed  the 
death  of  Coinmodus,  the  princes  of  Osrhoene  attempted  to  shake 
off  the  yoke  ;  but  the  stern  policy  of  Severus  confirmed  their 
dependence,"'''  an<i  the  perfidy  of  Caracalla  completed  the 
easy  contiut'st.  Abgarus,  the  last  king  of  Kdessa,  was  sent 
in  chains  to  Homo,  his  dominions  reduced  into  a  province, 
and  his  capital  dignified  with  the  rank  of  colony  ;  and  thu;? 
the  Romans,  about  ten  years  before  the  fall  of  the  I'arthian 
monarchy,  obtained  a  firm  and  permanent  establishment  be- 
yond the  Euphrates."*'* 

Prudence  as  well  as  glory  might  have  justificti  a  war  on 
^he  side  of  Artaxerxes,  had  his  views  been  confined  to  the 
defence  or  the  acquisition  of  a  useful  frontier  But  the  am- 
bitious Persian  oponlv  avowed  a  far  more  extensive  design  of 
conquest;  and  he  thonglu  himself  al)le  to  support  his  lofty 
pretensions  by  the  arms  of  reason  as  well  as  by  tliose  of 
power,  Cyrus,  he  alleged,  had  first  subdued,  and  his  sue 
cessors  had  for  a  long  time  possessed,  the  whole  extent  ul' 
Asia,  as  far  as  the  Propontis  and  the  yEgean  Sea;  the  prov- 
inces of  Caria  and  Ionia,  under  their  empire,  had  been  gov- 
errunl  by  Persian  satrajis,  and  all  Egypt,  to  the  confines  of 
;?i^tbiopia,  had  ac^knowledged  their  sovereignty.''"  Their  rights 
had  b(!en  suspended,  but  not  destroyed,  by  a  long  usurpation  : 
and  as  soon  as  he  received  the;  Persian  diadem,  which  !)U"tn 
and  successful  valor  had  placed  upon  his  head,  the  first  great 
duty  of  his  station  called  upon  him  to  restore  the  ancient  limits 
and  splendor  of  the  monarchy.  The  Great  King,  tliereforo, 
(siu'.h  was  the  haughty  stvle  of  his  embassies  to  the  em|)eror 
Alexander,)  commanded  the  Romans  instantly  to  dei)art  from 
all  the  provinces  of  his  ancestors,  and,  yielding  to  the  Per- 


«  Dion,  1.  Ixxv.  p.  1'248.  \2V.),  1'2.>().  M.  T.iiyor  has  no<i;loc-to.l  to 
use  this  most  important  passjiijo. 

■**  This  kins>tlom,  from  Osrhocs,  who  s^avo  a  new  namo  to  tho  conn- 
tiy,  til  the  last  At)ii;!n'us,  had  histod  ."{."i^  years.  Sec  the  learned  work 
ol  M.  liayer,  Histoiia  Osilioena  ct  Kdesscnn. 

'"  Xenophon,  in  the  ]>ret'aec  to  tho  Cyropa-dia,  ijives  a  clear  and 
taagniticent  idea  of  the  extent  of  r.bo  empire  of  Cyras,  llerodotu* 
(\.  iii.  c.  79,  &e  )  enters  into  a  (Minun'-  hiw>  ..^rtiojiin^r  desfrption  <»l  me 
\«eiiu  •rre.Hi  SdCupccD  uit<>  wtiict  '.i  •  I'fTsiHn  etnpire  >>  h>-  an'iilerl  ttv 
Ufinus  Ilvstaapeh 


244  THE    DKCLINE    AND    FAIT. 

eians  the  empire  of  Asia,  to  content  themselves  with  tho 
undisturbed  possession  of  Europe.  This  haughty  mandate 
was  delivered  by  four  hundred  of  the  tallest  and  most  beau- 
tiful of  the  Persians  :  who,  by  their  fine  horses,  splendid  arms, 
and  rich  apparel,  displayed  the  pride  and  greatness  of  their 
master. ■^'^  Such  an  embassy  was  much  less  an  offer  of  nego- 
tiation than  a  declaration  of  war.  Both  Al-exander  Severus 
and  Artaxerxes,  collecting  the  military  force  of  the  Roman 
and  Persian  monarchies,  resolved  in  this  important  contest  Vi 
lead  their  armies  in  person. 

If  we  credit  what  should  seem  the  most  authentic  of  all 
records,  an  oration,  still  .extant,  and  delivered  by  the  emperor 
himseli"  to  the  senate,  we  must  allow  that  the  victory  of  Alex- 
ander Severus  was  not  inferior  to  any  of  those  formerly  ob- 
tained over  the  Persians  by  the  son  of  "hilip.  The  army  of 
the  Great  King  consisted  of  one  hundr^j  and  twenty  thousand 
horse,  clothed  in  complete  armor  of  steel  ;  of  seven  hundred 
elephants,  with  towers  filled  with  archers  on  their  backs,  and 
of  eighteen  hundred  chariots  armed  with  scythes.  This  for- 
midable host,  the  like  of  which  is  not  to  be  found  in  eastern 
history,  and  has  scarcely  been  imagined  in  eastern  romance,'"' 
was  discomfited  in  a  great  battle,  in  which  the  Roman  Alex- 

■'S  Horodian,  vi.  209,  212. 

'''''  There  were  two  hundred  scythed  chariotis  at  tho  battle  of  Arbclu, 
in  the  host  of  Uai-ius.  In  the  vast  array  of  Tigranes,  wluch  was  van- 
quished by  LuL'ulhis,  seventeen  thousand  h(n-sc  only  were  coni])letely 
armed.  Antioeluis  brought  tifty-four  elephants  into  the  field  aijainst 
the  Romans  :  by  his  fretiuont  wars  and  negotiations  with  the  princes 
of  India,  he  had  once  collected  a  hundred  and  fifty  of  those  great 
animals  ;  but  it  may  be  questioned  whether  the  most  jjowcrful  mon- 
arch of  Hindostan  ever  formed  a  line  of  battle  of  seven  Inuulred 
elephants.  Instead  of  three  or  four  thoiisand  ele])hants,  which 
the  Great  ^Mognl  was  supposed  to  possess,  Ta  vernier  (Voyages,  part  • 
Li.  1.  i.  p.  l!)8)  disccrvered,  by  a  more  accurate  inqtiiiy,  that  he  had 
only  five  liundrcd  for  his  baggage,  and  eighty  or  ninety  for  the  s(>i  vice 
of  war.  The  (irceks  have  varied  wit^  regard  to  the  number  which 
Porus  brought  into  the  field;  but  Quintus  Curtius,  (viii.  18.)  in  this 
instance  judicious  and  moderate,  is  contented  with  eighty-five  ch - 
phants,  distinguished  by  their  size  and  strength.  In  Siam,  whoro 
these  animals  are  the  most  numerous  and  tho  most  cstecme;!,  eighteen 
elephants  are  allowed  as  a  sufticiont  projiortion  for  each  of  tho  nine 
brigades  into  which  a  just  army  is  divided.  The  whole  luimbor.  of 
one  hundred  and  sixty-two  el'ei)hants  of  war,  may  sometimes  !■« 
doubled.     Hist,  des  Voyages,  tcim.  ix.  p.  2G0.* 


*  Compare  Gibbon's  note  10  to  cK.  Ivii.  —  M. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  245 

ftnder  approved  himself  an  intrepid  soldier  and  a  skilful  gen- 
eral. The  Great  King  Ihd  before  liis  valor ;  an  immense 
booty,  and  the  conquest  of  Mesopotamia,  were  the  immediate 
fruits  of  this  signal  victory.  Such  are  the  circumstances  of 
this  ostentatious  and  improbable  relation,  dictated,  as  it  too 
plainly  appears,  by  the  vanity  of  the  monarch,  adorned  by 
the  unblushing  servility  of  his  flatterers,  and  received  without 
contradiction  by  a  distant  and  obsequious  senate.-''"  Far  from 
being  inclined  to  believe  that  the  arms  of  AUixander  obtained 
any  memorable  advantage  over  the  Persians,  we  are  induced 
to  suspect,  that  all  this  blaze  of  imaginary  glory  was  designed 
to  conceal  some  real  disgrace. 

Our  suspicions  are  confirmed  by  the  authority  of  a  contem- 
porary historian,  who  mentions  the  virtues  of  Alexander  with 
respect,  and  Ids  fi-ilts  with  candor,  lie  describes  the  judi- 
cious plan  which  had  been  formed  for  the  ctjuducl  of  the  war. 
Three  Roman  armies  were  destined  to  invade  Persia  at  the 
same  time,  and  by  different  roads.  But  the  operations  of  the 
campaign,  though  wisely  concerted,  were  not  executed  either 
with  ability  or  success.  The  first  of  these  armies,  as  soon 
as  it  had  entered  the  marshy  jjlains  of  Babylon,  towards  the 
artificial  conflux  of  the  Euphrates  and  the  Tigris,-'''  was  en- 
compassed by  the  superior  numbers,  and  destroyed  by  the 
arrows,  of  the  enenriy.  The  alliance  of  Chosroes,  king  of 
Armenia,^-  and  the  long  tract  of  mountainous  country,  in 
which  the  Persian  cavalry  was  of  little  service,  opened  a 
secure  entrance  into  the  heart  of  Media,  to  the  second  of  the 
Roman  armies.  These  brave  troops  laid  waste  the  adjacent 
provinces,  and  by  several  successful  actions  against  Artaxerxes, 
gave  a  faint  color  to  the  emperor's  vanity.  But  the  retreat  of 
this  victorious  army  was  imprudent,  or  at  least  unfortunate. 
In  repassing  the  mountains,  great  numbers  of  soldiers  perished 


»»  Hist.  August,  p.  133.* 

*'  M.  de  Tillciuout  has  already  observed,  that  Ilcrodiaii's  gcoj^ra- 
phy  is  somewhat  confused. 

"  Moses  of  Chorcue  (Hist.  Armen.  1.  ii.  c.  71)  illustrates  this  inva- 
Bion  of  Media,  by  asscrtin;:^  that  Chosroes,  king  of  Armenia,  defeated 
Artaxerxes,  and  pursued  him  to  tlic  confines  of  India.  The  exploits 
of  Chosroes  have  been  magnitied;  and  he  acted  as  a  dcpoudcnt  ally 
«o  the  Komaus. 


•  See  M.  Giiizot's  note,  page  267.    According  to  the  I'crsian  authorities, 
Ardeschir  extended  his  conquests  to  tlie  Euphrates.     Malcolm,  i.  71-  —  M 


146  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

by  tho  badnjss,  of  the  roads,  and  the  severity  o''  the  winter 
season.  It  had  been  resolved,  that  whilst  these  two  grefit 
detachments  penetrated  into  tlie  opposite  extremes  of  the 
Persian  dominions,  the  main  body,  under  the  command  of 
Alexander  himself,  should  support  their  attack,  by  invading 
the  centre  of  the  kingdom.  But  the  unexi)enenced  youth, 
influenced  by  iiis  mother's  counsels,  and  i)erha[)s  by  his  own 
ftjars,  deserted  the  bravest  troops,  and  the  fairest  prospect  of 
victory  ;  and  after  consuming  in  Meso|)Otamia  an  inactive  and 
mglonous  sminner,  he  led  back  to  Aniioeli  an  army  diuim- 
ished  by  sickness,  and  provoked  by  disappointment.  The 
behavior  of  Artaxerxes  had  been  very  ditferent.  Flying  with 
rapiditv  from  the  hills  of  Media  to  the  marshes  of  the  Eu- 
phrates, he  hafi  every  where  opposed  the  invaders  in  person  ; 
and  in  either  fortune  had  united  with  the  ablest  conduct  tho 
most  undaunted  resolution.  But  in  several  obstinate  engage- 
ments against  the  veteran  legions  of  Rome,  tho  Persian  mon 
arch  had  lost  the  flower  of  liis^  troops.  Even  his  victories 
had  weakened  Ids  power.  The  favorable  opportunities  of  tlie 
absence  of  Alexander,  and  of  the  confusions  that  followed 
th'it  emperor's  death,  presented  themselves  in  vain  to  his  am- 
bition. Instead  of  expelling  the  Romans,  as  he  pretended, 
from  the  continent  of  Asia,  he  found  himself  unable  to  wrest 
from  their  hands  tlie  little  province  of  Mesopotamia.-'^"^ 

The  reign  of  Artaxerxes,  which  from  the  last  defeat  of  the 
Parthians  'asted  only  fourteen  years,  forms  a  mi;moruble  lera 
in  the  history  of  the  East,  and  even  in  that  of  Rome.  Hia 
chaiacter  seems  to  have  been  marked'by  those  bold  and  com- 
manding features,  that  generally  distinguish  the  princes  who 
conquer,  from  those  who  inherit,  an  empire.  Till  the  last 
period  of  the  Persian  monarchy,  his  code  of  laws  was  re- 
spected as  the  groundwork  of  their  civil  and  religioua 
polic}'.-"'^  Several  of  his  sayings  are  preserved.  One  of 
them  in  particular  discovers  a  deep  insight  into  the  constitu- 
tion of  govermnent.  "  'I'lie  avilhority  of  the  prmce,"  said 
Arta.vci  tes,  'Miuist  be  defended  by  a  military  force  ;  that 
force  can  only    be    maintained    by .  taxes  ;  all   taxes  must,  at 


"  For  the  account  of  this  war,  see  Ilerodian,  1.  vi.  p.  209,  21 2. 
Ihe  old  iibbroviators  and  modern  cominlors  have  blindly  followed  tV.fl 
Augustan   History. 

*■'  Eutychius,  torn.  ii.  ji.  ISO,  vers.  I'ocock.  The  i,'reat  Cliosrocs 
Nonshirwan  sent  the  code  of  A"*'ixcrxosi  to  all  his  satnip.s-  as  the 
invariiibl'.'  '-ulo  of  their  conduct. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  247 

hL?t,  fail  upon  agriculture  ;  and  agriculture  can  never  flourish 
p.xceut  under  tlie  protection  of  justice  and  moderation. "  ^^ 
Artaxerxes  bequeathed  his  new  empire,  and  his  ambitious  de- 
signs against  tlie  Romans,  to  S;ipor,  a  son  not  unworthy  of 
his  great  fatlior  ;  but  those  ilesigiis  weni  too  extensive  for  the 
power  of  Persia,  and  served  only  \t)  involve  both  nations  in  a 
long  s(;ries  of  destructive  wars  ;ind  reciprocal  calamities. 

The  Persians,  long  since  civilized  and  corrupted,  were  verv 
far  from  possessing  the  marlial  independence,  and  the  intrep- 
id hardiness,  both  of  mind  and  body,  which  iiave  rendered 
the  northern  barbarians  masters  of  the  world.  The  science 
of  war,  that  constituied  the  more  rational  force  of  Greece 
and  Rome,  as  it  now  does  of  Europe,  never  uiade  any  con- 
siderable piogress  in  the  East.  Those  disciplined  evolutions 
which  harmonize  and  aniniaie  a  confuseid  midlitude,  were 
unknown  to  the  Persians.  They  were  equally  unskilled  in 
the  arts  of  constructing,  besieging,  or  defending  regular  forti- 
fications. They  trusted  more  to  their  numbers  than  to  their 
courage;  more  to  their  courage  than  to  their  discipline.  The 
infantry  was  a  half-armed,  spiritless  crowd  of  peasants,  lev- 
ied in  haste  by  the  alluremenis  of  plunder,  and  as  easily 
dispersed  by  a  victory  as  by  a  defeat.  The  monarch  and  his 
nobles  transported  into  the  camp  the  pride  and  luxury  of  the 
seraglio.  Their  military  operations  were  impeded  by  a  use- 
less train  of  women,  eunuchs,  horses,  and  camels  ;  and  in 
the  midst  of  a  successful  campaign,  the  Persian  host  was 
often  separated  or*destroyed  by  an  unexpected  famine.-'''* 

But  the  nobles  of  Persia,  in  the  bosom  of  luxury  and  des- 
potism, preserved  a  strong  sense  of  personal  gallantry  and 
national  honor.  From  the  age  of  seven  years  they  were 
taught  to  speak  truth,  to  shoot  with  the  bow,  and  to  ride  ;  anl 
it  was  universally  confessed,  that  in  the  two  last  of  these  arts, 
Miey  had  made  a  more  than  common  proficiency."'^  The 
most  distinguished  youth  were  educated  under  the  monarch's 


"  D'llerbclot,  Bibliothequc  Oripiitalo,  nu  mot  Ardshir.  AVc  may 
observe,  that  after  an  ancient  jjeriod  ot'  tables,  and  a  long  interval  of 
daikness,  the  nioilern  histories  of  Persia  begin  to  assume  an  air  of 
tnitli  wit.h  the  dynasty  of  .Sassanides.   [Compare  MaLcobn,  i.  79.  —  M." 

*"  lierodian,  1.  vi.  p.  214.  Ammianus  Marcelliiius,  1.  XKiii.  c.  6*. 
Some  differences  may  be  observed  between  the  two  historians,  the 
natural  effects  of  the  changes  produced  by  a  century  and  a  half. 

''"  'L'lie  I'crsians  arc  sti''  the  most  skilful  horsemeu,  and  tl  .cir  horat* 
the  liut'bt.  in  tht   liaat. 


2-18  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

eye,  practised  their  exercises  in  the  gate  of  his  palace,  and 
were  severely  trained  up  to  the  habits  of  temperance  and 
obedience,  in  their  long  and  laborious  parties  of  hunting.  In 
every  province,  the  satrap  maintained  a  like  school  of  military 
virtue.  The  Persian  nobles  (so  natural  is  the  idea  of  feudal 
tenures)  received  from  the  king's  bount}'  lands  and  houses,  on 
the  condition  of  their  service  in  war.  They  were  ready  on 
the  first  summons  to  mount  on  iiorseback,  with  a  martial  and 
splendid  train  of  followers,  and  to  join  the  numerous  bodies 
of  guards,  whv)  were  carefully  selected  iVom  among  the  most 
robust  slaves,  and  the  bravest  adventurers  of  Asia.  These 
armies,  both  of  light  and  of  heavy  cavalry,  equally  formidable 
by  the  impetuosity  of  their  charge  and  the  rapidity  of  theit 
motions,  threatened,  as  an  impending  cloud,  the  eastern  prov- 
inces of  the  declining  empire  of  Rome.^^ 

**  From  Horodot.'is,  Xenophon,  Herodian,  Ammianus,  Chardin, 
&c.,  I  have  extracted  such  probable  accounts  of  the  Persian  nobiJityj 
as  seem  either  common  Vt  every  age,  or  pnrticular  to  thai  of  th«i 
S&saanides. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

TOE    STATE    OF    GERMANY    TILL    THE    INVASION    t>F    TEE    BARB»- 
RIANS    ;N    the  JIME    OF    THE    EMPEROR    DECIUS. 

The  government  and  religion  of  Persia  have  deserved  some 
notice,  from  their  connection  with  the  decline  and  fall  of  the 
Roman  empire.  We  shall  occasionally  mention  the  Scythian 
or  Sarmatian  tribes,*  which,  with  their  arms  and  horses,  their 
flocks  and  herds,  their  wives  and  families,  wandered  over  the 
immense  plains  which  spread  themselves  from  the  Caspian 
Sea  to  the  Vistula,  from  the  confines  of  Persia  to  those  of 
Germany.  But  the  warlike  Germans,  who  first  resisted,  then 
i^vaded,  and  at  length  overturned  the  Western  monarchy  of 


*  The  Scythians,  even  according  to   the  ancients,  are  not  Samiatians. 

i It  may  "be  doubted  whether  Gibbon  intended  to  confound  them. — M.] 
'he  Greeks,  after  having  divided  the  world  into  Greeks  and  barbarians, 
divided  tlie  barbarians  into  four  great  classes,  the  Celts,  the  Scythians,  the 
Indians,  and  the  Ethiopians.  They  called  Celts  all  the  inhabitants  of 
Gaul.  Scythia  extended  from  the  Baltic  Sea  to  the  Lake  Aral :  the  people 
enclosed  in  the  angle  to  the  north-east,  between  Celtica  and  Scythia,  were 
called  Celto-Scytliians,  and  the  Sannatians  were  placed  in  the  southern 
part  of  that  angle.  But  these  names  of  Celts,  r.f  Scythians,  of  Celto- 
Scythians,  and  Sannatians,  wore  invented,  says  Schlrtzer,  by  the  profound 
cosmographic^i  ignorance  of  the  Greeks,  and  have  no  real  ground  ;  they 
are  purely  geographical  divisions,  without  any  relation  to  the  true  aftilia- 
tion  of  tlie  difi'orent  races.  Thus  all  the  inhabitants  of  Gaul  are  called 
Celts  by  most  of  the  ancient  writers ;  yet  Gaul  contained  three  totally  dis- 
tinct nations,  the  BelgcC,  the  Aquitani,  and  the  Gauls,  properly  so  called. 
Hi  omnes  lingua  institutis,  lcgibus(|uo  inter  se  diftVruut.  Cicsar.  Com.  c 
i.  It  is  thus  the  Turks  call  all  Europeans  Franks.  Schl'^zer,  Allgemeine 
Nordische  Geschichte,  p.  "289.  1771.  Bayer  (de  Origine  et  priscis  Sedibus 
Scytharum,  in  Opusc.  p.  (54)  savs.  Primus  eorum,  de  quib\is  constat, 
Ephorus,  in  quarto  historiarum  libro,  (ubem  terrarum  inter  Srytbas,  Indos, 
^thiopas  et  Ccltas  divisit.  Fragnicntum  ejus  loci  Cosmas  Indicopleustes 
in  topographia  Christiana,  f.  148,  conservavit.  Video  ij^itur  Ephorum,  cum 
locoruui  positus  per  certa  capita  distribuere  et  e.xplicare  i,«.,iistitueret, 
•nsigniorum  nomina  ijentium  vastioribus  spatiis  adhibuisse,  nulla  ntala 
fraiuis  at  mujcc.ssu  iiifKlicd.  Nam  Ephoro  ([uoquomodo  dicta  pro  exploratis 
habebant  Gncci  plcrique  et  liomani :  ita  gliscebat  error  posteritate.  Igitur 
tot  tainque  divorsip  stirpis  gimtes  non  inodo  intra  communeui  qiiandam 
regioneni  a(!Hiiit;e,  unum  omnes  Scytharvim  nomen  his  auctoribus  subierunt, 
sed  etiam  ab  ilia  rtgioiiis  adpellationc  in  enndcm  nationevi  sunt  conflatJD. 
Sic  Cimmoriorum  res  cum  Scythicis,  Scytharum  cum  Sarmaticis,  Hudsicia, 
Uunnicis,  Tataricis  (rommiscentur.  --G. 


250  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL, 

Rome,  will  occupy  a  much  more  important  place  in  this  his- 
tory, and  possess  a  stronger,  and,  if  we  may  use  tiie  expres- 
sion, a  more  domestic,  claim  to  our  attention  and  regard.  The 
most  civilized  nations  of  modern  Europe  issued  from  the 
woods  of  Germany ;  and  in  the  rude  institutions  of  those 
barbarians  we  may  still  distinguish  the  original  principles  of 
our  present  laws  and  manners.  In  their  primitive  state  of 
simplicity  and  '.ndependence,  the  Germans  were  surveyed  by 
the  discerning  eye,  and  delineated  by  the  masterly  pencil,  of 
TacitMS,*  the  first  of  historians  who  applied  the  science  of 
philosophy  to  the  study  of  facts.  The  expressive  conciseness 
of  his  descriptions  has  served  to  exercise  the  diligence  of  in- 
numerable antiquarians,  and  to  excite  the  genius  and  pene- 
tration of  the  philosophic  historians  of  our  own  times.  The 
subject,  however  various  and  important,  has  already  been  so 
frequently,  so  ably,  and  so  successfully  discussed,  that  it  is 
now  grown  familiar  to  the  reader,  and  difficult  to  the  writer. 
We  shall  therefore  content  ourselves  with  observing,  and 
indeed  with  repeating,  some  of  the  most  important  circum- 
stances of  climate,  of  manners,  and  of  institutions,  which 
rendered  the  wild  barbarians  of  Germany  such  formidable 
enemies  to  the  Roman  power. 

Ancient  Germany,  excluding  from  its  independent  limits 
the  province  westward  of  the  Rhine,  which  had  submitted  to 
the  Roman  yoke,  extended  itself  over  a  third  part  of  Europe. t 


*  The  Germania  of  Tacitus  has  been  a  fruitful  source  of  tij'pothesis  to 
the  ingenuity  of  modern  writers,  who  have  endeavored  to  account  for  the 
form  of  the  work  and  the  views  of  the  author.  According  to  Luden, 
(Gescliichte  des  T.  V.  i.  4.32,  and  note,)  it  contains  the  unfinished  and  dis- 
arranged collectanea  for  a  larger  work.  An  anoaymous  writer  s;ipposed 
by  Luden  to  l)e  M.  Becker,  conceives  that  it  was  intended  as  an  ei)isode  in 
his  larger  h'story.  According  to  M.  Guizot,  "  Tacite  a  peint  les  (iermaina 
comnie  Mont  ligne  et  Rousseau  les  saiivages,  dans  un  ace  s  d'huiueur  con- 
tre  sii  patrie  :  son  livre  est  une  satire  "icA  uia^urs  Roniaincs,  reltuiucnte 
bouta'le  d'  unpatrioto  phiiosopne  ()ui  veut  voir  la  vertu  1 1,  oii  il  ne  rencont-c 
pas  la  mollesse  honteuse  et  la  d«"]iravatioi\  savante  d'une  vielle  socii'ie  ' 
Ilist.  de  la  Civilisatiou  Moderne,  i.  2")8.  —  M. 

+  (Jenuany  was  not  of  such  vast  extent.  It  is  from  Caesar,  and  more 
particularly  tVuni  Pt;jlemy,  (says  (iatterer,)  that  we  can  know  wliat  was  the 
gtate  of  ancit-nt  Germany  before  the  wars  witli  the  Romans  had  changed 
*he  positions  of  the  tiibes.  Germany,  as  changed  by  these  wars,  has  becu 
described  l)y  Strabo,  Pliny,  and  Tacitus.  Germany,  jjroperly  so  called, 
was  bounded  on  the  west  by  the  Rhine,  on  the  east  by  tbe  Vistula,  on  the 
north  by  the  southern  point  of  Norway,  by  Sweden,  and  Ksthonia.  On 
the  south,  the  Maine  and  the  mountains  to  the  north  of  l>')heiTiia  formed 
the  limits.  I'.efore  the  time  of  Ca-sar,  the  country  between  the  Maine  and 
the  Danube  was  p  irtly  occupied  by  the  Helvetians  and  other  Ga\ils  jiartly 
^^V•  the  llercyniai     orest ;   but,  from  the  time  ..f  C;esar  to  the  great    migra- 


OF    THE    R3MAN    EMPIRE.  251 

Almost  the  whole  of  modern  Germany,  Denmark  Norway. 
Sweden,  Finland,  Livonia,  Prussia,  and  the  greater  part  of 
Poland,   were    peopled    by  tlie  various    tribes    of  one    great 

tion,  these  boundaries  were  advanced  as  far  as  the  Danube,  or,  what  is  the 
same  thing,  to  the  .Suabiaii  Alps,  altliough  the  Hcrcynian  forest  still  occu 
pied,  from  north  to  south,  a  space  of  nine  days'  journey  on  both  banks  of  thf 
Danube.  "  Gatterer,  Versuch  einer  all-genieinen  \Velt-Gesehiuhte,"  p. 
424,  edit,  de  17l'2.  This  vast  country  was  far  from  being  inhabited  by  a 
single  nation  divided  into  diticrent  tribes  of  the  same  origin.  We  may 
reckon  three  principal  races,  very  distinct  in  their  language,  tlieir  origin, 
and  their  customs.  1.  To  the  east,  the  Slaves  or  Vandals.  2.  To  the 
west,  tlie  Cimmerians  or  Cimbri.  :i.  lietween  the  Slaves  and  Cimbrians, 
tlu"  Germans,  properly  so  called,  the  Suevi  of  Tacitus.  The  South  was 
inhabited,  before  Juhus  Ca;sar,  by  nuticins  of  Gaulish  origin,  afterwards  by 
the  Suevi.  —  G.  On  the  position  of  these  nations,  the  German  antiquaries 
differ.  I.  The  Slaves,  or  Sclavonians,  or  Wcndish  tribes,  according  to 
SchlOzer,  were  originally  settled  in  parts  of  Germany  unknown  to  the 
Romans,  Mccklenburgh,  Pomerania,  Hrandenburgh,  Upper  Saxony,  and 
Lusatia.  According  to  Gatterer,  they  remained  to  the  east  of  the  Theiss, 
the  Niemen,  and  the  Vistula,  till  the  third  century.  The  Slaves,  accord- 
ing to  Procopius  and  Jornandes,  formed  tliree  great  divisions.  1.  The 
Venedi  or  Vandals,  who  took  the  latter  name,  (the  Wenden,)  having 
expelled  the  Vandals,  properly  so  called,  (a  Suevian  race,  the  conquerors 
of  Africa,)  from  the  country  between  the  Meniel  and  the  Vistula.  2.  The 
Antes,  who  inhabited  between  the  Dneister  and  the  Dnieper.  3.  The  Scla- 
vonians, properly  so  called,  in  the  north  of  Dacia.  During  the  great 
migration,  these  races  advanced  into  Germany  as  far  as  the  Saal  and  the 
Elbe.  The  Sclavonian  language  is  the  stem  from  which  have  issued  the 
Kussian,  the  Polish,  the  Bohemian,  and  the  dialects  of  Lusatia,  of  some 
parts  of  the  ducliy  of  Luncburgh,  of  Carniola,  Carinthia,  and  Styria, 
&.C. ;  those  of  Croatia,  Bosnia,  and  Bulgaria.  ScblOzer,  Nordische  Ge- 
schichte,  p.  323,  335.  II.  The  Cimbric  race.  Adelung  calls  by  this  name 
all  who  were  not  Suevi.  This  race  had  passed  tlie  Kliine,  before  the  time 
of  Caisar  occupied  Belgium,  and  are  the  Belgic  of  Ca;sar  and  Pliny.  The 
Cimbrians  also  occupied  the  Isle  of  Jutland.  The  Cymri  of  Wales  and  of 
Britain  are  of  this  race.  Many  tribes  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Khine,  the 
Guthini  in  Jutland,  the  Usipeti  in  Wc^stphalia,  the  Sigambri  in  the  duchy 
of  Berg,  were  German  Cimbrians.  III.  The  Suevi,  known  in  very  early 
times  by  tlie  Romans,  for  they  are  mentioned  by  L.  Corn.  Sisenna,  who 
lived  123  years  liefore  Christ,  (Nonius  v.  Laucea.)  This  race,  the  real  Ger- 
mans, extended  to  the  Vistula,  and  from  the  Baltic  to  the  Hcrcynian 
forest.  The  name  of  Suevi  was  sometimes  confined  to  a  single  tribe,  as  by 
Caesar  to  the  Catti.  The  name  of  the  Suevi  has  been  preserved  in 
Suabia. 

These  three  were  the  principal  races  which  inhabited  Germany  ;  they 
moved  from  east  to  west,  and  are  the  ])arent  stem  of  the  modern  natives. 
But  northern  Europe,  according  to  Schldzer,  was  not  peopled  by  them 
alone;  other  races,  of  different  origin,  and  speaking  dill'erent  languages, 
have  inhabited  and  left  descendants  in  these  coiiiitiies. 

The  German  tribes  called  themselves,  from  very  remote  times,  by  the 
generic  name  of  Teutons,  (Teuteii,  Deutschen,)  which  Tacitus  derives  from 
that  of  one  of  their  gods,  Tuisco.  It  appears  more  probable  that  it  means 
merely  men,  jieoplc.  Many  savage  nations  have  given  themselves  no  other 
name.  Thus  the  Laplanders  call  themselves  Aiinag,  people  ;  the  Samoi- 
edes  Xilletz,  Nissetseh,  men,  &c.  As  to  the  name  of  Germans,  (Germaui,) 
faesar  found  it  i'l  use  in  Gaul,  and  adopted  it  as  a  word  already  known  to 
tbe  Romans.     Minv  of  the  learned  (from  a  passage  ot  'lacitus,  le  Mor. 


252  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

nation,  whose  complexion,  manners,  and  language  denoted  a 
common  origin,  and  preserved  a  striking  resemblance.  On 
the  west,  ancient  Germany  was  divided  by  the  Rhine  frora 
the  Gallic,  and  on  the  south,  by  the  Danube,  from  the  Illyrian, 
provinces  of  the  empire.  A  ridge  of  hills,  rising  from  the 
Danube,  and  called  the  Carpathian  Mountains,  covered  Ger 
many  on  the  side  of  Dacia  or  Hungary.  The  eastern  frontier 
was  faintly  marked  by  the  mutual  fears  of  the  Germans  and 
the  Sarmatians,  and  was  often  confounded  by  the  mixture  of 
warring  and  confederating  tribes  of  the  two  nations.  In  tlie 
remote  darkness  of  the  north,  the  ancients  imperfectly  descried 
a  frozen  ocean  that  lay  beyond  the  Bahic  Sea,  and  beyond 
the  Peninsula,  or  islands'  of  Scandinavia. 

Some  ingenious  writers^  have  suspected  that  Europe  was 
much  colder  formerly  than  it  is  at  present ;  and  the  most 
ancient  descriptions  of  the  climate  of  Germany  tend  exceed- 
ingly to  confirm  their  theory.  The  general  complaints  of 
intense  frost  and  eternal  winter,  are  perhaps  little  to  be  re- 
garded, since  we  have  no  method  of  reducing  to  the  accurate 
standard  of  the  thermometer,  the  feelings,  or  the  expressions, 
of  an  orator  born  in  the  happier  regions  of  Greece  or  Asia. 
But  I  shall  select  two  remarkable  circumstances  of  a  less 
equivocal   nature.       1.  The   great  rivers   which  covered   the 

'  The  modern  philosophers  of  Sweden  scorn  agreed  that  the  waters 
of  the  Baltic  gradually  sink  in  a  regular  jjrojjortion,  which  they  have 
ventured  to  estimate  at  half  an  inch  every  year.  Twenty  centuries 
ago  the  tlat  country  of  Scandinavia  must  have  been  covered  by  the 
Bea ;  vvnile  the  high  lands  rose  above  the  waters,  as  so,  many  islands 
of  various  forms  and  dimensions.  Such,  indeed,  is  the  notion  given 
us  by  Mela,  Pliny,  and  Tacitus,  of  the  vast  countries  round  the  Baltic. 
See  in  the  Bibliotheciue  Raisonnoe,  tom.  xl.  and  xlv.  a  large  abstract 
of  Dalin's  History  of  Sweden,  composed  in  the  Swedish  language.* 

^  In  ]:)articular,  Mr.  Hume,  the  Abbe  du  Bos,  and  M.  Pellouticr, 
Hist,  des  Celtes,  tom.  i. 

Germ.  c.  2)  have  supposed  thnt  it  was  only  applied  to  the  Teutons  after 
Caesar's  time ;  but  Adehiiig  lias  triumphantly  refuted  this  opinion.  The 
name  of  Germans  is  found  in  th(>  t'listi  Capitohni.  Sec  Grutcr,  Inserip. 
28)9,  in  whicli  the  consul  Marcellus,  in  the  year  of  Rome  o;il,  is  said  to 
have  defeated  the  Gauls,  the  Insubrians,  and  the  Gortnans,  commanded  by 
Virdoinai  See  Adelung,  Aclt.  Geschichte  dcr  Deutsch,  p.  102. — Com 
pressed  fi  -nn  G. 

*  Modern  geologists  have  rejected  this  theory  of  the  depression  of  the 
Baltic,  as  inconsistent  with  recent  observation.  The  considerable  change* 
wnich  have  taken  place  on  its  shores,  Mr.  Lycll,  frcun  actual  observatioH 
now  decidedly  attributes  to  the  regular  and  uniform  elevation  ef  thr  laud, 
—  Lyjll's  Geology,  b.  ii.  c.  17-  —  M. 


OF    THE    KOMAN    EMPIRE.      •  253 

Roman  provinces,  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube,  were  frequently 
frozen  over,  and  capable  of  supporting  the  most  enormous 
weights.  The  barbarians,  who  often  chose  that  severe  season 
for  their  inroads,  transported,  without  apprehension  or  danger, 
their  numerous  armies,  their  cavalry,  and  their  heavy  wagons, 
over  a  vast  and  solid  bridge  of  ice.-^  Modern  ages  have  not 
presented  an  instance  of  a  like  phenomenon  2.  The  rein- 
deer, that  useful  animal,  from  whom  the  savage  of  the  North 
derives  the  best  comforts  of  his  dreary  life,  is  of  a  constitution 
that  supports,  and  even  requires,  the  most  intense  cold.  He 
is  found  on  the  rock  of  Spitzberg,  within  ten  degrees  of  the 
Pole  ;  he  seems  to  delight  in  the  snows  of  Lapland  and  Siberia  : 
but  at  present  he  cannot  subsist,  much  less  multiply,  in  any- 
country  to  the  south  of  the  Baltic."*  In  the  time  of  C;esar  the 
reindeer,  as  well  as  the  elk  and  the  wild  bull,  was  a  native 
of  the  Hercynian  forest,  which  then  overshadowed  a  great 
part  of  Germany  and  Poland.^     The  modern  improvements 

'  Diodorus  Siculus,  1.  v.  p.  340,  edit.  Wessel.  Herodian,  1.  vi. 
p.  221.  Jornandes,  c.  55.  On  the  baiiku  of  the  Danube,  the  wine^ 
when  brought  to  table,  was  frequently  frozen  uUo  great  Invayis,  frusta 
vini.  Ovid.  Epist.  ex  Ponto,  1.  iv.  7,  9,  10.  Virgil.  Georgic.  1.  i.j. 
355.  The  fact  is  contirmcd  by  a  soldier  and  a  philosopher,  who  had 
experienced  the  intense  cold  of  Thrace.  See  Xenophon,  Anabasis,  1. 
vii.  p.  5()0,  edit.  Hutchinson.* 

*  Butlbn,  llistoire  Naturelle,  torn.  xii.  p.  79,  116. 

*  Cicsar  de  Bell.  GalUc.  vi.  23,  &c.  The  most  inquisitive  of  the 
Germans  were  ignorant  of  its  utmost  limits,  although  some  ot  mem 
had  travelled  in  it  more  than  sixty  days'  journey.t 


*  The  Danube  is  constantly  frozen  over.  At  Pesth  the  bridge  is  usuallj 
taken  up,  and  the  traftic  and  coiniuuiiication  between  the  two  banks  carried 
en  over  the  ice.  The  Rhine  is  likewise  in  many  parts  passable  at  least  two 
years  out  of  five.  Winter  campaigns  are  so  unusual,  in  modern  warfare, 
that  I  recollect  but  one  instance  of  an  ar/iij/  crossing  either  river  on  the 
ice.  In  the  thirty  years'  war,  (1035,)  Jan  van  Wcrth,  an  Imperialist  par 
tisan.  crossed  the'  Rhine  from  Heidelberg  on  the  ice  with  oOUO  men,  and 
surprised  Spiers.  Pichegru's  memorable  cam])aign,  (1794—5,)  wlien  the 
freezing  of  the  Meuse  and  Waal  opened  Holland  to  his  coiuiuests,  and  his 
cavalry  and  artillery  attacked  the  sliips  frozen  in,  on  the  Zuyder  Zee,  was 
in  a  winter  of  unprecedented  severity. —  M.  1845. 

t  The  passage  of  Cffisar,  "  pavvis  renomim  tegumentis  utuntiir,''  is 
obscure,  observes  Ludcn,  (Geschichte  des  Teutschen  Volkcs,)  and  insuffi- 
cient to  prove  the  reindeer  to  have  existed  in  Germany.  It  is  supported, 
nowever,  by  a  fragment  of  Sallust.  German!  Mitcctum  rhenonibus  corpus 
tCRunt.  —  M.  It  has  been  suggested  to  me  that  Cresar  (as  old  Gesncr 
supposed)  meant  the  reindeer  in  the  following  description.  Est  bos  ccrvi 
figura  cujus  a  media  fronte  inter  aures  unum  cornu  existit,  cxcelsiua 
magisque  directum  (divaricatum,  ou.  ?)  his  qmv  nobis  nota  sunt  cornibus 
Ab  ejus  summo,  sicu  palmae,  rami  quam  late  diftundnntur.  Bell.  Gallic. 
vi  26. —M.  1845. 


2r>4  "-HE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

sufficiently  explain  the  causes  of  the  diminution  of  the  cold. 
These  immense  woods  have  been  gradually  cleared,  which 
intercepted  from  the  earth  the  rays  of  the  sun.^  The  mora-^ses 
have  been  drained,  and,  in  proportion  as  the  soil  has  been 
cultivated,  the  air  has  become  more  temperate.  Canada,  at 
this  day,  is  an  eyact  picture  of  ancient  Germany.  Although 
situated  in  the  same  parallel  with  the  finest  provinces  of  France 
and  England,  that  country  experiences  the  most  rigorous  cold. 
The  reindeer  are  very  numerous,  the  ground  is  covered  with 
deep  and  lasting  snow,  and  the  great  river  of  St.  Lawrence  is 
regularly  frozen,  in  a  season  when  the  waters  of  the  Seine 
and  the  Thames  are  usually  free  from  ice.''^ 

It  is  difficult  to  ascertain,  and  easy  to  exaggerate,  the  influ- 
ence of  the  climate  of  ancient  Germany  over  the  minds  and 
bodies  of  the  natives.  Many  writers  have  supposed,  and  most 
have  allowed,  though,  as  it  should  seem,  without  any  adequate 
proof,  that  the  rigorous  cold  of  the  North  was  favorable  to 
long  life  and  generative  vigor,  that  the  women  were  more 
fruitful,  and  the  human  species  more  prolific,  than  in  warmer 
or  more  temperate  climates.^  We  may  assert,  with  greater 
confidence,  that  the  keen  air  of  Germany  formed  the  large 
and  masculine  limbs  of  the  natives,  who  were,  in  general,  of 
a  more  lofty  stature  than  the  people  of  the  South ,9  gave  them 
a  kind  of  strength  better  adapted  to  violent  exertions  than  to 
patient  labor,  and  inspired  them  with  constitutional  bravery, 
which  is  the  result  of  nerves  and  spirits.  The  severity  of  a 
winter  campaign,  that  chilled  the  courage  of  the  Roman  troops, 
was  scarcely  felt  by  these  hardy  children  of  the  North, 1°  who, 
in  their  turn,  were  unable  to  resist  the  summer  heats,  and 
dissolved  away  in  languor  and  sickness  under  the  beams  of  an 
Italian  sun.*' 

'  Cluverius  (Gerraania  Antiqua,  1.  iii.  c.  47)  investigates  tiic  small 
nd  scattered  remains  of  the  Ileroynian  wood. 
'  Charlevoix,  Ilistoire  du  Canada. 

*  Olaus  Kudbetk  asserts  that  the  Swedish  women  often  bear  ten  or 
twelve  children,  and  not  uncommonly  twenty  or  thirty  ;  but  the 
authority  of  lludbock  is  much  to  be  suspected. 

*  In  hos  artus,  in  ha;c  corpora,  quaj  miramur,  oxcrcscunt.  Tacit 
Gennauia,  3,  20.     Cluvcr.  1.  i.  c.  14. 

'"  Plutarch,  in  Mario.  The  Cimbri,  by  way  of  amusement,  often 
ilid  down  mountains  o^  snow  on  their  broad  shields. 

"  The  ilomans  maac  war  in  all  climates,  and  by  their  excellent 
discipline  were  in  a  great  measure  preserved  in  health  and  vigor.  It 
cay  be  ronarked,  that  man   is  the   only  animal  which   can   live  ruid 


OK    THli    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  255 

There  ia  not  any  where  jpon  the  globe  a  larijc  tract  of 
country,  which  we  have  discovered  destitute  ot'  inhabitants 
irf  whose  first  population  can  be  fixed  with  any  degree  of  liis- 
lorical  certainty.  And  yet,  as  the  most  philosophic  minds 
can  seldom  refrain  from  investigating  the  infancy  of  great 
nations,  our  curiosity  consumes  itself  in  toilsome  and  disap- 
pointed etfcrls.  When  Tacitus  considered  the  purity  of  the 
(icrman  biooa,  and  the  forbidding  aspect  of  the  country,  he 
was  disposed  to  pronounce  those  barbarians  Indigence,  or 
natives  of  the  soil.  We  may  allow  with  safety,  and  perhaps 
with  truth,  that  ancient  Germany  was  not  originally  peopled 
by  any  foreign  colonies  already  formed  into  a  political  soci- 
ety ;  1-  but  that  the  name  and  nation  received  their  existence 
from  the  gradual  union  of  some  wandering  savages  of  the 
llercynian  woods.  To  assert  those  savages  to  have  been  the 
spontaneous  production  of  the  earth  which  they  inhabited 
would  be  a  rash  inference,  condemned  by  religion,  and  un- 
warranted by  reason. 

Such  rational  doubt  is  but  ill  suited  with  the  genius  of  pop- 
ular vanity.  Among  the  nations  who  have  adopted  the  Mo- 
saic history  of  the  world,  the  ark  of  JNoah  has  been  of  the 
same  use,  as  was  formerly  to  the  Greeks  and  Romans  the 
siege  of  Troy.  On  a  narrow  basis  of  acknowledged  truth, 
an  immense  but  rude  superstructure  of  fable  has  been  erected  ; 


multiply  in  every  country  from  the  equator  to  the  poles.     The  hog" 
Booms  to  approach  the  nearest  to  our  species  in  that  privilege. 

''•^  Facit.  Germ.  c.  3.  The  emigration  of  the  Gauls  followorl  the 
course  of  the  Daii\ft)o,  and  discharged  itself  on  Grcooo  and  Asia, 
I'aoitus  couUl  discover  only  oire  inconsiderable  tribe  that  retained  any 
traces  of  a  Gallic  origin.* 


*  The  Gothini,  who  must  not  be  confounded  with  the  Gothi,  a  lSaPvi:in 
tiihe.  In  the  time  of  Caesar  many  other  tribes  of  Gaulish  oriuiiu  dwelt 
ahmg  the  course  of  the  Danube,  who  could  not  long  resist  the  attacks  of 
the  Suevi.  The  Hel\ictians,  who  dwelt  on  the  l)ordcrs  of  the  Black  Forest, 
between  the  Maine  and  the  Danube,  had  been  expelled  long  before  the 
time  of  Caesar.  He  mentions  also  the  Volci  Tectosagi,  who  came  from 
Languedoc,  and  settled  round  the  Black  Forest.  Tlie  Boii,  who  had  pen- 
etrated into  that  forest,  and  also  have  left  traces  of  their  name  in  Bohemia, 
were  subdued  in  the  first  century  l)y  the  Marcomaiiiii.  Tlie  Boii  settb  d  in 
Noricum,  were  mingled  afterwards  with  the  Lombards,  and  received  the 
name  of  Boio  Aril  (Bavaria)  or  Boiovarii:  var,  in  some  German  dialects. 
i\  i)e;i''M!tr  t'l  iiKan  rc'ia'Ti^.  di"ipend.nits.  Compare  Malte  Bruu,  Geogra 
pa),  vol.  i.  !'.  4)0.  ed.l.  l;>-ii.  —  M. 


256  111E    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

and  tne  wnd  Irisl.man,^^  as  well  as  the  wilJ  Tartar,!^  could 
point  out  the  individual  son  of  Japhet,  from  whose  loins  his 
ancestors  were  lineally  descended.  The  last  century  abound- 
ed with  antiquarians  of  profound  learning  and  easy  faith, 
who,  by  the  dim  light  of  legends  and  traditions,  of  conjec- 
tures and  etymologies,  conducted  the  great  grandchildrea 
of  Noah  from  the  Tower  of  Babel  to  the  extremities  of  the 
globe.  Of  these  judicious  critics,  one  of  the  most  enter- 
taining was  Oaus  Rudbeck,  professor  in  the  university  of 
Upsal.15  Whatever  is  celebrated  either  in  history  or  fable, 
this  zealous  patriot  ascribes  to  his  country.  From  Sweden 
which  formed  so  considerable  a  part  of  ancient  Germany) 
the  Greeks  themselves  derived  their  alphabetical  charac- 
ters, their  -astronomy,  and  their  religion.  Of  that  delightful 
region  (for  such  it  appeared  to  the  eyes  of  a  native)  the  At- 
lantis of  Plato,  the  country  of  the  Hyperboreans,  the  gardens 
of  the  Hesperides,  the  Fortunate  Islands,  and  even  the 
Elysian  Fields,  were  all  but  faint  and  imperfect  transcripts, 
A  clime  so  profusely  favored  by  Nature  could  not  long  re- 
main desert  after  the  flood.  The  learned  Rudbeck  allows  the 
family  of  Noah  a  few  years  to  multiply  from  eight  to  about 
twenty  thousand  persons.  He  then  disperses  them  into  small 
colonies  to  replenish  the  earth,  and  to  propagate  the  human 
species.  The  German  or  Swedish  detachment  (which 
marched,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  under  the  command  of  Aske- 
naz,  the  son  of  Gomer,  the  son  of  Japhet)  distinguished  itself 
by  a  more  than  common  diligence  in  *he  prosecution  of  this 
great  work.     The    northern    hive    cast  "ts  swarms    over  the 


'3  According  to  Dr.  Keating,  (History  of  IreLand,  p.  13,  14,)  tho 
giant  Partholanus,  who  was  the  son  of  Scara,  the  son  of  Esra.  the  son 
of  Sru,  the  son  of  Framant,  the  son  of  Fathaclan,  the  son  of  Magog, 
the  son  of  Je])het,  the  son  of  Noah,  landed  on  tlie  coast  of  Munstcr,  the 
11  th  day  of  May,  in  the  year  of  the  world  one  thousand  nine  hundred 
and  seventy-eight.  Though  he  succeeded  in  his  great  enterprise,  the 
loose  behavior  of  his  wife  rendered  his  domestic  life  very  unhappy,  and 
provoked  him  to  sucli  a  degree,  that  he  kiUed  —  her  favorite  greyhound. 
This,  as  the  learned  historian  very  properly  observes,  was  the  first 
instance  of  female  falsehood  and  intidelity  ever  known  in  Ireland. 

"  Genealogical  History  of  the  Tartars,  by  Abulghazi  Bahadui 
Khan. 

'^  Hir.  work,  entitled  j^.tlantica,  is  uncommonly  scarce.  Bnyk  nas 
given  two  most  curious  extracts  from  it.  UepublLiue  det  Lpttrca 
Janvj'3i  et  Fevrier,  1685. 


OF    THE    ROMA.>I    EMPIRE.  Z 

greatest  part  of  Europe,  Africa,  and  Asia  ;  and  (to  use  the 
author's  metaplior)  the  blood  circulated  from  the  extremities 
to  the  heart. 

But  all  this  well-labored  system  of  German  antiquities  is 
annihilated  by  a  single  fact,  too  well  attested  to  admit  of  any 
doubt,  and  of  too  decisive  a  nature  to  leave  ro(jm  for  any 
reply.  The  Germans,  in  the  age  of  Tacitus,  were  unac- 
quainted with  the  use  of  letters ;  ^^  and  the  use  of  letters  is  the 
principal  circumstance  that  distinguishes  a  civilized  people 
from  a  herd  of  savages  incapable  of  knowledge  or  reflection. 
Without  that  artificial  help,  the  human  memory  soon  dissipates 
or  corrupts  the  ideas  intrusted  to  her  charge  ;  and  the  nobler 
faculties  of  the  mind,  no  longer  supplied  with  models  or  with 
materials,  gradually  forget  their  powers  ;  the  judgment  be- 
comes feeble  and -lethargic,  the  imagination  lancuid  or  irregu- 
lar. Fully  to  apprehend  this  important  truth,  let  us  attempt, 
in   an   improved  society,  to  calculate   the  immense  distance 


'®  Tacit.  Germ.  ii.  19.  Literarum  secreta  viri  pariter  ac  foeminap. 
ignorant.  We  may  rest  contented  with  this  decisive  authority,  with- 
out entering  into  the  obscure  disputes  concerning  the  antiqui.ty  of  tho 
Runic  characters.  The  learned  Celsius,  a  Swedet  a  schohir,  and  a 
philosopher,  was  of  opinion,  that  they  were  nothing  more  than  the 
Koman  letters,  with  the  curves  changed  into  straight  lines  for  tlie 
ease  of  engraving.  Sec  Pelloutier,  Ilistoire  des  Celtes,  1.  ii.  c.  11. 
Dictionnairc  Diplomatique,  tom.  i.  p.  223.  Wc  may  add,  that  the 
oldest  Runic  inscriptions  are  supposed  to  be  of  the  third  century, 
and  the  most  ancient  writer  who  mentions  the  Runic  characters  is 
Venantius  Fortunatus,  (Carm.  vii.  10,)  who  lived  towards  the  end  of 
the  sixth  century. 

Barbara  fraxineis  pingatur  Ruha  tabellis.* 


*  The  obscure  subject  of  the  Runic  characters  has  exercised  the  indus- 
try and  ingenuity  of  tlie  modern  schohirs  of  tho  north.  There  are  three 
distinct  theories  ;  one,  maintained  by  SchlOzer,  (Nordische  Geschiclite, 
p.  481,  &c.,)  who  considers  their  sixteen  letters  to  be  a  corruption  of  the 
llonwin  a!j>habct,  post-Christian  in  their  dale,  and  Schlozer  would  attribute 
their  introduction  into  the  north  to  the  Alemanni.  The  second,  that  of 
Frederick  Schlegel,  (Vorlesur.gen  fiber  alte  und  ncue  Litcratur,)  supposes 
that  these  characters  were  left  on  the  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean  and 
Northern  Seas  by  the  I'liocnicians,  preserved  by  the  priestly  castes,  and 
employed  for  purposes  of  magic.  Their  common  origin  from  the  rhooni- 
cian  would  account  for  their  similarity  to  the  Roman  letters.  The  last,  to 
which  we  incline,  claims  a  much  higiier  and  mere  venerable  antiquity  for 
the  Runic,  and  supposes  them  to  have  been  the  original  characters  of  tho 
In  Jo-Teutonic  tribes,  brought  from  the  Fast,  and  preserved  among  the 
dit'erent  race-;  of  that  stock.  See  Ueber  Deutsche  Runen  von  W.  C  Grimm, 
1821,  A  Memoir  by  Dr.  Legis.  F\indgruben  des  alten  Nordens.  For^MiD 
^uartci]y  ll°view,  vol.  ix-  p.  438. — M. 

14 


258  THE    DECLHVE    AND    FAt'l. 

between  the  man  of  learning  and  the  illiterate  (jeasant.  The 
former,  by  reading  and  reflection,  multiplies  his  cwn  experi* 
ence,  and  lives  in  distant  ages  and  remote  countries  ;  whilst 
the  latter,  roote-d  to  a  single  spot,  and  confined  to  a  few  years 
of  existen:;e,  surpasses  but  very  little  his  fellow- la  borer,  the 
ox,  in  the  exercise  of  liis  mental  faculties.  The  same,  and 
even  a  greater,  diiference  will  be  found  between  nations  than 
between  individuals ;  and  we  may  safely  pronounce,  that 
without  some  species  of  writing,  no  people  has  ever  preserved 
the  faithful  annals  of  their  history,  ever  made  any  considerable 
progress  in  the  abstract  sciences,  or  ever  possessed,  in  an\ 
tolerable  degree  of  perfection,  the  useful  and  agreeable  arts 
of  life. 

Of  these  arts,  the  ancient  Germans  were  wretchedly  des- 
titute. They  passed  their  lives  in  a  stat^  of  ignorance  and 
poverty,  which  it  has  pleased  some  declaimers  to  d.gnify  with 
the  appellation  of  virtuous  simplicity.*  Modern  Germany  ia 
said  to  contain  about  two  thousand  three  hundred  walled 
towns.^^  In  a  much  wider  extent  of  country,  the  geographer 
Ptolemy  couid  discover  no  more  than  ninety  places  which  he 
decorates  with  the  name  of  cities  ;  '^  though,  according  to  our 
ideas,  they  would  but  ill  deserve  that  splendid  title.  We  can 
only  suppose  them  to  have  been  rude  fortifications,  constructed 
in  the  centre  of  the  woods,  and  designed  to  secure  the  women, 
children,  and  cattle,  whilst  the  warriors  of  the  tribe  marched 
out  to  repel  a  sudden  invasion.'^  But  Tacitus  asserts,  as  a 
•well-known  fact,  that  the  Germans,  in  his  time,  had  no  cities  ;2'' 
and  that  they  affected  to  despise  the  works  of  Roman  industry. 


'^  Rccherches  Philosophiquos  sur  les  Amcricains,  torn.  iii.  p.  228. 
The  author  of  that  very  curious  work  is,  11"  I  am  not  misinformed,  a 
German  by  birth.     [De  Pauw.] 

"*  The  Alexandrian  Geographer  is  often  criticized  by  the  accurate 
Cluverius. 

'^  See  Cjesar,  and  the  learned  Mr.  Whitaker  in  his  Hi£tory  of 
Manchester,  vol.  i. 

^  Tacit.  Genn.  15. 


*  Luden  (the  author  of  the  Geschichte  des  Teutschen  Volkes)  has  sur- 
passed most  writers  in  his  p;»triotic  enthusiasm  for  the  virtues  and  noble 
manners  of  his  ancestors.  Even  the  cold  of  the  cliniiitc,  and  ttie  w;int  of 
vines  and  fruit  trees,  as  well  as  the  barbarism  of  the  inhaliitaiils,  are 
calumnies  of  the  luxurious  Italians.  M.  Gui/.ot,  on  the  other  si(h',  (in  hii" 
Histoire  de  la  Civilisation,  vol.  i.  p.  272,  ^c.,)  has  drawn  a  curious  p4r;*llp^' 
•etive'jto  the  Germans  of  Tacitus  and  the  North  Aniorican  Indians.  •    W 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  25 J 

as  places  of  confinement  rather  than  of  sccuritj  Their 

odilices  were  not  even  contiguous,  or  formed  into  regular 
villas;  22  each  barbarian  fixed  his  independent  dwelling  on  the 
spot  to  which  a  plain,  a  wood,  or  a  stream  of  fresh  water,  had 
induced  him  to  give  the  preference.  Neither  stone,  nor  brick 
nor  tiles,  were  employed  in  these  slight  habitations.^^  They 
were  indeed  no  more  than  low  huts,  of  a  circular  figure,  buill 
of  rough  timber,  thatched  with  straw,  and  pierced  at  the  top  to 
leave  a  fr^e  passage  for  the  smoke.  In  the  most  inclement 
winter,  the  hardy  German  was  satisfied  with  a  scanty  garment 
made  of  the  skin  of  some  animal.  The  nations  who  dwelt 
towards  the  North  clothed  themselves  in  furs  ;  and  the  women 
manufactured  for  their  own  use  a  coarse  kind  of  linen.-"'  The 
game  of  various  sorts,  with  which  the  forests  of  Germany 
were  plentifully  stocked,  supplied  its  inhabitants  with  food  and 
exercise.25  Their  monstrous  herds  of  cattle,  less  remarkablo 
indeed  for  their  beauty  than  for  their  utility ,'-'5  formed  the 
principal  object  of  their  wealth.  A  small  quantity  of  corn  was 
the  only  produce  exacted  from  the  earth  :  the  use  of  orchards 
or  artificial  meadows  was  unknown  to  the  Germans  ;  nor  can 
we  expect  any  improvements  in  agriculture  from  a  people, 
whose  proj)erty  every  year  experienced  a  general  change  by 
a  new  division  of  the  arable  lands,  and  who,  in  that  strange 
operation,  avoided  disputes,  by  sulTering  a  great  part  of  theu 
territory  to  lie  waste  and  without  tillage.^^ 

Gold,  silver,  and  iron,  were  extremely  scarce  in  Germany. 
Its  barbarous  inhabitants  wanted  both  skill  and  patience  to 
investigate  those  rich  veins  of  silver,  which  have  so  liberally 
rewarded  the  attention  of  the  princes  of  Brunswick  and  Sax- 
ony.    Sweden,  which   now  supplies   Europe   with    iron,  was 

*'  When  the  Germans  commanded  the  Ubii  of  Cologne  to  cast  off 
the  Roman  yoke,  and  with  their  new  freedom  to  resume  their  ancient 
manners,  they  insisted  on  the  immediate  demoUtion  of  the  walls  of 
the  colony.  '•  Fostulainus  a  vobis,  muros  coloniic,  munimenta  servi- 
tii,  detrahatis ;  etiam  fera  animalia,  ai  clausa  tencas,  virtutia  oblivis- 
cuntur."     Tacit.  Hist.  iv.  64. 

"  The  stranrgling  villages  of  Silesia  are  several  miles  in  length. 
See  Cluver.  l.^i.  c.  13. 

^  One  hundred  and  forty  years  after  Tacitus,  a  few  more  regulai 
rtructures  were  erected  near  the  llhine  and  Danube,  llcrodiaa,  I 
vi:.  p.  234. 

**  Tacit.  Germ.  17. 

*'  Tacit.  Germ.  o. 

w  Ca^ai  de  Bell.  Gall.  vi.  21. 

»■  Tacit.  Germ   26      CiEsar,  vi.  2i. 


260  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

equull}  ignorant  of  its  own  riches;  and  the  appearance  of  tha 
arms  of  the  Germans  furnished  a  sufficient  proof  how  little 
-ron  they  were  able  to  bestow  on  what  they  must  have  deen.ed 
the  noblest  use  of  that  metal.  The  various  transactions  of 
peace  and  war  had  introduced  some  Roman  coins  (chieflj 
silver)  among  the  borderers  of  the  Rhine  and  Danube ;  hu 
the  more  distant  tribes  were  absolutely  unacquainted  with  the 
use  of  money,  carried  on  their  confined  traffic  by  the  exchange 
of  commodities,  and  prized  their  rude  earthen  vessels  as  of 
equal  value  with  the  silver  vases,  the  presents  of  Rome  to 
their  princes  and  ambassadors.^^  To  a  mind  capable  of 
reflection,  such  leading  facts  convey  more  instruction,  than  a 
tedious  detail  of  subordi-nate  circumstances.  The  value  of 
money  has  been  settled  by  general  consent  to  e.xpress  our 
wants  and  our  property,  as  letters  were  invented  to  express 
our  ideas  ;  and  both  these  institutions,  by  giving  a  more  active 
energy  to  the  powers  and  passions  of  human  nature,  have  con- 
tributed to  multiply  the  objects  they  were  designed  to  repre- 
sent. The  use  of  gold  and  silver  is  in  a  great  measure 
factitious  ;  but  it  would  be  impossible  to  enumerate  the  im- 
portant and  various  services  which  agriculture,  and  all  the  arts, 
have  received  from  iron,  when  tempered  and  fashioned  by  the 
operation  of  fire,  and  the  dexterous  hand  of  man.  Money,  in 
a  word,  is  the  most  universal  incitement,  iron  the  most  pow- 
erful instrument,  of  human  industry ;  and  it  is  very  difficult 
to  conceive  by  what  means  a  people,  neither  actuated  by  the 
one,  nor  seconded  by  the  other,  could  emerge  from  the  gross- 
est barbarism.23 

If  we  contemplate  a  savage  nation  in  any  part  of  the  globe, 
ft  supine  indolence  and  a  carelessness  of  futurity  will  be  found 
to  constitute  their  general  character.  In  a  civilized  state, 
every  faculty  of  man  is  expanded  and  exercised ;  and  the 
great  chain  of  mutual  dependence  connects  and  embraces  the 
several  members  of  society.  The  most  numerous  portion  of 
it  is  employed  in  constant  and  useful  labor.  The  select  few, 
placed  by  fortune  above  that  necessity,  can,  however,  fill  up 
their  time  by  the  pursuits  of  interest  or  glory,  by  the  improve- 
ment of  then-  estate  or  of  their  understanding,  by  the  duties, 

"f*  Taoit.  Germ.  R. 

^  It  is  said  that  the  Mexicans  and  Peruvians,  without  the  use  ol 
either  money  or  iron,  had  made  a  very  great  progress  in  tlie  arts. 
Those  arts,  and  the  monuments  they  produced,  have  bee:i  strangclj 
magnilied      See  Rccherches  sur  las  Aracricains    torn.  ii.  p   163,  &c. 


OK    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  261 

tho  pleasures,  ii.i  even  the  follies  of  social  life.  The  Ger- 
mans were  not  possessed  of  these  varied  resources.  The 
care  of  the  house  and  family,  the  management  of  the  land  and 
cattle,  weie  delegated  to  the  old  and  the  infirm,  to  women  anH 
Blaves.  The  lazy  warrior,  destitute  of  every  art  that  might 
employ  his  leisure  hours,  consumed  his  days  and  nights  in  the 
animal'  gratifications  of  sleep  and  food.  And  yet,  hy  a  wonder- 
ful diversity  of  nature,  (according  to  the  remark  of  a  writer 
\\h(j  had  pierced  into  its  darkest  recesses,)  the  same  barba- 
rians are  by  turns  the  most  indolent  and  the  most  restless  of 
mankind.  They  delight  m  sloth,  they  detest  tranquillity.^o 
The  languid  soul,  oppressed  with  its  own  weight,  anxiously 
required  some  new  and  powerful  sensation ;  and  war  and 
danorer  were  the  only  amusements  adequate  to  its  fierce  tem- 
per. The  sound  that  summoned  the  German  to  arms  was 
grateful  to  his  ear.  It  roused  him  from  his  uncomfortable 
lethargy,  gave  him  an  active  pursuit,  and,  by  strong  exercise 
of  the  body,  and  violent  emotions  of  the  mind,  restored  him  to 
a  more  lively  sense  of  his  existence.  In  the  dull  intervals  of 
peace,  these  barbarians  were  immoderately  addicted  to  deep 
gaming  and  excessive  drinking  ;  both  of  which,  by  different 
means,  the  one  by  inflaming  their  passions,  the  other  by  extin- 
guishing their  reason,  alike  relieved  them  from  the  pain  of 
thinking.  They  gloried  in  passing  whole  days  and  nights  at 
table  ;  and  the  blood  of  friends  and  relations  often  stained 
their  numerous  and  drunken  assemblies.^!  Their  debts  of 
honor  (for  in  that  liglit  they  have  transmitted  to  us  those  of 
play)  they  discharged  with  the  most  romantic  fidelity.  The 
desperate  gamester,  who  had  staked  his  person  and  liberty  on 
a  last  throw  of  the  dice,  patiently  submitted  to  the  decision  of 
fortune,  and  suffered  himself  to  be  bound,  chastised,  and  sold 
into  remote  slavery,  by  his  weaker  but  more  lucky  antagonist.^"! 
Strong  beer,  a  liquor  extracted  with  very  little  art  from 
wheat  or  barley,  and  corrupted  (as  it  is  strongly  expressed 
by  Tacitus)  into  a  certain  semblance  of  wine,  was  suflicient 
for  the  gross  purposes  of  German  debauchery.  But  those 
who  had  tasted  the  rich  wines  of  Italy,  and  afterwards  of 
Gaul,  sighed  for  that  more   delicious  species  of  into.xication 

3"  Tacit.  Germ.  15. 

^'  Tacit.  Uerm.  22,  23. 

'*  Id.  24.  The  Germans  might  borrow  the  aits  of  play  from  the 
Romana,  but  the  pasaion  is  vonderlully  inherent  in  tU«  human 
•oecies. 


262  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

Thfv  attempted  not,  however,  (as  has  since  been  executed 
with  «o  much  success.)  to  naturalize  the  vine  on  the  banks  of 
the  Rhine  and  Danube ;  nor  did  they  endeavor  to  procure  by 
'ndustry  the  materials  of  an  advantageous  commerce.  To 
solirit  by  labor  what  might  be  ravished  by  arms,  was 
esteemed  unworthy  of  the  German  spirit.^^  The  intemper- 
ate thirst  of  strong  liquors  ot'ten  urged  the  barbarians  to 
/nvade  the  provinces  on  which  art  or  nature  had  bestowed 
those  much  envied  presents.  The  Tuscan  who  betrayed  his 
country  to  the  Celtic  nations,  attracted  them  into  Italy  by  the 
prospect  of  the  rich  fruits  and  delicious  wines,  the  productions 
of  a  happier  climate. -^"^  And  in  the  same  manner  the  Ger- 
man auxiliaries,  invited  into  France  during  the  civil  wars'of 
the  sixteenth  century,  were  allured  by  the  promise  of  plen- 
teous quarters  in  the  provinces  of  Champaigne  and  Burgun- 
dy.35  Drunkenness,  the  most  illiberal,  but  not  the  most 
dangerous  of  our  vices,  was  sometimes  capable,  in  a  less 
civilized  state  of  mankind,  of  occasioning  a  battle,  a  war,  or 
a  revolution. 

The  climate  of  ancient  Germany  has  been  mollified,  and 
the  soil  fertilized,  by  the  labor  of  ten  centuries  from  the  time 
of  Charlemagne.  The  same  extent  of  ground  which  at  pres- 
ent maintains,  in  ease  and  plenty,  a  million  of  husbandmen 
and  artificers,  was  unable  to  supply  a  himdred  thousand  lazy 
warriors  with  the  simple  necessaries  of  life."*'^  The  Germans-' 
abandoned  their  immense  forests  to  the  exercise  of  hunting, 
employed  in  pasturage  the  most  considerable  part  of  their 
lands,  bestowed  on  the  small  remainder  a  rude  and  careless 
cultivation,  and  then  accused  the  scantiness  and  sterility  of  a 
country  that  refused  to  maintain  the  multitude  of  its  inhabit- 
ants. When  the  return  of  famine  severely  admonished  then^ 
of  the  importance  of  the  arts,  the  national  distress  was  some- 
tines  alleviated  by  the  emigration  of  a  third,  perhaps,  or  a 


»^  Tacit.  Germ.  14. 

3^  riutarch.  in  Camillo.    T.  I.iv.  v.  33. 

■"*  Dubo.s.  Ilist.  de  la  Monarchic  Francoisc,  torn.  i.  p.  193. 

^  The  Helvetian  nation,  which  issued  from  a  country  called  Swit- 
uerland,  contained,  of  every  age  and  sex,  368,000  jjorsons,  (Csesar  de 
Hell.  Gal.  i.  29.)  At  present,  the  number  of  people  in  the  Pays  de 
Vdud  \a.  small  district  on  the  banks  of  the  Leman  I>akc,  much  more 
distinguished  for  politeness  than  for  industry)  amounts  to  112,591. 
See  iin  excellent  tract  of  M.  Muret,  in  the  Memoires  de  la  Soci6t<';  do 
Bern. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  263 

fourth  nart  of  tl  eir  youth. ^^  The  possession  and  the  enion/- 
ni«,'nt  (f  (iroperty  are  the  pledges  which  bincJ  a  civilized 
people  to  an  improved  country.  But  the  (lermans,  who 
carried  with  them  what  they  must  valued,  their  arms,  \hcw 
cattle,  and  their  women,  cheerfully  ahandonei  the  vast  silence 
of  their  woods  for  the  unbounded  hopes  of  plunder  and  con- 
quest.  The  innumerable  swa'ins  that  issued,  or  seemed  to 
issue,  from  the  sjreat  storehouse  of  nations,  were  multiplied 
by  the  fears  of  the  VMn(iuisli('(J,  and  by  the  credulity  of  sue- 
ceedino-  ases.  And  tVnm  larls  thus  exaggerated,  an  opinion 
was  gradually  establislu  ct,  and  has  been  supported  by  writers 
of  distinguished  icputation,  that,  in  the  age  of  Ca\sar  and 
Tacitus,  the  inhabitants  of  the  North  were  far  more  numerous 
than  they  are  in  our  days.-*^  A  more  serious  inquiry  into  the 
causes  of  population  seems  to  have  convuiced  modern  philos- 
ophers of  the  falsehood,  and  indeed  the  impossibility,  of  the 
supposition.  To  the  names  of  Mariana  and  of  iMachiavel,^-' 
we  can  oppose  the  ecpial  names  of  Robertson  and  riijme.'*'* 

A  warlike  nation  like  the  ( lermans,  without  either  cities, 
letters,  arts,  or  money,  found  some  compensation  for  this  sav- 
age state  in  the  enjoyment  of  liberty.  Their  poverty  secured 
Their  freedom,  since  our  desires  and  our  possessions  are  the 
strongest  fetters  of  despotism.  "  Among  the  Suiones  (says 
Tacitus)  riches  are  held  in  honor.  Tliey  are  therefore  sub- 
ject to  an  absolute  monarch,  who,  instead  of  intrusting  nis 
^leople  with  the  free  u>e  of  arms,  as  is  practised  in  the  rest 
of  Germany,  commits  liiem  to  the  safe  custody,  not  of  a 
citizen,  or  even  of  a  freedman,  but  of  a  slave.  The  neigh- 
bors of  the  Suiones,  the  Sitones,  are  sunk  even  below 
.servitude;  they  obey  a  woman. "^'  In  the  mention  of  these 
exceptions,  the  great  iiistorian  suihciently    acknowledges   the 

•"  Paul  Diacouus,  r.  1.  1,  8.  Machiavcl,  Davila,  and  the  rest  of 
Paul'-,  lollowurs,  ruprcaciit  these  omigiatious  too  much  as  rcgulai 
Bid  fOU'iTtcd  mcasiu'cs. 

^'  Sir  William  Temph;  aii'l  Montosquiou  have  indulged,  un  this 
Buhject,  the  usu.il  I'veline.-s  ni'  their  tain  y. 

^*  Mac-hlavel,  lli-t.  di  Fircnze,  1.  i.  "Mariana,  Hist.  Ilispan.  1.  v. 
c.  1. 

*"  Robortson's  Charles  V.     Ilunio's  Political  Essays.* 

*"■  Tacit.  Gornaau.  4  t.  -to.  Fri-iadioiniiis  (who  deditatcd  his  sup- 
plement to   J.ivy  to  Clirlst  i.a  of  Sweden)    thinks   proper  to  be  very 

►  It  is  a  wise  oli''°rviitii)ii  of  Malthus,  ih  it  tlicfe  nations  "  were  noi 
pi)pid(ius  i;i  prop  irtion  t)  tlie  laixl  they  occupieil,  biU  to  the  food  they 
proiuced.  Thi'v  «•.•«■  pralific  from  thiir  puip  niarals  anil  cdiistitutionf,  but 
theiv  in-itituliiiiis  \«  ore  nut  .-ali'idati  tl  to  piodiicu  laod  f «.  r  tliose  whom  they 
urouf^hi  nito  beinji  — M.  ISt-V 


264  THE    DECLIN'E    AND    FALL 

general  theory  of  government.  We  are  only  at  a  loss  to  con- 
ceive by  what  means  riches  and  despotism  could  penetrate 
into  a  remote  corner  of  the  North,  and  extinguish  the  gen- 
erous flame  that  blazed  with  such  fierceness  on  the  frontier 
of  the  Roman  provinces,  or  how  the  ancestors  of  those  Danes 
and  Norwegians,  so  distinguished  in  latter  ages  by  their 
unconquered  spirit,  could  thus  tamely  resign  the  great  char- 
acter of  German  liberty.'^-  Some  tribes,  however,  on  the 
coaf5t  of  the  Baltic,  a<:knowledged  the  authority  of  kings, 
though  without  relinquishing  the  rights  of  men,''^  but  in  the 
far  greater  part  of  Germany,  the  form  of  government  was  a 
democracy,  tempered,  indeed,  and  controlled,  not  so  m.uch  by 
general  and  positive  laws,  as  by  the  occasional  ascendant  of 
birth  or  valor,  of  eloquence  or  superstition.'*^ 

Civil  governments,  in  their  first  institution,  are  voluntary 
associations  for  mutual  defence.  To  obtain  the  desired  end. 
It  is- absolutely  necessary  that  each  individual  should  conceive 
himself  obliged  to  submit  his  private  opinions  and  actions  to 
the  judgment  of  the  greater  number  of  his  associates.  The 
German  tribes  were  contented  with  this  rude  but  liberal  outline 
of  political  society.  As  soon  as  a  youth,  born  of  free  parents, 
had  attained  the  age  of  manhood,  he  was  introduced  into  the 
general  coidncil  of  his  countrymen,  solemnly  invested  with  a 
shield  and  spear,  and  adopted  as  an  equal  and  worthy  mem- 
ber of  the  military  commonwealth  The  assembly  of  the 
warriors  of  the  tribe  was  convened  at  stated  seasons,  or  on 
sudden  emergencies.  The  trial  of  public  offences,  the  elec 
tion  of  magistrates,  and  the  great  business  of  peace  and  war, 

angry  witli  the  Roman  who  expressed  so  very  little  reverence  for 
Northern  queens.* 

*'^  May  wo  not  suspect  that  superstition  was  the  parent  of  despot- 
ism ?  'i'he  descendants  of  Odin,  (whose  race  was  not  extinct  till  tlio 
j'car  1060)  are  said  to  have  reigned  in  Sweden  above  a  thousand 
years.  The  temple  of  Upsal  was  the  ancient  scat  of  rolij^ion  and 
empire.  In  the  year  1153  I  find  a  singular  law,  prohibiting  the  use 
and  profession  of  arms  to  any  excejjt  tlie  king's  guards.  Is  it  n()t 
proljuble  that  it  was  colored  by  the  pretence  of  reviving  an  old  insti- 
tution ?  See  Dalin's  History  of  Sweden  in  the  liibliotheque  llaison- 
nce,  torn.  xl.  and  xlv. 

*^  Tacit.  Germ.  c.  43.  "  Id.  c.  11,  12,  13,  &c. 


*  The  Suioncs  and  the  Sitones  are  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Scandinn- 
»ia  ;  their  name  may  be  traced  in  that  of  Sweden ;  they  did  not  belong  to 
(be  race  of  the  Sucvi,  but  that  of  the  non-Sucvi  or  Cimbri,  whom  the 
Suevi,  in  very  remote  times,  drove  back  part  to  the  west,  part  to  the  north  ; 
tlicy  were  afterwards  minnlcd  with  Sucvian  tribes,  among  others  the  Ontl  S; 
cvbo  have  left  traces  of  their  name  and  power  in  the  isle  of  Gothland.  —  3 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMP11E.  265 

were  determined  by  its  independent  voice.  Sometimes 
indec'l,  these  important  questions  were  previously  considcrea 
and  prepared  in  a  more  select  council  of  tlie  principal  chief 
tains.-''''  The  magistrates  might  deliberate  and  persuade,  the 
people  only  could  resolve  ami  execute  ;  and  the  resolutions 
of  the  (jermans  were  for  ihe  most  part  hasty  and  violent. 
Barbarians  accustomed  to  place  their  freedom  in  gratifying 
the  |)resent  passion,  and  their  courage  in  overlooking  all 
future  consequences,  turned  away  with  indignant  contempt 
from  the  remonstrances  of  justice  and  policy,  and  it  was  the 
practice  to  signify  by  a  hollow  murmur  their  dislike  of  such 
tanid  counsels.  But  whenever  a  more  popular  orator  pro- 
posed to  vindicate  the  meanest  citizen  from  either  foreign  or 
domestic  injury,  whenever  he  called  upon  his  fellow-country- 
men to  assert  the  national  honor,  or  to  pursue  some  enter- 
prise full  of  danger  and  glory,  a  loud  clashing  of  shields  and 
spears  expressed  the  eager  applause  of  the  assembly.  For 
the  (jermans  always  met  in  arms,  and  it  was  constantly  to 
be  dreaded,  lest  an  irregular  multitude,  inflamed  with  faction 
and  strong  liquors,  should  use  those  arms  to  enforce,  as  well 
as  to  declare,  their  furious  resolves.  We  may  recollect  how 
often  the  diets  of  Poland  have  been  polluted  with  blood,  and 
the  more  numerous  party  has  been  compelled  to  yield  to  tho 
more  violent  and  seditious.'*'* 

A  general  of  the  tribe  was  elected  on  occasions  of  danger; 
and,  if  the  danger  was  pressing  and  extensive,  several  tribes 
concurred  in  the  choice  of  the  same  general.  The  bravest 
warrior  was  named  to  lead  his  countrvmen  into  the  field,  by 
his  example  rather  than  by  his  commands.  But  this  power, 
however  limited,  was  still  invidious.  It  expired  with  the  war 
and  in  time  of  peace  the  German  tribes  acknowlediied  no", 
any  supreme  chief.'*"  Frinces  were,  however,  appointed,  in 
the  general  assembly,  to  administer  justice,  or  rather  to  com- 
pose ditierences,'***  in  their  respective  districts.  In  the  choice 
of  these  magistrates,  as  much  regard  was  shown  to  birtli  ai 
to    merit."*'-*     To  each  was   assigned,  by  the   public,  a  guard, 

**  Crrotius  changes  an  expression  ot'  Tacitus,  pertractantxtr  into 
puptructaiUur.     The  correction  is  C(iually  jn^t  and  ini;cnious. 

***  Even  in  our  ancient  parliament,  the  barons  oi'ten  earrieil  a  qaes- 
tvon,  not  so  much  by  the  number  of  votes,  as  by  that  of  their  armed 
fi«llowers. 

«  Ccesar  de  Bell.  Gal.  vi.  23. 

*'  Minuunt  controvcrsias,  is  a  very  happy  expression  of  Cajsar's. 

*"  llei;os  ex  nobilitate,  duces  ex  virtule  sumunt.     Tacit,  'ionn.  7 
14* 


'<i66  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

and  a  council  of  a  hundred  persons,  and  the  first  )f  the 
princes  appears  to  have  enjoyed  a  preeminence  of  rank  and 
honor  which  sometimes  tempted  the  Romans  to  compliment 
him  with  the  regal  title. ■''^ 

Tlie  comparative  view  of  the  powers  of  the  magistrates,  in 
two  remarkable  instances,  is  alone  suflicient  to  represent  the 
whole  system  of  German  manners.  The  disposal  of  the  land- 
ed property  within  their  district  was  absolutely  vested  in  their 
hands,  fuid  they  distributed  it  every  year  according  to  a  new 
division. 5'  At  the  same  time  they  were  not  authorized  to 
p  mish  with  death,  to  imprison,  or  even  to  strike  a  private  citi- 
zen.^- A  people  thus  jealous  of  their  persons,  and  careless 
of  their  possessions,  must  have  been  totally  destitute  of 
industry  and  the  arts,  but  animated  with  a  high  sense  of  honor 
and  independence. 

The  Germans  respected  only  those  "duties  wliich  they 
imposed  on  themselves.  The  most  obscure  soldier  resisted 
with  disdain  the  authority  of  the  magistrates.  "  Tlie  noblest 
youths  blushed  not  to  be  numbered  among  the  faithful  com- 
panions of  some  renowned  chief,  to  whom  they  devoted  the-r 
arms  and  service.  A  noble  emulation  prevailed  among  the 
companions,  to  obtain  the  first  place  in  the  esteem  of  their  chief; 
A'nongst  the  chiefs,  to  acquire  the  greatest  number  of  valiant 
companions.  To  be  ever  surrounded  by  a  band  of  select  youths 
was  the  pride  and  strength  of  the  chiefs,  their  ornament  in 
peace,  their  defence  in  war.  The  glory  of  such  distinguished 
heroes  diffused  itself  beyond  the  narrow  limits  of  their  own  tribe. 
Presents  and  embassies  solicited  their  friendship,  and  the 
fame  of  their  arms  often  insured  victory  to  the  party  which 
they  espoused.  In  the  hour  of  danger  it  was  shameful  foi 
the  chief  to  be  surpassed  in  valor  by  his  companions;  shame- 
ful for  the  companions  not  to  equal  the  valor  of  their  chief. 
To  survive  his  fall  in  battle,  was  indelible  injamv.  To  {)i-o- 
tect  his  person,  and  to  adorn  his  glory  with  the  trophies  of 
their  own  ex|)loits,  were  the  most  sacred  of  their  duties.  Tho 
chiefs  combated  for  victory,  the  companions  for  the  chief. 
The  noblest  warriors,  whenever  their  native  comtry  was 
sujik  into  the  laziness  of  peace,  maintained  their  numerous 
bands  in  some  distant  scene  of  action,  to  exercise  their  restles? 
spirit,  and    to  acquire   renown    by  voluntary   dangers,     (jifla 


^  Ctuver.  Germ.  Ant.  1.  i.  c.  .38.  »»  Tacit.  Germ.  7. 

*'   Cwsar,  vi.  22.  Tacit.  Germ.  2ti. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIHE.  267 

worthy  of  soldics  —  the  warlike  steed,  the  blcony  and  ever 
victorious  lance  —  were  the  rewards  which  the  companioiis 
claimed  from  the  liberality  of  their  chief.  The  rude  plenty 
of  his  hospitable  board  was  the  only  pay  that  he  could  bestow 
or  tliey  would  accept.  War,  ra|)iiie,  and  the  free-will  offer- 
ings of  his  friends,  supplied  the  materials  of  this  muiiifi- 
cence."  ^-^  This  institution,  however  it  might  accidentally 
weaken  the  several  republics,  invigorated  the  general  charac- 
ter of  the  (Jennans,  and  (!ven  ripened  amongst  them  all  the 
virtues  of  which  barbarians  are  suscei)tible ;  the  faith  and 
valor,  the  hospitality  and  the  courtesy,  so  conspicuous  long 
afterwards  in  the  ages  of  chivalry.  The  honorable  gifts, 
bestowed  bv  the  chief  on  his  brave  eomi)anions,  have  beeu 
supposed,  by  an  ingenious  wri.cr,  to  contain  the  first  rudi- 
ments of  the  fiefs,  distributiid  ai'tcr  the  conquest  of  tlu;  Roman 
provinces,  by  the  barbarian  lords  among  their  vassals,  with  a 
similar  duty  of  honia";(>  and  military  service  ■'*"'  These  condi- 
tions  are,  however,  very  repugnant  to  the  maxims  of  the 
ancient  (jermans,  who  delighted  in  mu'ual  presents  ;  but 
without  either  im|)osing,  or  acce()ting,  the  weight  of  obli- 
gations.''-'' 

"  In  the  days  of  chivalry,  or  more  properly  of  romance, 
all  the  men  were  brave,  and  nil  the  women  were  chaste;" 
and  notwithstanding  the  latter  of  these  virtues  is  acquired  and 
preserved  with  much  more  difficulty  than  the  former,  it  is 
ascribed,  almost  without  exception,  to  the  wives  of  the  ancient 
Germans.  Po'ygamy  was  not  in  use,  except  s'niong  the 
prmces,  and  among  them  only  for  the  sake  of  multiplying 
their  alliances.  Divorces  were  prohibited  by  manners  rather 
than  by  laws.  Adulteries  were  punished  as  rare  and  inex|)i- 
able  crimes;  nor  was  seduction  justififid  by  example  and 
fashion.''*'  We  may  (N-isily  discover  that  Tacitus  nidulges  an 
honest  pleasure    in   the  contrast  of  b;frbarian  virtue   w-ith    the 


»■''  Tacit.  Germ.  i:5.  14. 

'*  Esjiric  dps  Loi.x,  I.  xxx.  o,  3.  The  hrilliant  iiniiiiination  of 
M'lntesnuio-,!  is  corrected,  however,  by  the  dry.  cold  reason  of  the 
A1)1h!   de   Miihlv.      Ob>ervacl()us   sur  1"  Historic   dc   Franco,    torn.    i. 

p.  s.-ie. 

**  (iaiideiit  inimeribus,  se<l  nee  data  imputant,  nee  acceplio  obligaii- 
tur.     Tacit.  <ierni.  c.  21. 

'*  'I'he  adulteress  was  wliipped  tlirou;;h  the  villaf^e.  Ncithei 
«rcaJth  nor  boaut>  locld  msiiiro  compassion,  o.  procure  lior  a  second 
husband.    18,  IH.' 


206  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

dissolute  conduct  of  the  Roman  ladies  ;  yet  tliere  are  some 
strilving  circumstances  that  give  an  air  of  truth,  or  at  least 
probability,  to  the  conjugal  faith  and  chastity  of  the  Germans. 
Although  the  progress  of  civilization  has  undoubtedly  con- 
tributed to  assuage  the  fiercer  passions  of  human  nature,  it 
seems  to  have  been  less  favorable  to  the  virtue  of  chastity, 
whose  most  dangerous  enemy  is  the  softness  of  the  mind. 
The  reiincments  of  life  corrupt  while  they  polish  the  inter- 
course of  the  sexes.  The  gross  appetite  of  love  bccomea 
most  dangerous  when  it  is  elevated,  or  rather,  indeed,  dis- 
guised  by  sentimental  passion.  The  elegance  of  dress,  of 
motion,  and  of  manners,  gives  a  lustre  to  beauty,  and  inflames 
the  senses  through  the  imagination.  Lu.xurious  entertainments, 
midnight  dances,  and  licent'ous  spectacles,  present  at  once 
temptation  and  opportunity  to  female  frailty.^''  From  such 
dangers  the  unpolished  wives  of  the  barbarians  were  secured 
by  poverty,  solitude,  and  the  painful  cares  of  a  domestic  life. 
The  German  huts,  open,  on  every  side,  to  the  *^ye  of  indiscre- 
tion or  jealousy,  were  a  better  safeguard  of  conjugal  fidelity, 
than  the  walls,  the  bolts,  and  the  eunuchs  of  a  Persian  hararn. 
To  this  reason  another  may  be  added,  of  a  more  honorable 
nature.  I'he  Germans  treated  their  women  with  esteem  and 
confidence,  consulted  them  on  every  occasion  of  importance, 
and  fondly  believed,  that  in  their  breasts  resided  a  sanctity 
and  wisdom  more  than  human.  Somr-  of  the  interpreters  of 
fate,  such  as  Velleda,  in  llie  Batavian  war,  governed,  in  the 
name  of  the  deity,  the  fiercest  nations  of  Germany.^**  The 
lest  of  the  se.x,  without  being  adored  as  goddesses,  were  re 
spected  as  the  free  and  equal  coinpamons  of  soldiers;  asso 
ciated  'even  by  the  marriage  ceremony  to  a  life  of  toil,  of 
danger,  and  of  glory. •''■'  hi  ihcir  great  invasions,  the  eam|>s 
of  the  barbarians  were  filUid  with  a  multitude  of  women,  who 
remained  lirm  and  unii^uinted  amidst  the  sound  of  arms,  llie 
various  forms  of  destruction,  and  the  honoralilc  wounds  of 
their  sons  and  husbands."'^     Fainting  armies  of  Germans  have, 

*'  Ovid  employs  two  hundred  lines  h\  the  research  of  jilacos  tlio 
most  favoral)Ie  to  love.  Above  all,  he  considers  the  theatre  as  the 
best  adapted  to  collect  the  beauties  of  Rome,  and  to  mult  them  int»; 
tenderness  and  sensuality. 

^'*  Tacit.  Hist.  iv.  (il,  fio. 

**  The  marriage  present  was  a  yoke  of  oxon,  horses,  and  arms. 
Bee  Germ.  c.  18.     Tacitus  is  sommvhat  too  florid  on  the  subject. 

•>"  The  change  of  exigere   into  exui/ere  is   a   most  excellent  ^orrf^n 
tion. 


OF    rilE    ROMAN    EMPIRK,  269 

more  than  once,  been  driven  back  u|)on  the  enemy,  by  tho 
generous  despur  of  tlie  women,  who  dreaded  death  much 
less  than  servitude.  If  the  day  was  irrecoverablv  lost,  they 
well  knew  how  to  deliver  themselves  and  their  children,  with 
their  own  hands,  from  an  insulting  victor."'  Heroines  of  such 
a  cast  may  claim  our  admiration  ;  but  they  were  most  as- 
suredly neither  lovely,  nor  very  susceptible  of  love.  Whilst 
they  affected  to  tiinulate  the  stern  virtues  of  vuui^  they  must 
have  resigned  that  attractive  softness,  in  which  principally 
consist  the  charm  and  weakness  of  woman.  Conscious  prido 
taught  the  German  females  to  suppress  every  tender  i  motion 
that  stood  in  competition  with  honor,  and  the  first  honor  of 
the  se.K  has  ever  been  that  of  chastity.  The  sentiments  and 
conduct  of  these  high-spirited  matrons  may,  at  once,  be  con- 
sidered as  a  cause,  as  an  effect,  and  as  a  proof  of  the  general 
character  of  the  nation.  Female  courage,  however  it  may 
be  raised  by  fanaticism,  or  confirmed  by  habit,  can  be  only  a 
faint  and  imperfect  iiiiitation  of  the  manly  valor  that  distin- 
guishes the  age  or  country  in  which  it  may  be  found. 

The  religious  system  of  the  Germans  (if  the  wild  opinions 
of  savages  can  deserve  that  name)  was  dictated  by  their 
wants,  their  fears,  and  their  ignorance.^-  They  adored  the 
great  visible  objects  and  agents  of  nature,  the  Sim  and  the 
Moon,  the  Fire  and  the  Earth ;  together  with  those  imaginary 
deities,  who  were  supposed  to  preside  over  the  m(jst  important 
occu|)alions  of  human  life.  They  were  persuaded,  that,  by 
some  ridiculous  arts  of  divination,  they  could  discover  the 
will  of  the  superior  beings,  and  that  human  sacrifices  were 
the  most  precious  and  acceptable  offering  to  their  altars. 
Some  applause  has  been  hastily  bestowed  on  the  sublime 
noticn,  entertained  by  that  people,  of  the  Deity,  whom  they 
neitl'.'j.-  c;oiifiiied  within  the  walls  of  a  temple,  nor  represented 
by  any  human  figure;  J)ut  when  we  recollect,  that  the  Ger- 
jnant  were  unskilled  in  architecture,  and  totally  unacquainted 

•"  Taoit.  Gcnn.  c.  7.  Plutarch  in  Mario.  Before  the  wives  of 
the  Tcutoues  destroyed  thcmnolves  and  their  children,  they  had 
offered  to  surrender,  on  condition  that  they  should  be  received  as  the 
slaves  of  the  vestal  virgins. 

"^  Tacitus  has  employed  a  few  lines,  and  Cluverius  one  hundred 
and  twenty-four  pages,  on  tins  obscure  subject.  The  former  discov- 
«i;rs  in  Germany  the  gods  of  Greece  and  Rome.  The  latter  is  pos- 
itive, that,  under  the  emblems  of  the  sun,  the  moon,  and  the  firr,  hie 
DJoua  ancestors  worshipped  the  Trinity  in  unity. 


270  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

With  tlii^  art  of  sculpture,  we  shall  readily  assign  the  true 
reason  ol"  a  scruple,  vvliich  arose  not  so  much  from  a  supe- 
riority of  -eason,  as  from  a  want  of  ingenuity.  The  only 
temples  ii.  Germany  were  dark  and  ancient  groves,  conse- 
crated by  the  reverence  of  succeeding  generations.  Their 
secret  gloom,  the  imagined  residence  of  an  invisible  power 
by  presenting  no  distinct  object  of  fear  or  worship,  impressed 
tin.  mind  with  a  siill  deeper  sense  of  religious  horror  ;'^^  and 
the  priests,  ni.le  and  illiterate  as  they  were,  bad  been  taught 
by  experience  the  use  of  every  artifice  that  could  preserve 
and  tbrtify  impressions  so  well  suited  to  their  own  interest. 

The  same  ignorance,  which  renders  barbarians  incapable 
of  conceiving  or  embracing  tlie  useful  restraints  of  laws, 
exposes  them  naked  and  unarmed  to  the  blind  terrors  of  su- 
perstition. The  CJerman  priests,  improving  this  favorable 
temper  of  their  countrymen,  had  assumed  a  jurisdiction  evini 
in  temporal  concerns,  which  the  magistrate  could  not  venture 
to  exercise  ;  and  the  haughty  warrior  patiently  submitted  to 
the  lash  of  correction,  when  it  was  inflicted,  not  by  any 
human  power,  but  by  the  iinmeilialo  order  of  the  god  of' 
war.**'*  The  defects  of  civil  policy  were  sometimes  su()plied 
by  the  interposition  of  ecclesiastical  authority.  The  latter 
was  constantly  exerted  to  maintain  silence  and  ilecencv  in 
the  popular  assemblies;  Jind  was  sometimes  extended  to  a 
more  enlarged  concern  for  the  national  welfare.  A  solemn 
|)rocession  was  occasionally  cehibratcd  in  the  present  coun- 
tries of  Mecklenburgh  and  Pomerania.  The  unknown  svm- 
bol  of  the  Earthy  covered  with  a  thick  veil,  was  placed  on  a 
carriage  drawn  by  cows  ;  and  ■  in  this  manner  tli."  goddess, 
whose  common  residence  was  in  the  Isle  of  Kugen,  visited 
several  adjaceni  tribes  of  her  worshi oners.  I)urin<f  her  nro'r- 
ress  the  sound  of  war  was  bushed,  tpiarrels  were  suspended, 
arms  laiil  aside,  and  the  restless  (ierntans  bad  an  ooporUjiiit"' 
of  tasting  the  blessings  of  peace  and   harmony.'"     Tht>  trac: 

"^  Ttio  sacred  wood,  desuiihi'd  with  siicli  sublime  horror  t)y  Lucitl, 
was  in  tlie  ui'ii;hb(iiiiood  ot  Aiarscillcii.;  but  there  wore  lUiiiiy  of  the 
same  kind  in  GLTiUiiny.* 

^*  'I'ucit.  (iermania,  c.  7. 

*'  Tacit.  Gcrmania,  c.  10. 


•  The  ancient  Gennaiis  hud  shapele-is  idols,  and,  when  they  hogftn  t'l 
buiiJ  more  settled  habitations,  they  raised  also  temples,  such  as  thai  to 
tue  goddess  Teufana,  who  presided  over  diviiiutio.i.  Mee  Ade.uuir.  iiisi 
af  All  J.  Germans,  p.  290.  — G. 


OF    THE     ROMAN    EMPIRE.  2?  J 

of  God,  50  oftrn  and  so  InefTectually  proclaimod  by  he  clorgy 
of  the  elevf.Hith  century,  was  an  obvious  imitaticn  cf  this  an- 
cient custom."'' 

But  the  influence  of  religion  was  far  more  powerful  to  in- 
flame, than  to  moderate,  the  fierce  passions  of  the  Germans 
fnterest  aiuJ  fanalicisin  often  pron)|)te(l  its  ministers  to  sanctity 
ihe  most  (iarin<j  and  the  most  unjust  enterprises,  by  the  appro- 
bation of  Heaven,  and  full  assunincc^s  uf  success.  The  con- 
S(;cratfd  standards,  long  revercsd  in  the  groves  of  Siiperstition, 
were  placed  in  the  front  of  the  battle;"''  anil  the  hostile  army 
was  devoted  with  dire  execrations  to  the  gods  of  war  and  of 
thunder.'''^  In  the  faith  of  soldiers  (;md  such  were  the  Ger- 
mans) cowardice  is  the  most  unpardonable  of  sins.  A  brave 
man  was  the  worthy  favorite  of  thcMr  martial  deities  ;  the 
wretch  who  had  lost  his  shield  was  alike  banished  from  the 
religious  and  civil  assemblies  ol"  his  coinitrymen.  Some 
tribes  of  the  north  seem  to  have  embraced  the  doctrine  of 
transmigration,''^  others  imagined  a  gross  paradise  of  immor- 
tal druukeimess.'"  All  agreed,  that  a  life  s[)eut  in  arms,  and 
a  glorious  deatli  in  battle,  were  the  best  preparations  for  a 
nappy  futurity,  either  in  this  or  in  another  world. 

The  immortalitv  so  vainlv  |)romised  by  the  priests,  was,  in 
some  degree,  conferred  by  the  bards.  That  singular  order 
of  men  has  most  deservedly  attracted  the  notice  of  all  who 
have  attempted  to  investigate  the  antiipiities  of  the  Celts,  the 
Scandinavians,  and  the  Germans.  Their  genius  and  charac- 
ter, as  well  as  the  reverence  paid  to  that  important  office, 
have  been  sufficiently  illustrated.  But  we  cannot  so  easily 
express,  or  even  conceive,  the  enthusiasm  of  arms  and  glory 
which  they  kindled  in  the  breast  of  their  audience.  Among 
a  polished  people,  a  taste  for  poetry  is  rather  an  amusement 
of  the  fancy,  than  a  |)assion  of  the  soul.  And  yet,  when  in 
calm  retirement  we  peruse  the  combats  described  by  Homer 
or  Tasso,  we   are   insensibly  seduced   by  the  fiction,  t  nd  feel 


'""  Soo  T)r.  Ko}1ort^<o)l's  History  of  Charles  V.   vol.  i.  note  10. 

"'  'I'Mcit.  Gerniania,  c.  7.  These  stamlards  were  only  the  heads  of 
wild  beasts. 

*'  See  an  instance  of  this  custom,  Tacit.  Annal.  xiii.  .57. 

**  C'a'sar  Diodorus,  and  Lucaii,  seem  to  ascrih'>  this  doctrine  to  thd 
Gniils,  l)ut  M.  I'cll'iuticr  (Historic  des  Celtcs,  1.  iii.  c.  18)  labors  to 
reduce  their  exi)rcssious  to  a  ni')rc  orthodox  sense. 

'"  Concerning  this  <^ross  but  alluring  doi'trino  of  the  Rdda,  sea 
Fable  xx.  in  the  curious  version  ol  that  book,  published  by  M.  Mailut, 
ai  his  lntrodu«;tiou  lo  the  History  of  Itenmark 


272  THE    DECLIiNE    AND    FALl 

a  momentary  glow  of  martial  ardor.  But  bow  faint,  how 
cold  is  the  sensation  v/hich  a  peaceful  mind  can  receive  from 
solitaiy  study  !  It  was  in  the  hour  of  battle,  or  in  the  feast 
of  victory,  that  the  bards  celebrated  the  glory  of  the  heroea 
of  aixiient  days,  the  ancestors  of  those  warlike  chieftains, 
who  listened  with  transport  to  their  artless  but  animated 
strains.  The  view  of  arms  and  of  danger  heightened  tho 
effect  of  the  military  song;  and  the  passions  which  it  tended 
to  excite,  the  desire  of  fame,  and  the  contempt  of  death 
w<^re  the  habitual  sentiments  of  a  German  mind."^'  * 

Such  was  the  situation,  and  such  were  the  manners,  of  tho 
ancient  Germans.  Their  climate,  their  want  of  learning,  of 
arts,  and  of  laws,  their  notions  of  honor,  of  gallantry,  and  of 
religion,  their  sense  of  freedom,  impatience  of  peace,  and 
thirst  of  enterprise,  all  contributed  to  form  a  people  of  mili- 
tary heroes.  And  yet  we  find,  that  during  more  than  two 
hundred  and  fifty  years  that  elapsed  from  the  defeat  of  Varus 
to  the  reign  of  Decius,  these  formidable  barbarians  made  few 
considerable  attempts,  and  not  any  material  imitression  on  the 
luxurious  and  enslaved  provinces  of  the  em|)ire.  Their  prog- 
ress was  checked  by  their  want  of  arms  and  discipline,  and 
their  fury  was  diverted  by  the  intestine  divisions  of  ancient 
Germany. 

I.  It   has   been  observed,  with   ingenuity,  and   not  without 

'■i  See  Tacit.  Germ.  c.  3.  Diod.  Sicul.  I.  v.  Strabo.  1.  iv.  p.  197. 
The  classical  reader  may  romembor  the  rank  of  Demodocus  in  the 
Phaeacian  court,  and  the  ardor  infused  by  Tyrf.eus  into  the  fainting 
Spartans.  Yet  there  is  little  probability  that  the  (jrecks  and  the 
Germans  were  the  same  people.  Much  learned  trifling  might  be 
spared,  if  our  antiquarians  would  condescend  to  reflect,  that  similai 
manners  will  natiuaUy  be  produced  by  similar  situations. 


*  Besides  these  battle  songs,  the  Germaiis  sang  at  their  festival  l)anquets, 
(Tac.  Ann.  i.  6o,)  and  around  the  bodies  of  their  slain  heroes.  King  The- 
odoric,  of  the  trilie  of  the  Gotlis,  killed  in  a  l)attle  ui;ainst  Attila,  was  hon- 
ored by  snngs  while  he  was  borne  from  the  field  of  battle.  Jornandes, 
c  41.  The  same  honor  wus  paid  to  the  remains  of  Attila.  ll>i(/.  c.  40. 
According  to  some  historians,  the  (icrnians  Inyl  songs  also  at  their  wed- 
dings ;  but  this  appears  to  nie  iuconsisten-t  with  their  customs,  in  which 
marriage  was  no  more  than  tlie  purcdiase  of  a  wife.  Besides,  tb.ere  is  but 
one  in.stauce  of  this,  that  of  the  Gothic  king,  Ataulph,  who  sang  himself 
the  nu|)tial  hymn  when  he  espoused  Placidia,  sister  of  the  emperors  Arca- 
dius  and  llonorius,  (Olympiodor.  p.  8.)  Hut  this  marriage  was  celebrated 
according  to  the  Roman  rites,  of  which  the  luiptial  songs  formed  a  part 
Adebmg,  p.  382.  —  G. 

Chariem.vgne  is  said  to  have  collected  the  national  songs  of  the  aucieut 
3t'rm.an8.     liginhard,  Vil.  Car  Mat;.—  M. 


OF    TIIF,    ROJfAN    KMl'IUE.  273 

h'utli,  tliat  tlip  oomnwn<l  of  iron  ?oon  frive'^  a  nation  the  com- 
niiind  of  pokl.  But  the  rude  trih^s  of  Germany,  alike  desti- 
tute of  both  those  valuable  metals,  were  reduced  slowly  to 
acquire,  by  their  unassisted  strength,  the  possession  of  the 
one  as  well  as  the  other.  The  face  of  a  German  army  dis- 
playf'd  their  poverty  of  ii-on.  Swords,  and  the  longer  kind 
of  lanci's,  thcv  could  seldom  use.  Their  fromecE  (as  they 
called  tlicm  in  their  own  language)  were  long  spears  headed 
with  a  sliai'|)  but  narrow  iron  point,  and  wiiich,  as  occasion 
retpiired,  tiiey  either  darted  from  a  distance,  or  pushed  in 
close  onset.  With  this  spear,  and  with  a  shield,  their  cavalry 
was  contented.  A  mullilude  of  darts,  scattered '■^  with  incred- 
ible tbrce,  were  an  additional  resource  of  the  infantry.  Their 
military  dress,  when  I  hey  wore  any,  was  nothing  more  than  a 
loose  mantle.  A  variety  of  colors  was  the  only  oi-nament 
of  their  wooden  or  osier  shields.  P^ew  of  the  chiefs  were 
distinguished  by  cuirasses,  scarce  any  by  h(dmets.  Though 
the  liorses  of  Germany  were  neither  beautiful,  swift,  nor 
practised  in  the  .skilful  evolutions  of  the  Koman  m.anege,  sev- 
eral of  the  nations  obtained  renown  by  their  cavalry  ;  but,  in 
general,  the  ]>rincipal  strength  of  the  Germans  consisted  in 
their  infantry,"^  which  wa*(li-awn  up  in  several  deep  colimins, 
according  to  the  distinction  of  ti'ibes  and  families.  Impatient 
oi"  fatigue  and  delay,  these  half-armed  warriors  rushed  to 
battle  with  dissonant  >houls  and  disordei-tnl  ranks;  and  some- 
times, by  the  ef[()rt  of  native  valor,  prevailed  over  the  con- 
strained .■md  more  artificial  bravery  of  the  Roman  merce- 
naries. l)Ut  as  the  liarbai-ians  poured  forth  their  whole  souls 
on  the  first  onset,  they  knew  not  how  to  I'ally  or  to  retire. 
A  repu;?e  was  a  sure  defeat  ;  and  a  defeat  was  most  com- 
Uioiilv  total  de^tructiiin.  AVhen  we  ivcollect  the  complete 
armor  of  the  Roman  ^oldil'rs,  their  discipline,  exerci-es,  evo- 
huion.-,  f()rlified  camps,  and  military  engines,  it  appears  a  just 
.Dj^itter  of  .-urprise,  iiow  the  nakeil  an<l  unassisted  valor  of  the 
barbarians  could  dai"e  to  encounter,  in  the  field,  the  stienglh 
of  the  K'gions.  and  liie  various  troops  of  the  auxiliai-i<-s.  which 
»'?touded  their  operations.  The  contest  wa<  too  unequal, 
till   the   inlroduclioii   of  luxurv  had  enervated   ihe  vigor,  and   a 


''-  Missilia  s;>:arp;init,  Tacit.  Germ.  c.  G.     EitJier  tliat  historian  used  a 
vafjue  (.■-xiiiessioii,  w  lie  nieaiU  that  tlicy  were  tlu-owti  at  ramfoiu. 

'••'  It  was  tiieir  piiiiciiial  liistiuclijii  lioni   tfie  Sauiutians,  wlio  ic^nt» 
»1J>'  toii!;lit  uii  liorsL'iiack. 


274  THE    DKCT.INE    AND    FAT.T^ 

epiril  of  disobedience  and  sedition  had  relaxed  the  discipline 
of  the  Roman  armies.  Tiie  introduction  of  barbarian  auxil 
iaries  into  tliose  armies,  was  a  measure  attended  with  very 
obvious  dangers,  as  it  might  gradually  instruct  the  Germans 
in  the  arts  of  war  and  of  policy.  Although  they  were  admit- 
ted in  small  numbers  and  with  the  strictest  |)recaution.  the 
example  of  Civilis  was  proper  to  convince  the  Romans,  that 
the  danger  was  not  imagrnary,  and  that  their  precautions  were 
not  always  sufficient.""*  During  the  cuvil  wars  that  tbllowed 
the  death  of  Nero,  that  artful  and  intrepid  Batavian,  whom 
his  enemies  condescended  to  compar*^  with  Hannibal  and 
Sertorius,^''^  formed  a  great  design  of  freedom  and  ambition 
Ei<iht  Batavian  ct)liorts,  renowned  in  the  wars  ot  Britain  and 
Italy,  repaired  to  his  standard.  He  introduced  an  army  of 
Germans  into  Gaul,  prevailed  on  the  powerful  cities  of  Treves 
and  Langres  to  embrace  his  cause,  defeated  the  legions,  de- 
stroyed their  fortified  camps,  and  employed  against  the  Ro- 
mans the  military  knowledge  which  he  had  acquired  in  their 
service.  When  at  length,  after  an  obstinate  struggle,  he 
yielded  to  the  power  of  the  empire,  Civilis  secured  himself 
and  his  country  by  an  honorable  treaty.  The  Batavians  still 
continued  to  occupy  the  islands  of  the  Rhine,^^  the  allies,  not 
the  sei'vants,  of  the  Roman  monarchy. 

II.  The  strength  of  ancient  Germany  appears  formidable, 
wVion  we  consider  the  eflects  that  might  have  been  produced  by 
its  united  effort.  The  wide  extent  of  country  might  very  pos- 
sibly contain  a  million  of  warriors,  as  all  who  were  of  age  to  bear 
arms  were  of  a  temper  to  use  them.  But  this  fierce  multitude, 
incapable  of  conc(;rting  or  executing  any  pl;m  of  n;itiona' 
.greatness,  was  agitated  by  various  and  ofien  hostile  inter. 
lions,  (iermany  was  divided  iuit)  tntjre  than  forty  independ- 
ent states  ;  and,  even  in  each  state,  tlu;  union  i>f  the  .several 
tribes  was  extremi^ly  loose  and  prticarious.  The  barbari;iii3 
wen;  easily  provoked  ;  they  kntnv  not  how  to  forgive  an  injury, 
much  less  an    insult  ;   their    rcsciitmf.'Uts   were  hloody  ami  ini- 


'•*  'I'ho  ri'Iutioii  ot"  this  eiitor]>risi>  occupies  a  j^roat  ]);irt  f»f  the  fourth 
and  tilth  lidoks  ot  tiic  History  of  Tacitus,  and  is  more  rcinarliable  for 
Ll«  o!o  iiiciicp  tiian  ])crs])icvii*i,y.  8ir  Homy  Savillo  has  observed 
levcral  iua  .curacies. 

'''  'I'acil.  Hist.  iv.  i:{.      Lilic  tliem  he  had  lo-t  an  (!yo. 

'*  It  was  conuuncd  between  the  two  lu'anciies  of  the  ohl  Ilhinc.  a» 
ihoy  subsisted  IjotVire  the  face  of  the  country  was  changed  by  ar^ 
lud  iiaiun'.     See  Ciuver.  (iernian.  .\ntiij.  1.  iii.  c.  'M)   :i7. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  275 

p^acnhle.  The  casual  disputes  that  so  frcquf  ntly  happened  in 
their  tiimuhuous  parties  of  hunting  or  drinking,  were  sufTicieni 
to  inflame  tiie  minds  of  whole  nations;  the  private  feuds  of 
any  considerahle  'chieftains  diffused  itself  among  their  follow- 
ers and  allies.  To  chastise  the  insolent,  or  to  phjnder  the 
defenceless,  were  alike  causes  of  war.  The  most  formidable 
states  of  Germany  affected  to  encompass  their  territories  w  '.\\ 
a  wide  frontier  of  solitude  and  devastation.  The  awful  dis- 
tance preserved  by  their  neiglibors  attested  the  terror  of  their 
anns,  and  in  some  measure  defended  them  from  the  danger  of 
unexpected  incursions."' 

"The  Bructeri*  (it  is  Tacitus  wdio  now  speaks)  were 
totally  exterminated  by  the  neighboring  tribes,"**  provoked  by 
their  insolence,  allured  by  the  hopes  of  spoil,  and  perhaps 
inspired  by  the  tutelar  deities  of  the  emjjire.  Above  si.\ty 
thousand  barbarians  were  destroyed  ;  not  by  the  Roman  arms, 
but  in  our  sight,  and  for  our  entertainment.  May  the  nation.s, 
enemies  of  Rome,  ever  preserve  this  enmity  to  each  other ! 
We  have  now  attained  the  utmost  verge  of  prosperity,''^  and 
have  nothing  left  to  demand  of  fortune,  except  the  discord  of 
the  barbarians."**"  —  These  sentiments,  less  worthy  of  the 
humanity  than  of  the  patriotism  of  Tacitus,  express  the  invaria- 
ble maxims  of  the  policy  of  his  countrymen.  They  deemed 
it  a  much  safer  expedient  to  divide  than  to  combat  the  bar- 
barians, from  whose  defeat  they  could  derive  neither  honor 
nor  advantage.  The  money  and  negotiations  of  Rome  insin- 
uated themselves  into  the  heart  of  (Germany  ;  and  every  art  of 
seduction  was  used  with  dignity,  to  conciliate  those  nation.* 
whom  their  proximity  to  the  Rliine  or  Danube  might  render 
the    most    useful    friends    as   well    as    the    most    troublesome 


"  Caesar  dc  Bell.  Gal.  1.  vi.  23. 

'*  They  are  mentioned,  however,  in  the  ivth  and  vtV.  eer'  irios  by 
Nazarius,  Annniaiius,  Claudiau,  kc,  as  a  tribe  of  Franks,  .ice  C'lu- 
ver.  Germ.  Antiq.  1.  iii.  c.  13. 

'*  Ur(icntibiis  is  the  common  reading ;  but  good  sense,  Lipsius,  and 
Bome  MSS.  declare  for  Venit-ntibus. 

*'  Tacit.  Geimania,  c.  33.  The  pious  Abbe  dc  la  IJletcrie  is  veiy 
angry  with  Tacitus,  talks  of  the  devil,  who  was  a  murderer  fron.  tho 
beginning,  &c.,  &c. 

•  The  Bructeri  were  a  non-Suevian  tribe,  who  dwelt  below  the  duchies 
kf  Oldenbur^h  and  Laueiilmrjih,  on  the  borders  of  tho  Lipjip,  and  in  the 
Hartz  Mountains.  It  was  among  them  tLiat  the  priestess  ^'elle(la  ubtained 
Her  reuown.  —  G. 


276  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

enemies.  Chiefs  of  renown  and  power  were  flattered  by  the 
mos  trifling  presents,  which  they  receiver)  either  as  marks  of 
distinction,  or  as  the  instruments  of  luxury.  In  civil  dissen- 
sions the  weaker  faction  endeavored  to  strengthen  its  interest 
by  entering  into  secret  connections  with  the  governons  of  the 
frontier  provinces.  Every  quarrel  among  the  Germans  was 
fomented  by  the  intrigues  of  Rome  ;  and  every  plan  of  unirm 
and  public  good  was  defeated  by  the  stronger  bias  of  private 
iealousy  and  interest.^' 

The  general  conspiracy  which  terrified  the  Romans  under 
the  reign  of  Marcus  Antoninus,  comprehended  almost  all  the 
nations  of  Germany,  and  even  Sarmatia,  from  the  mouth  of 
the  Rhine  to  that  of  the  Danube.^-  It  is  impossible  for  us  to 
determine  whether  this  hasty  confederation  was  formed-  by 
necessity,  by  reason,  or  by  passion  ;  but  we  may  rest  assured, 
that  tlie  barbarians  were  neither  allured  by  the  indolence, 
or  provoked  by  the  ambition,  of  the  Roman  monarch.  This 
dangerous  invasion  required  all  the  firmness  and  vigilance  of 
Marcus.  He  fixed  generals  of  ability  in  the  several  stations 
of  attack,  and  assumed  in  person  the  conduct  of  the  most  im- 
portant province  on  the  Upper  Danube.  After  a  long  and 
doubtful  conflict,  the  spirit  of  the  barbarians  was  subdued. 
The  Quadi  and  the  Marcomanni,^-*  who  had  Uiken  the  lead  in 
the  war,  were  the  most  severely  punished  in  its  catastrophe. 
Thev  were  commanded  to  retire  five  miles '^^  from  their  own 
banks  of  the  Danube,  and  to  deliver  up  the  flower  of  the  youth, 
who  were  immediately  sent  into  Britain,  a  remote  island,  where 


*'  Many  traces  of  this  policy  may  be  discovered  in  Tacitus  and 
Dion ;  and  many  more  may  be  inferred  from  the  principles  of  human 
nature. 

®^  Hist.  Aug.  p.  31.  Ammian.  Marcellin.  1.  xxxi.  c.  5.  Aurcl. 
Victor.  The  emperor  Marcus  was  reduced  to  sell  the  rich  furniture 
of  the  palace,  and  to  enlist  slaves  and  robbers. 

^  The  Marcoraanni,  a  colony,  who,  from  the  banks  of  the. Rhine, 
occupi':d  Ijohomia  and  Moravia,  had  once  erected  a  great  and  formi- 
dable monarchy  under  their  king  Maroboduus.  See  Strabo,  I.  vii. 
J).  290.]     Veil.  Pat.  ii.  108.     Tacit.  Annal.  ii.  63.* 

^*  Mr.  Wotton  (History  of  Rome,  p.  166)  increases  the  prohibition 
to  ton  times  the  distance.  His  reasoning  is  specious,  but  not  con- 
clusive.    Pive  miles  were  sufficient  for  a  fortified  barrier. 


•  The  !Mark-niannen,  the  March-men  or  borderers.  There  seems  littl* 
Jcubt  that  this  was  an  appellation,  rather  than  a  f-oper  name,  of  a  part 
^f  the  great  Suevian  or  Teutonic  ••ace.  —  M. 


OF   THE   ROMAN    CMPIRF  277 

they  might  be  secure  as  hostages,  and  useful  at  soldiers.®' 
On  the  frequent  rebellions  of  the  Quadi  and  Marccimanni,  the 
irritated  emperor  resolved  to  reduce  their  country  into  the 
form  of  a  province.  His  designs  were  disappointed  by  death. 
This  formidable  league,  however,  the  only  one  that  appears  in 
tlo  two  first  centuries  of  the  Imperial  history,  was  entirely 
d.5sipated,  without  leaving  any  traces  behind  in  Germany. 

In  the  course  of  this  introductory  chapter,  we  have  confined 
ourselves  to  the  general  outlines  of  the  manners  of  Germany, 
without  attempting  to  describe  or  to  distinguish  the  various 
tribes  which  filled  that  great  country  in  the  time  of  Ca3sar,  of 
Tacitus,  or  of  Ptolemy.  As  the  ancient,  or  as  new  tribes  suc- 
cessively present  themselves  in  the  series  of  this  history,  we 
shall  concisely  mention  their  origin,  their  situation,  and  their 
particular  character.  Modern  nations  are  fixed  and  permanent 
societies,  connected  among  themselves  by  laws  and  govern- 
ment, bound  to  their  native  soil  by  arts  and  agriculture.  The 
German  tribes  were  voluntary  and  fluctuating  associations  of 
soldiers,  almost  of  savages.  The  same  territory  often  changed 
its  inhabitants  in  the  tide  of  conquest  and  emigration.  The 
same  communities,  uniting  in  a  plan  of  defence  or  invasion, 
bestowed  a  new  title  on  their  new  confederacy.  The  dis- 
solution of  an  ancient  confederacy  restored  to  the  independent 
tribes  their  peculiar  but  long-forgotten  appellation.  A  vic- 
torious slate  often  communicated  its  own  name  to  a  vanquished 
people.  Sometimes  crowds  of  volunteers  flocked  from  all 
parts  to  the  standard  of  a  favorite  leader ;  his  camp  became 
their  country,  and  some  circumstance  of  the  enterprise  soon 
gave  a  common  denomination  to  the  mixed  multitude.  The 
distinctions  of  the  ferocious  invaders  were  perpetually  varied 
by  themselves,  and  confounded  by  the  astonished  subjects  of 
the  Roman  empire.^^ 

Wars,  and  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  are  the  prin- 
cipal subjects  of  history;  but  the  number  of  persons  interested 
m  these  busy  scenes  is  very  different,  according  to  the  different 
condition  tjf  mankind.  In  great  monarchies,  millions  of  obe- 
<lient  subjects  pursue  their  useful  occupations  in  peace  and 
obscurity.      The   attention  of   the  writer,  as  well  as  of   the 

**  Dion,  1.  Ixxi.  and  Ixxii. 

**  See  an  excellent  dissertation  on  the  origin  and  migrations  of 
nations,  in  the  M6moirc.s  de  I'Acadeinie  des  Inscriptions,  torn,  xviii. 
p.  48 — 71.  It  is  seldom  that  the  antiquarian  and  the  philofophor  ar« 
BO  happily  blended. 


■^TW  THE    DECLINE    AND    FaLL 

reader,  iS  solely  confined  to  a  court,  a  capital,  a  regular  army 
and  the  districts  whicii  happen  to  be  the  occasional  scene  of 
military  operations.  But  a  state  of  freedom  and  barbarism, 
the  season  of  civil  commotions,  or  the  situation  of  petty  re- 
publics,^'' raises  almost  every  member  of  the  community  into 
action,  and  consequently  into  notice.  The  irregular  divisions, 
and  the  restless  motions,  of  the  people  of  Germany,  dazzle 
our  unagination,  and  seem  to  multiply  their  numbers.  The 
profuse  enumeration  of  kings  and  warriors,  of  armies  ano 
nations,  inclines  us  to  forget  that  the  same  objects  are  continu- 
ally repeated  under  a  variety  of  ap[)ellations,  and  that  the 
most  splendid  appellations  have  been  frequently  lavished  on 
the  most  inconsiderable  objects. 

*'  Should  we  suspect  that  Athens  contained  only  21,000  citizens, 
and  Sparta  no  more  than  39,000  ?  See  Hume  and  Wallace  on  the 
number  of  mankind  in  ancient  and  modem  times.* 


*  This  number,  though  too  positively  stated,  is  probably  not  far  wrong, 
as  an  average  estimate.  On  the  subject  of  Athenian  population,  see  St. 
Craix,  Acad,  des  Inscrip.  xlviii.  Boeckh,  Pi  blic  Economy  of  Athens,  i. 
17.  Eng.  Trans.  Fynes  Clinton,  Fasti  Heller  ici,  vol.  i.  p.  381.  The  latt«l 
author  eutimates  the  citizens  of  Sparta  at  33,' 00.  —  M 


CHAPTER   X. 

THE    EMPERORS    UECIUS,    GALLUS,    yEMILIANUS,    VALERUW      A>D 

GALLIENUS. THE    GENERAf.    IKRUPTION     OF    THE    BAI.BAKI* 

ANS.  —  THE    THIRTY    TVRANTS. 

From  the  greai  secular  games  celel)rated  by  Philip,  to  the 
death  of  the  emperor  Gallienus,  there  elapsed  twenty  years 
of  shame  and  misfortune.  During  that  calamitous  period 
eveiy  instant  of  time  was  marked,  every  province  of  the 
Roman  world  was  afflicted,  by  barbarous  invaders  and  mili 
tary  tyrants,  and  the  ruined  empire  seemed  to  approach  the 
last  and  fatal  moment  of  its  dissolution.  The  confusion  of 
the  times,  and  the  scarcity  of  authentic  memorials,  oppose 
equal  difficulties  to  the  historian,  who  attempts  to  preserve  a 
clear  and  unbroken  thread  of  narration.  Surrounded  with 
imperfect  fragments,  always  concise,  often  obscure,  and  some- 
times contradictory,  he  is  reduced  to  collect,  to  compare,  and 
to  conjecture  :  and  though  he  ought  never  to  place  his  con- 
jectures in  the  rank  of  facts,  yet  the  knowledge  of  human 
nature,  and  of  the  sure  operation  of  its  fierce  and  unrestrained 
passions,  might,  on  some  occasions,  supply  the  want  of  histor 
icdl  materials. 

There  is  not,  for  instance,  any  dffficulty  in  conceiving,  that 
the  successive  murders  of  so  many  eniperors  had  loosened 
all  the  ties  of  allegiance  between  the  prince  and  people  ;  that 
all  the  generals  of  Philip  were  disposed  to  imitate  the  example 
of  their  master ;  and  that  the  caprice  of  armies,  long  since 
haoituated  to  frequent  and  violent  revolutions,  might  every  da 
raise  to  the  throne  the  most  obscure  of  their  fellow-soldiers. 
History  can  only  add,  that  the  relxillion  against  the  emperor 
Philip  broke  out  in  the  summer  of  the  year  two  hundred  and 
forty-nine,  among  the  legions  of  Ma^sia  ;  and  that  a  subaltern 
officer,^  named  Marinus,  was  the  object  df  their  seditious 
choice.  Philip  was  alarmed.  He  dreaded  lest  tiie  treason  of 
•.he  MiEsian  army  shoidd   prove   the  first  spark  of  a  general 

'I'lu' px'.ri  s,ion    u- f  I    hy  Z  isinms  and  Zonaras  may  signify  that 
Marmus'  coMiHiWiiovi  n  eeia;ir>,  ii  cohort,  or  a  legion. 

279 


R80  THE    DECLTNE    aNU    -ALL 

conflagration.  Distracted  with  the  consciousness  of  his  guih 
and  of  his  danger,  he  communicated  the  intelligence  to  the 
senate.  A  gloomy  silence  prevailed,  the  effect  of  fear,  and 
perhaps  of  disaffection  ;  till  at  length  Decius,  one  of  the  assem- 
bly, assuming  a  spirit  worthy  of  his  noble  extraction,  ventured 
to  discover  more  intrepidity  than  the  emperor  seemed  to 
possess.  He  treated  the  whole  business  with  contempt,  as  a 
hasty  and  inconsiderate  tumult,  and  Philip's  rival  as  a  phantom 
of  royalty,  who  in  a  very  {"ew  days  would  be  destroyed  by  the 
same  inconstancy  that  had  created  him.  The  speedy  comple- 
tion of  the  prophecy  inspired  Philip  with  a  just  esteem  for  so 
able  a  counsellor ;  and  Decius  appeared  to  him  the  only 
person  capable  of  restoring  peace  and  discipline  to  an  army 
whose  tumultuous  spirit  did  not  immediately  subside  after  the 
murder  of  Marinus.  Decius,^  who  long  resisted  his  own 
nomination,  s;eems  to  have  insinuated  the  danger  of  presenting 
a  leader  of  merit  to  the  angry  and  apprehensive  minds  of  the 
soldiers  ;  and  his  prediction  was  again  confirmed  by  the  event 
The  legions  of  Ma?sia  forced  their  judge  to  become  their 
accomplice.  They  left  him  only  the  alternative  of  death  or  the 
purple.  His  subsequent  conduct,  after  that  decisive  measure, 
was  unavoidable.  He  conducted,  or  followed,  his  army  to  the 
confines  of  Italy,  whither  Philip,  collecting  all  his  force  to 
repel  the  formidable  competitor  whom  he  had  raised  up, 
advanced  to  meet  him.  The  Imperial  ti'oops  were  superior  in 
number ;  but  the  rebels  formed  an  army  of  veterans,  com- 
manded by  an  able  and  experienced  leader.  Philip  was  either 
killed  in  the  battle,  or  put  to  death  a  few  days  afterwards  at 
Verona.  His  son  and  associate  in  the  empire  was  massacred 
at  Rome  by  the  Praetorian  guards  ;  and  the  victorious  Decius, 
with  more  favorable  circumstances  than  the  ambition  of  that 
age  can  usually  plead,  was  universally  acknowledged  by  the 
senate  and  provinces.  It  is  reported,  that,  immediately  after 
his  reluctant  acceptance  of  the  title  of  Augustus,  he  had 
assured  Philip,  by  a  private   message,  of  his  innocence  and 

*  His  birth  at  Bubalia,  a  little  village  in  Pannonia,  (Eiitrop.  ix. 
Victor,  in  Ca\sarib.  ct  Epitom.,)  seems  to  contradict,  imless  it  was 
merely  accidental,  his  su])posed  descent  from  the  Decii.  Six  hundred 
years  had  bestowed  nobility  on  the  Decii :  but  at  the  commtnccnicnt 
of  that  period,  they  were  only  plebeians  of  merit,  mid  among  the 
first  who  shared  the  consulship  with  the  hanijlity  patricians.  I'lebeiaB 
Deciorum  aniinie,  &c.  Juvenal,  Sat.  viii.  2.')i.  Sec  tlic  spiriicd  "pecn 
of  Docius,  in  Livy,  x.  9,  10. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIKE.  281 

loyalty  solemnly  protesting,  that,  on  his  arrival  in  Italy,  hfs 
would  resign  ihe  Imperial  ornaments,  and  return  to  the  con- 
dition of  an  obedient  subject.  Ills  professions  mighl  be  sin- 
cere;  but  in  the  situation  where  fortune  had  placed  him,  it 
was  scarcely  possible  that  he  could  cither  forgive  or  be  for- 
given.3 

The  emperor  Decius  had  employed  a  few  months  in  tho 
works  of  peace  and  the  administration  of  justice,  when  ]m 
was  summoned  to  the  banks  of  the  Danube  by  the  invasion  of 
the  Goths  This  is  the  first  considerable  occasion  in  which 
history  mentions  that  great  people,  who  afterwards  broke  the 
Roman  power,  sacked  the  Capitol,  and  reigned  in  Gaul,  Spain, 
and  Italy.  So  memorable  was  the  part  which  they  acted  m 
the  subversion  of  the  Western  empire,  that  the  name  of  Goths 
is  frequently  but  improperly  used  as  a  general  appellation  of 
rude  and  warlike  barbarism. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century,  and  after  the  con- 
quest of  Italy,  the  Goths,  in  possession  of  present  greatness, 
very  naturally  indulged  themselves  in  the  prospect  of  past 
and  of  future  glory.  They  wished  to  preserve  the  memory  of 
their  ancestors,  and  to  transmit  to  posterity  their  own  achieve- 
ments. The  principal  minister  of  the  court  of  Ravenna,  the 
learned  Cassiodorus,  gratified  the  inclination  of  the  conquerors 
in  a  Gothic  history,  which  consisted  of  twelve  books,  now  re- 
duced to  the  imperfect  abridgment  of  Jornandes."*  These 
writers  passed  with  the  most  artful  conciseness  over  the  mis- 
fortunes of  the  nation,  celebrated  its  successful  valor,  and 
adorned  the  triumph  with  many  Asiatic  trophies,  that  more 
properly  belonged  to  the  people  of  Scythia.  On  the  faith  of 
ancient  songs,  the  uncertain,  but  the  only  memorials  of  bar- 
Oarians,  they  deduced  the  first  origin  of  the  Goths  from  the 
vast  island,  or  peninsula,  of  Scandinavia.^  *     That  extreme 


'  Zofiimus,  1.  i.  p.  20,  c.  22,     Zonaras,  1.  xii.  p.  624,  edit.  Louvic. 

*  See  the  prefaces  of  Cassiodorus  and  Jornandcs  :  it  is  surprising 
that  the  latter  should  be  omitted  in  the  excellent  edition,  published  by 
Grotius,  of  the  Gothic  writers. 

*  On  the  authority  of  Ablavius,  Jomandes  quotes  some  old  Gothic 
Hiroaicles  in  verse.      De  Keb.  Goticis,  c.  4. 


•  The   Goths  have  inhabited  Scandinavia,  but  it  was  not  their  original 
tabitation.     This  great  nation  was  anciently  of  the  Siievian  race  ;  it  occu- 
pied, in  the  time  of  Tacitus,  and  long  before,  Mcckli'iihuji^h,  PomcraTiia, 
Southern  Prussia,  and  the  north-west  of  Poland.     A  little  before  the  birth 
15 


282  Tim    DECLINE    AND      ALL 

country  of  the  North  was  not  unknown  to  the  ::onquerors  of 
Iialy  :  the  ties  of  ancient  consanguinity  had  bee:i  strengthened 
by  recent  offices  of  friendship  ;  and  a  Scandinavian  king  had 
cheerfully  abdicated  his  savage  greatness,  that  he  m;^ht  pasd 
the  remainder  of  his  days  in  the  peaceful  and  pjlished  court 
of  Ravenna.^  Many  vestiges,  which  cannot  be  ascribed  to 
the  arts  of  popular  vanity,  attest  the  ancient  residence  of  the 
Goths  in  the  countries  beyond  the  Baltic.  From  the  time  of 
the  geographer  Ptolemy,  the  southern  part  of  Sweden  seemj 
to  have  continued  in  the  possession  of  the  less  enterprising 
remnant  of  the  nation,  and  a  large  territory  is  even  at  present 
divided  into  east  and  west  Gothland.  During  the  middle  ages, 
(from  the  ninth  to  the  twelfth  century,)  whilst  Christianity 
was  advancing  with  a  slow  progress  into  the  North,  the  Goths 
and  the  Swedes  composed  two  distinct  and  sometimes  hostile 

*  Jorniindes,  c.  3. 


of  J.  C,  and  in  the  first  years  of  that  century,  they  belonged  to  the  king 
dom  of  Marbod,  king  of  the  Marcomanni:  but  Cotwalda,  a  young  Gothij 
prince,  delivered  them  from  that  tyranny,  and  established  his  own  power 
over  the  kingdom  of  the  Marcomanni,  already  much  weakened  by  the  vic- 
tories of  Tiberius.  The  power  of  the  Goths  at  that  time  must  have  been 
great :  it  was  probably  from  them  that  the  Sinus  Codanus  (the  Baltic)  took 
this  name,  as  it  was  afterwards  called  Mare  Suevicum,  and  Mare  Venedi- 
cum,  during  the  superiority  of  the  proper  Suevi  and  the  Venedi.  The 
epoch  in  which  the  Goths  passed  into  Scandinavia  is  unknown.  See 
Adelung,  Hist,  of  Anc.  Germany,  p.  200.     Gatterer,  Hist.  Univ.  458.  —  G. 

M.  St.  Martin  observes,  that  the  Scandinavian  descent  of  the  Goths  rest* 
on  the  authority  of  Jornandes,  who  professed  to  derive  it  from  the  tradi 
tions  of  the  Goths.  He  is  supported  by  Procopius  and  Paulus  Diaconus 
Yet  the  Goths  are  unquestionably  the  same  with  the  Getae  of  the  earlier 
historians.  St.  Martin,  note  on  Le  Beau,  Hist,  du  has  Empire,  iii.  324. 
The  identity  of  the  Getaj  and  Goths  is  by  no  means  generally  admitted. 
On  the  whole,  they  seem  to  be  one  vast  branch  of  the  Indo-Teutonic  r.ace, 
who  spread  irregularly  towards  the  north  of  Europe,  and  at  different  peri- 
ods, and  in  different  regions,  came  in  contact  with  the  more  civili:,ed 
nations  of  the  south.  At  this  period,  there  seems  to  have  been  a  reflux 
of  these  Gothic  tribes  from  the  North. 

Malte  Brun  considers  that  there  are  strong  grounds  for  receiving  the 
Tslandic  traditions  commented  by  the  Danish  Varro,  M.  Suhm.  From 
these,  and  the  voyage  of  Pytheas,  which  Malte  Brun  considers  genuine, 
the  Goths  were  in  possc.ssion  of  Scandinavia,  Ey-Gothland,  2oO  year? 
before  J.  C,  and  of  a  tract  on  the  continent  (Rcid-Gothland)  between  th€ 
mouths  of  the  Vistula  and  the  Oder.  In  their  southern  migration,  they 
followed  the  course  of  the  Vistula ;  afterwards,  of  the  Dnieper.  Malte 
Brun,  Geogr.  i,  p.  387,  edit.  1832.  Geijer,  the  historian  of  Sweden,  ably 
maintains  the  Scandinavian  or  -in  of  the  Goths.  The  Gothic  language, 
•ccording  to  Bopp,  is  the  link  .  'tween  the  Sanscrit  and  the  modern  Teu- 
tonic dialects  :  "  I  think  that  I  am  reading  Sanscrit  when  I  am  reading 
Ulphila.s."  Bopp  Conjugations  System  der  Sanscrit  Spracle.  prefaca 
p  X  —  M.  * 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  283 

members  of  the  samo  monarchy. "^  The  latter  of  these  two 
names  has  prevailed  without  extinguishing  the  former.  The 
Swedes,  who  might  well  bo  satisfied  with  their  own  fame  in 
arms,  have,  in  every  age,  claimed  the  kindred  glory  of  tho 
•Joths.  In  a  moment  of  discontent  against  the  court  of  Rome, 
Charles  the  Twelfth  insinuated,  that  his  victorious  troops  were 
not  degenerated  from  their  brave  ancestors,  who  had  already 
subdued  the  mistress  of  the  world. ^ 

Till  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century,  a  celebrated  temple 
subsisted  at  Upsal,  the  most  considerable  town  of  the  Swedes 
and  Goths.  It  was  enriched  with  the  gold  which  the  Scandi- 
navians had  acquired  in  their  piratical  adventures,  and  sanc- 
tified by  the  uncouth  representations  of  the  three  principal 
deities,  the  god  of  war,  the  goddess  of  generation,  and  the 
god  of  thunder.  In  the  general  festival,  that  was  solemnized 
every  ninth  year,  nine  animals  of  every  species  (without  ex- 
cepting the  human)  were  sacrificed,  and  their  bleeding  bodies 
suspended  in  the  sacred  grove  adjacent  to  the  temple.^  The 
only  traces  that  now  subsist  of  this  barbaric  superstition  are 
contained  in  the  Edda,*  a  system  of  mythology,  compiled  in 
Iceland  about  the  thirteenth  century,  and  studied  by  the 
learned  of  Denmark  and  Sweden,  as  the  most  valuable  re- 
mains of  their  ancient  traditions. 

Notwithstanding  the  mysterious  obscurity  of  th^Edda,  we 
can  easily  distinguish  two  persons  confounded  under  the  name 
of  Odin  ;  the  god  of  war,  and  the  great  legislator  of  Scandi- 
navia. The  latter,  the  Mahomet  of  the  North,  instituted  a 
religion  adapted  to  the  climate  and  to  the  people.  Numerouti 
tribes  on  either  side  of  the  Baltic  were  subdued  by  the  invin- 

^  See  in  the  Prolegomena  of  Grotius  some  large  extracts  from  Adair 
of  Bremen,  and  Saxo-Gramraaticus.  The  former  wrote  in  the  yeai 
1077,  the  latter  flourished  about  the  year  1200. 

*  Voltaire,  Ilistoire  de  Charles  XII.  1.  iii.  When  the  Austrian 
desired  the  aid  of  the  court  of  Rome  against  Gustavus  Adolphus 
Ihcy  always  represented  that  conqueror  as  the  lineal  successor  of 
Alaric.     Ilarte's  History  of  Gustavus,  vol.  ii.  p.  123. 

'  See  Adam  of  Bremen  in  Grotii  Prolegomenis,  p.  10-5.  The  tem- 
ple of  Upsal  was  destroyed  by  Ingo,  king  of  Sweden,  who  began  his 
reign  in  the  year  1075,  and  about  fourscore  years  afterwards  a  Chris- 
•ian  cathedral  was  erected  on  its  ruins.  See  Dalin's  History  of 
Sweden,  in  the  Biblioth^que  Raisonnce. 


*  The  Eddas  have  at  length  l)ccn  made  accessible  to  Eirt  penn  ■scholars 
ay  the  completion  of  the  publication  of  the  Saemundine  Edda  by  the 
Ama  Magnaiau  Conlmis^^ion,  in  3  vols.  4to.,  with  a  copii  us  lexicou  of 
torihern  mythology.  —  M. 


284  THE    DECLINE   AND    {■'ALL 

cible  val(>r  of  Odin,  by  his  persuasive  eloquence  and  bj  tht.' 
fame  which  he  acquired  of  a  most  skilful  magician.  The 
faith  that  he  had  propagated,  during  a  long  and  prosperous 
life,  he  confirmed  by  a  voluntary  death.  Apprehensive  of 
the  ignominious  approach  of  disease  and  infirmity,  he  resolved 
to  expire  as  became  a  warrior.  In  a  solemn  assembly  of  the 
Swedes  and  Goths,  he  wounded  himself  in  nine  mortal  places, 
hastening  away  (as  he  asserted  with  his  dying  voice)  to  pre- 
pare the  feast  of  heroes  in  the  palace  of  the  God  of  war.^*' 

The  native  and  proper  habitation  of  Odin  is  distinguished 
by  the  appellation  of  As-gard.  The  happy  resemblance  of 
that  name  with  As-burg,  or  As-of,ii  words  of  a  similar  signin- 
cation,  has  given  rise  to  an  historical  system  of  so  pleasing  a 
contexture,  that  we  could  almost  wish  to  persuade  ourselves 
of  its  truth.  It  is  supposed  that  Odin  was  the  chief  of  a  tribe 
of  barbarians  which  dwelt  on  the  banks  of  the  Lake  Mseotis, 
till  the  fall  of  Mithridates  and  the  arms  of  Pompey  menaced 
the  North  with  servitude.  That  Odin,  yielding  with  indignant 
fury  to  a  power  which  he  was  unable  to  resist,  conducted  his 
tribe  from  the  frontiers  of  the  Asiatic  Sarmatia  into  Sweden, 
with  the  great  design  of  forming,  in  that  inaccessible  retreat 
of  freedom,  a  religion  and  a  people,  which,  in  some  remote 
age,  might  be  subservient  to  his  immortal  revenge ;  when  his 
invincible  Goths,  armed  with  martial  fanaticism,  should  issue 
in  numerous  swarms  from  the  neighborhqpd  of  the  Polar 
circle,  to  chastise  the  oppressors  of  mankind. ^'^ 

'"  Mallet,  Introduction  k  I'Histoire  du  Dannemarc. 

"  Mallet,  c.  Lv.  p.  55,  has  collected  from  Strabo,  Pliny,  Ptolemy, 
and  Stephanus  Byzantinus,  the  vestige?  of  such  a  city  and  people. 

'*  This  wonderful  expedition  of  Odin,  which,  by  deducing  the 
enmity  of  the  (ioths  and  Romans  from  so  memorable  a  cause,  might 
supply  the  noble  groundwork  of  an  epic  poem,  cannot  safely  be 
received  as  authentic  history.  According  to  the  obvious  sense  of  the 
Edda,  and  the  interpretation  of  the  most  skilful  critics,  As-gard, 
instead  of  denoting  a  real  city  of  the  Asiatic  Sarmatia,  is  the  ticti 
tious  appellation  of  the  mystic  abode  of  the  gods,  the  Olympus  of 
Scandinavia ;  from  whence  the  prophet  was  supjioscd  to  descend, 
when  he  announced  his  new  religion  to  the  Gothic  nations,  who  were 
already  seated  in  the  southern  parts  of  Sweden.* 


•  A  curious  letter  may  be  consulted  on  this  subject  from  the  Swede,  Ihre 
counsellor  in  the  Chancery  of  Upsal,  printed  at  Upsal  by  Edman,  in  1772 
*nd  translated  into  Genr.an  by  M.  SchlOzer.  Gottingen,  printed  fol 
Dietericht,  1779.  — G. 

Gibbon,  at  a  later  period  of  his  work    recanted  his  opinion  of  the  tmUi 


OP   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  285 

If  SO  rnanv  successfve  generations  of  Gotlis  were  ct  xiblo 
Oi  preserving  a  faint  tradition  of  tlieir  Scandinavian  origin,  we 
must  not  expect,  from  such  unlettered  barbarians,  any  distinct 
account  of  the  time  and  circumstances  of  their  emigration. 
To  cross  the  Baltic  was  an  easy  and  natural  attempt.  The 
Inhabitants  of  Sweden  were  masters  of  a  sufficient  numbui 
of  large  vessels,  with  oars,'^  and  the  distance  is  little  more 
than  one  hundred  miles  from  Carlscroon  to  the  nearest  ports 
of  Pouierania  and  Prussia.  Here,  at  length,  we  land  on  firm 
and  historic  ground.  At  least  as  early  as  the  Christian  sera,i* 
&tid  as  late  as  the  age  of  the  Antonines,'-''  the  Goths  wer* 
established  towards  the  mouth  of  the  Vistula,  and  in  that  fer- 
tile province  where  the  commercial  cities  of  Thorn,  Elbing, 
Konincsbcrs,  and  Dantzick,  were  long  afterwards  founded. i*" 
Westward  of  the  G(jths,  the  numerous  tribes  of  the  Vandals 
were  spread  along  the  banks  of  the  Oder,  and  the  sea-coast 
of  Pomerania  and  Mecklenburgh.  A  striking  resemblance 
of  manners,  complexion,  religion,  and  language,  seemed  to 
Indicate  that  the  Vandals  and  the  Goths  were  originally  one 
great  people.'^  The  latter  appear  to  have  been  subdivided 
into   Ostrogoths,  Visigoths,  and    Gepidae.'^     The    distinction 

''  Tacit.  Germania,  c.  44. 

'*  Tacit.  Aunal.  ii.  62.  If  we  could  yield  a  firm  assent  to  the  navi- 
gations of  Pythcas  of  Marseilles,  we  must  allow  that  the  tioths  had 
passed  the  Baltic-  at  least  three  hundred  years  before  Clirist. 

'^  Ptolemy,  1.  ii. 

'"  By  the  German  colonies  who  followed  the  arms  of  the  Teutonic 
knights.  The  conquest  and  conversion  of  Prussia  were  completed  by 
those  adventurers  in  the  thirteenth  century. 

'^  Pliny  (Hist.  Natur.  iv.  14)  and  Procopius  (in  Bell.  Vandal.  1.  i. 
c.  1)  agree  in  this  opinion.  They  Uved  in  distant  ages,  and  possessed 
different  means  of  investigating  the  truth. 

"*  The  Ostro  and  Visi,  the  eastern  and  western  Goths,  obtained 
those  denominations  from  their  orisrinal  scats  in  Scandinavia.*     In 


of  this  expedition  of  Odin.  The  Asiatic  origin  of  the  Goths  is  almost 
certain  from  the  affinity  of  their  language  to  the  Sanscrit  and  Persian  ; 
b\it  their  northern  migration  must  have  taken  place  long  before  the  peri(.d 
ol  liistory.  The  tiaiisfunnatiou  of  the  deity  Odin  into  a  warrior  chieftain., 
and  the  whole  legend  of  his  establishment  in  Scandinavia,  is  probably  a 
theory  of  the  northern  writers,  when  all  mythology  was  reduced  to  hero 
▼••orship'.  — M. 

*  It  was  not  in  Scandinavia  that  the  Goths  were-  divided  into  Ostrogoths 
and  Visigoths  ;  that  division  took  plaee  after  their  irrui)tion  into  Daeia  in 
the  third  centtiry  :  those  who  came  from  Mecklenburgh  and  F(  mcrania 
vcre  called  Visii^nths  ;  those  who  came  from  t'ae  south  of  Prussia,  and  th^ 
north-west  of  Poland,  called  themselves  Ostrogoths.  Adelung,  Hist.  Ail. 
p  202.     Gatterer,  Hist.  Uuiv.  431.  —  G. 


28b*  THE    E£CLINE    AND    FALL 

among  tlie  Vandals  was  more  strongly  markeil  by  the  inde« 
pendenf:  names  of  Heruli,  Burgundians,  Lombards,  and  a 
variety  of  other  petty  states,  many  of  which,  in  a  future  age, 
expanded  themselves  into  powerful  monarchies.* 

In  the  age  of  the  Antonines,  the  Goths  were  still  seated  in 
Prussia.  About  the  reign  of  Alexander  Severus,  the  Roman 
province  of  Dacia  had  already  experienced  their  proximity 
by  frequent  and  destructive  inroads.'^     In  this  interval,  there- 


flll  their  future  marches  and  settlements  they  preserved,  with  theii 
names,  the  same  relative  situation.  When  they  first  departed  from 
Sweden,  the  infant  colony  was  contained  in  three  vessels.  The  third, 
being  a  heavy  sailer,  lagged  behind,  and  the  crew,  which  afterwards 
swelled  into  a  nation,  received  from  that  circumstance  the  appellation 
of  Gepidae  or  Loiterers.     Jornandes,  c.  17. 

'*  See  a  fragment  of  Peter  Patricius  in  the  Excerpta  Legationum ; 
and  with  regard  to  its  probable  date,  see  Tillemont,  Hist,  des  Empe- 
feurs,  torn.  iii.  p.  346. 


*  This  opinion  is  by  no  means  probable.  The  Vandals  and  the  Goths 
vjqually  belonged  to  the  great  division  of  the  Suevi,  but  the  two  tribes 
were  very  different.  Those  who  have  treated  on  this  part  of  history, 
appear  to  me  to  have  neglected  to  remark  that  the  ancients  almost  always 
gave  the  name  of  the  dominant  and  conquering  people  to  all  the  weaker 
and  conquered  races.  So  Pliny  calls  Vindeli,  Vandals,  all  the  people  Oi 
the  north-east  of  Europe,  because  at  that  epoch  the  Vandals  were  doubtless 
the  conquering  tribe.  Csesar,  on  the  contrary,  ranges  under  the  name  of 
Suevi,  many  of  the  tribes  whom  Pliny  reckons  as  Vandals,  because  the 
Suevi,  properly  so  called,  were  then  the  most  powerful  tribe  in  Germany. 
When  the  Goths,  become  in  their  turn  conquerors,  had  subjugated  the 
nations  whom  they  encountered  on  their  way,  these  nations  lost  their 
name  with  their  liberty,  and  became  of  Gothic  origin.  The  Vandals  them- 
selves were  then  considered  as  Goths;  the  Heruli,  the  Gepidae,  &c.,  suf- 
fered the  same  fate.  A  common  origin  was  thus  attributed  to  tribes  who 
had  only  been  united  by  the  conquests  of  some  dominant  nation,  and  this 
confusion  has  given  ms«  to  a  number  of  historical  errors.  —  G. 

M.  St.  Martin  has  a  learned  note  (to  Le  Beau,  v.  261)  on  the  origin  of 
the  Vandals.  The  difficulty  appears  to  be  in  rejecting  the  close  analogy 
of  the  name  with  the  Vend  or  Wendish  race,  who  were  of  Sclavonian,  not 
of  Saevian  or  German,  origin.  M.  St.  Martin  supposes  that  the  different 
races  spread  from  the  head  of  the  Adriatic  to  the  Baltic,  and  even  the 
Veneti,  on  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic,  the  Vindelici,  tlie  tribes  which  gave 
their  name  to  VindoUona,  Vindoduna,  Vindonissa,  were  branches  of  the 
same  stock  with  the  Sclavonian  Venedi,  who  at  one  time  gave  tlieir  name 
to  the  Baltic  ;  that  they  all  spoke  dialects  of  tlie  Wendish  iaiiguat;e,  which 
Btill  prevails  in  Carintbia,  Carniola,  part  of  Bohemia,  and  1/Usatia,  and  is 
hardly  extinct  in  Mecklenburgh  and  Ponicrania.  The  Vandal  race,  once 
60  fearfully  celebrated  in  the  annals  of  mankind,  has  so  utterly  perished 
from  the  face  of  the  earth,  that  we  are  not  aware  that  any  vestiges  of  their 
language  can  be  traced,  so  as  to  throw  light  on  tlie  disputed  question  of 
their  German,  their  Sclavonian,  or  independent  origin.  The  weight  of 
»ncient  authority  seems  against  M.  St.  Martin's  opinion.  Compare,  or.  the 
Vandals,  Malte  Brun,  i.  394.     Also  Gibbon's  note,  c.  xli.  n.  38. — M. 


OK    THE    ROiMAN    EMPIRE.  28"? 

fore,  of  about  seventy  years,  we  must  place  the  secona  migra 
tion  of  the  Gothi  from  the  BaUic  to  the  Euxine ;  but  the  cause 
that  produced  it  lies  concealed  among  the  various  motives 
which  actuate  tlic  conduct  of  unsettled  barbarians.  Either  a 
pestilence  or  a  famine,  a  victory  or  a  defeat,  an  oracle  of  the 
gods  or  the  eloquence  of  a  daring  leader,  were  suflTicic  it  to 
impel  the  Gothic  arms  on  the  milder  climates  of  the  south. 
Besides  the  influence  of  a  martial  rel'gion,  the  numbers  and 
spirit  of  the  Goths  were  equal  to  the  most  dangerous  adven- 
tures. The  use  of  round  bucklers  and  short  swords  retidered 
them  formidable  in  a  close  engagement;  the  manly  obedience 
which  they  yielded  to  hereditary  kings,  gave  uncommon  unior 
and  stability  to  their  councils :  -"^  and  the  renowned  Amala 
the  hero  of  that  age,  and  the  tenth  ancestor  of  Theodoric, 
king  of  Italy,  enforced,  by  the  ascendant  of  personal  merit,  the 
prerogative  of  his  birth,  which  he  derived  from  the  Anses,  or 
demigods  of  the  Gothic  nation. ^^ 

The  fame  of  a  great  enterprise  excited  the  bravest  warriors 
from  all  the  Vandalic  states  of  Germany^  many  of  whom  are 
seen  a  few  years  afterwards  combating  under  the  common 
standard  of  the  Goths.^-  The  first  motions  of  the  emigrants 
carried  them  to  the  banks  of  the  Prypec,  a  river  universally 
conceived  by  the  ancients  to  be  the  .southern  branch  of  the 
Boryslhencs.2;^  The  windings  of  that  great  stream  through 
the  plains  of  Poland  and  Russia  gave  a  direction  to  their  line 
of  march,  and  a  constant  supply  of  frer.h  water  and  pasturage 
to  their  numerous  herds  of  cattle.  They  followed  the  un- 
known course  of  the  river,  confident  in  their  valor,  and  care- 
less of  whatever  power  might  oppose  their  progress.  The 
Bastarnae  and  the  Venedi  were  the  first  who  presented  them- 
selves ;  and  the  flower  of  their  youth,  either  from  choice  or 
compulsiDn,  increased  the  Gothic  army.    The  Bastarnae  dwelt 

*"  Omnium  harum  gentium  insigne,  rotunda  scxxta,  breves  gladii,  et 
erga  rcges  oh.soquium.  Tacit.  Uermania,  c.  43.  The  Goths  probably 
required  their  iron  by  the  commerce  of  amber. 

*'  Jornandes,  c.  13,  14. 

"  The  Ileruli,  and  the  Uregundi  or  Burgundi,  are  particularly 
mentioned.  See  Mascou's  History  of  the  Germans,  1.  v.  A  passage 
m  the  Augustan  History,  p.  'J,8,  seems  to  allude  to  tlus  great  emigra- 
tion. The  Marcomannic  war  was  partly  occasioned  by  the  pressure 
of  barbarous  tribes,  who  fled  before  the  arms  of  more  northern 
barbarians. 

*'  D'Am-illc,  Geographie  Ancienne,  and  the  tliir  I  part  of  his  incom 
parable  map  of  Europe. 


288  THE    DECLINE    ANb    FALL 

on  the  northern  side  of  the  Carpathian  Mountains  :  the  im- 
mense tract  of  land  that  separated  the  Bastarnae  from  ihe 
savages  of  Finland  was  possessed,  or  rather  wasted,  by  the 
Venedi;-'*  we  have  some  reason  to  believe  that  the  first  of 
these  nations,  which  distinguished  itself  in  the  Macedonian 
war,-^  and  was  afterwards  divided  into  the  formidable  tribes 
of  the  Peucini,  the  Borani,  the  Carpi,  &c.,  derived  its  origir. 
from  the  Germans.*  With  better  authority,  a  Sarmatian 
extraction  may  be  assigned  to  the  Venedi,  who  renderea 
themselves  so  famous,  in  the  middle  ages.^^  gut  the  confu- 
sion of  blood  and  manners  on  that  doubtful  frontier  often  per- 
plexed the  most  accurate  observers.^^  As  the  Goths  advanced 
near  the  Euxine  Sea,  they  encountered  a  purer  race  of  Sar- 
matians,  the  Jazyges,  the  Alani,|  and  the  Roxolani  ;  and  they 
were  probably  the  first  Germans  who  ^aw  the  mouths  of  the 
Bor}'sthenes,  and  of  the  Tanais.  If  we  inquire  into  the  char- 
acteristic marks  of  the  people  of  Germany  and  of  Sarmatia, 
we  shall  discover  that  those  two  great  portions  of  human  kind 
were  principally  distinguished  by  fixed  huts  or  movable  tents, 
by  a  close  dress  or  flowing  garments,  by  the  marriage  of  one 


^■^  Tacit.  Germania,  c.  46. 

*^  Cluver.  Germ.  Antiqua,  1.  iii.  c.  43. 

^^  The  Venedi,  the  Slavi,  and  the  Antes,  were  tlie  three  great  tribes 
of  the  same  people.     Jornandos,  c.  24. f 

*'  Tacitus  most  assuredly  deserves  that  title,  and  even  his  cautioua 
suspense  is  a  proof  of  his  diligent  inquiries. 


*  The  BastarnfB  cannot  be  considered  original  inhabitants  of  Germany  ; 
Strabo  and  Tacitus  appear  to  doubt  it ;  Pliny  alone  calls  them  Germans  ; 
Ptolemy  and  Dion  treat  them  as  Scythians,  a  vague  appellation  at  this 
period  of  history  ;  Livy,  Plutarch,  and  Diodorus  Siculus,  call  them  Gauls, 
and  this  is  the  most  probable  opinion.  They  descended  from  the  Gauls 
who  entered  Germany  under  Signoesus.  They  arc  always  found  associated 
with  other  Gaulish  tribes,  such  as  the  Boii,  the  Taurisci,  &c.,  and  not  to 
the  German  tribes.  The  names  of  tlieir  chiefs  or  princes,  Chlonix,  Chlon- 
dicus,  Deldon,  are  not  German  names.  Those  who  were  settled  in  the 
island  of  Pence  in  the  Danube,  took  the  name  of  Peucini. 

The  Carpi  appear  in  237  as  a  Suevian  tribe  who  had  made  an  irruption 
into  Mffisia.  Afterwards  they  reappear  under  tha  Ostrogoths,  with  whom 
they  were  jjrobably  blended.     Adcluiig,  p.  236,  278.  — G. 

t  They  formed  the  great  Sclavoniaii  nation.  —  G. 

X  Jac.  Reineggs  supposed  that  he  had  found,  in  the  mountains  of  Cau 
casus,  some  descendants  of  the  Alani.  The  Tartars  call  them  Edeki 
Alan  :  they  speak  a  peculiar  dialect  of  the  ancient  language  of  the  Tartan 
of  Caucasus      See  J.  Reineggs'  Descr.  of  Caucasus,  p.  II,  13. — G. 

According  to  Klaproth,  they  are  the  Ossetes  of  the  present  day  m 
Mount  Caucasus,  and  were  the  same  with  the  Albanians  of  antiquity. 
Klaproth,  Tableaux  Hist,  de  I'Asie,  p.  180.  — M. 


OJ'     THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  288 

or  ot  several  wives,  by  a  military  force,  consisting,  for  the 
most  part,  either  of  infantry  or  cavalry  ;  and  above  ail,  by  the 
use  of  (he  Tcnitonic,  or  of  the  Sclavonian  language  ;  the  last 
of  which  has  beiMi  diirusecl  by  conquest,  from  the  confinea  of 
Italy  to  the  neighborhood  of  Japan. 

The  Goths  were  now  in  possession  of  the  Ukraine,  a  country 
of  considerable  extent  and  uncommon  fertility,  intersected 
with  navigable  rivers,  which,  from  either  side,  discharge 
themselves  into  the  Borysthenes ;  and  interspersed  with  large 
and  lofty  forests  of  oaks.  The  plenty  of  game  and  fish,  the 
innumerable  bee-hives  deposited  in  the  hollow  of  old  trees, 
and  in  the  cavities  of  rocks,  and  forming,  even  in  that  rude 
age,  a  valuable  branch  of  commerce,  the  size  of  the  cattle,  the 
temperature  of  the  air,  the  a])tness  of  the  soil  for  every  species 
of  grain,  and  the  luxuriancy  of  the  vegetation,  all  displayed 
ihe  liberality  of  Nature,  and  tempted  the  industry  of  man.^^ 
But  the  Goths  withstood  all  these  temptations,  and  still  adhered 
to  a  life  of  idleness,  of  poverty,  and  of  rapine. 

The  Scythian  hordes,  which,  towards  the  east,  bordered  on 
the  new  settlements  of  the  Goths,  presented  nothing  to  their 
arms,  except  the  doubtful  chance  of  an  unprofitable  victory 
But  the  prospect  of  the  Roman  territories  was  far  more  allur 
ing  ;  and  the  fields  of  Dacia  were  covered  with  rich  harvests 
sown  by  Vhe  hands  of  an  industrious,  and  exposed  to  be  gath- 
ered by  those  of  a  warlike,  people.  It  is  probable  that  the 
conquests  of  Trajan,  maintained  by  his, successors,  less  fot 
any  real  advantage  than  for  ideal  dignity,  had  contributed  ta 
weaken  the  empire  on  that  side.  The  new  and  unsettled 
province  of  Dacia  was  neither  strong  enough  to  resist,  not 
rich  enough  to  satiate,  the  rapaciousness  of  the  barbarians. 
As  long  as  the  remote  banks  of  the  Niester  were  considered 
as  the  boundary  of  the  Roman  power,  the  fortifications  of  tha 
Lower  Danube  were  more  carelessly  guarded,  and  the  inhab- 
'tants  of  Majsia  lived  in  su|)ine  security,  fondly  conceiving 
themselves  at  an  inaccessible  distance  from  any  barbarian 
invaders.  The  irruptions  of  the  Goths,  under  the  reign  of 
Philip,  fatally  convinced  thorn  of  their  mistake.  The  king, 
M  leader,  of  that  fierce  nation,  traversed   with  contempt   tho 

**•  Gciicalo','iciil  History  of  the  Tartars,  p.  f  93.  Mr.  liell  (vol.  ii.  p. 
379)  traversed  the  Ukraine,  in  his  journey  i'loni  Pctcrsburgh  to  L'oii- 
Btautiuople.  The  modern  face  of  the  country  is  a  just  representation 
pf  the  ancient,  since,  in  tlic  liands  of  the  Cossacks,  it  still  remains  in 
h  btate  of  nature. 
15"- 


290  THE    DECLINE     IND    FALL 

province  of  Dacia,  and  passed  both  the  Niester  and  Ine 
Danube  without  encountering  any  opposition  capable  of  re- 
tarding his  progress.  The  relaxed  discipline  of  the  Roman 
troops  betrayed  the  most  important  posts,  where  they  were 
stationed,  and  the  fear  of  deserved  punishment  induced  great 
numbers  of  them  to  enlist  under  the  Gothic  standard.  The 
various  multitude  of  barbarians  appeared,  at  length,  undo* 
the  walls  of  Marcianopolis,  a  city  built  by  Trajan  in  honor 
of  his  sister,  and  at  that  time  the  capital  of  the  second 
Ma3sia.29  The  inhabitants  consented  to  ransom  their  lives 
and  property  by  the  payment  of  a  large  sum  of  money,  and 
the  invaders  retreated  back  into  their  deserts,  animated,  rather 
than  satisfied,  with  the  first  success  of  their  arms  against  an 
opulent  but  feeble  countr}-.  Intelligence  was  soon  transmitted 
to  the  emperor  Decius,  that  Cniva,  king  of  the  Goths,  had 
passed  the  Danube  a  second  time,  with  more  considerable 
forces ;  that  his  numerous  detachments  scattered  devastation 
over  the  province  of  Massia,  whilst  the  main  body  of  the 
army,  consisting  of  seventy  thousand  Germans  and  Sarma- 
tians,  a  force  equal  to  the  most  daring  achievements,  required 
the  presence  of  the  Roman  monarch,  and  the  exertion  of  his 
military  power. 

Decius  found  the  Goths  engaged  before  Nicopolis,  on  the 
Jatrus,  one  of  the  many  monuments  of  Trajan's  victoi-ies.-" 
On  his  approach  they  raised  the  siege,  hut  with  a  design  onlj 
uf  marching  away  to  a  conquest  of  greater  importance,  the 
siege  of  Philippopolis,  a  city  of  Thrace,  founded  by  the  fathei 
oi    Alexander,    near  the    foot   of   Mount  Hajmus.^i     Decius 

^^  In  the  sixteenth  chapter  of  Jornandes,  instead  of  secimdo  Maesiam, 
we  may  venture  to  substitute  secundam,  the  second  Mtesia,  of  which 
Marcianopolis  was  certainly  the  capital.  (See  Hieroclcs.de  Provinciis, 
and  Wesseling  ad  locum,  p.  636.  Itinerar.)  It  is  surprising  how 
"his  palpable  error  of  the  scribe  could  escape  the  judicious  correction 
Df  Grotius.* 

^"  The  i)laee  is  still  called  Nicop.  D'Anvillc,  Geographic  Anciennc, 
torn.  i.  p.  307.  The  little  stream,  on  wh  >se  banks  it  stood,  falls  into 
the  Danube. 

^'  8tephan.  Byzant.  de  Urbibus,  p.  740.  Wesseling;,  Itinerar.  p. 
136.  Zonaran,  by  an  odd  mistake,  ascribes  the  foundation  of  I'hilip- 
popolis  to  the  immediate  predecessor  of  Decius. f 


•  Laden  ha.^:  observed  that  Jornandes  mentions  two  passages  over  tlie 
Danul)e  ;  this  relates  to  llie  stcuud  irruption  into  Idiesia.  (JescbicUte  dta 
r.  V.  ii.  p.  448.  — M. 

f  Now  Philippopolis  or  Philiba  ;  its  situation  among  'lie  bills  ca  isod  it 
lo  be  ftlso  called  Triniohtiuiu      l)"Aiiville,  Ueog.  Auc.  i.  295.  — G. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EIlIPIRE.  291 

followed  tliem  througli  a  difTicult  countr/,  and  bv  'brcea 
marclies;  but  when  he  imagined  himself  at  a  considcrablr. 
distance  iVom  tlic  rear  of  the  Gollis,  C'liva  turned  with  rapid 
fury  on  his  pursuers.  The  camp  of  the  Romans  was  sur- 
prised and  pilhiged,  and,  for  the  first  time,  their  emperor  fled 
in  disorder  before  a  troop  of  iialf-armcd  barbarians.  After  a 
long  resistance,  Philippopolis,  destitute  of  succor,  was  taken 
by  storm.  A  hunch'od  thousand  persons  are  reported  to  have 
been  massacred  in  the  sack  of  that  great  city.^"^  Many  pris- 
oners of  consequence  became  a  vahiable  accession  to  the 
spoil  ;  and  Priscus,  a  brother  of  the  late  emperpr  Phili[), 
blushed  not  to  assume  the  purple  under  the  protection  of  the 
Darbarous  enemies  of  Rome.^^  The  time,  however,  con- 
sumed io  that  tedious  siege,  enabled  Decius  to  revive  the 
courage,  r,  store  the  discipline,  and  recruit  the  numbers  of  his 
troops.  He  intercepted  several  parties  of  Carpi,  and  otlici 
Germans,  who  were  hastening  to  share  the  victory  of  theii 
countrymen,^'*  intrusted  the  passes  of  the  mountains  to  ofli- 
cers  of  approved  valor  and  fidelity ,^^  repaired  and  strength, 
ened  the  fortifications  of  the  Danube,  and  e.xerted  his  utmost 
vigilance  to  oppose  either  the  progress  or  the  retreat  of  tho 
Goths.  Encouraged  by  the  return  of  fortune,  he  anxiously 
waited  for  an  opportunity  to  retrieve,  by  a  great  and  decisive 
blow,  his  own  glory,  and  that  of  the  Roman  arms.^t^ 

At  the  same  time  when  Decius  was  strugglmg  with  the  vio- 
lence of  the  tempest,  his  mind,  calm  and  deliberate  amidsi 
the  tumult  of  war,  invesfigated  the  more  geneml  causes,  that, 
since  the  age  of  the  Antonines,  had  so  impetuously  urged  tho 
decline  of  the  Roman  greatness.  He  soon  discovered  that  it 
was  impossible  to  replace  that  greatness  on  a  permanent  basis 
without  restoring  public  virtue,  ancient  principles  and  manners 
and  the  oppressed  majesty  of  the  laws.     To  execute  this  noble 

'*  Ammian.  xxxi.  5. 

^^  Aurcl.  Victor,  c.  29. 

^*  ViutoricB  Carpicw,  on  some  medals  of  Decius,  insinuate  these 
udvantnjics. 

•''  Claudius  (who  aftrrwai-ds  reigned  Avith  so  much  J^loni-)  -wa.' 
jiostod  in  the  pass  of  Therniopyki;  with  200  Dardanians,  IOC  heavy 
und  100  lij^ht  horse,  60  Cretan  archers,  and  1000  well-armed  recruits. 
Hec  an  original  letter  from  tha-emperor  to  his  officer,  in  the  Augustan 
History,  p.  200. 

''*  Jornandes,  c.  16 — 18.  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  22.  In  the  general  ac- 
count of  this  war,  it  is  easy  to  discover  the  opposite  prejudices  of  tha 
Uolhic  und  the  Grecian  writer.     In  caielessuess  alone  they  arc  aliko 


292  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

but  araucjus  design,  he  first  resolved  to  revive  the  obsolete 
office  of  censor  ;  an  otfice  which,  as  long  as  it  had  subsisted 
in  its  pristine  integrity,  had  so  much  contributed  to  the  per- 
petuity of  the  state,"^^  till  it  was  usurped  and  gradually  neg- 
lected by  the  Ccesars.^s  Conscious  that  the  favor  of  the  sove- 
reign may  confer  power,  but  that  the  esteem  of  the  people 
can  alone  bestow  authority,  he  submitted  the  choice  of  the 
censor  to  the  unbiased  voice  of  the  senate.  By  their  unan- 
imous votes,  or  rather  acclamations,  Valerian,  who  was  after- 
wards emperor,  and  who  then  served  with  distinction  in  the 
army  of  Decius,  was  declared  the  most  worthy  of  that  exalted 
honor.  As  soon  as  the  decree  of  the  senate  was  transmitted 
to  the  emperor,  he  assembled  a  great  council  in  his  camp,  and 
before  the  investiture  of  the  censor  elect,  he  apprised  him  of 
the  difficulty  and  importance  of  his  great  office  "  Happy 
Valerian,"  said  the  prince  to  his  distinguished  subject,  "  happy 
in  the  general  approbation  of  the  senate  and  of  the  Roman 
republic  !  Accept  the  censorship  of  mankind  ;  and  judge  of 
our  manners.  You  will  select  those  who  deserve  to  continue 
members  of  the  senate ;  you  will  restore  the  equestrian  order 
to  its  ancient  splendor;  you  will  improve  the  revenue,  yet 
moderate  the  public  burdens.  You  will  distinguish  into  reg- 
ular classes  the  various  and  infinite  multitude  of  citizenf ,  and 
accurately  view  the  military  strength,  the  wealth,  the  virtue, 
and  the  resources  of  Rome.  Your  decisions  shall  obtain  the 
»orce  of  laws.  The  army,  the  palace,  the  ministers  of  jus- 
tice, and  the  great  officers  of  the  empire,  are  all  subject  to 
your  tribunal.  None  are  exempted,  excepting  only  the  ordi- 
nary consuls,^^  the  prefect  of  the  city,  the  king  of  the  sacri- 
fices, and  (as  long  as  she  preserves  her  chastity  inviolate)  the 
eldest  of  the  vestal  virgins.  Even  these  few,  who  may  not 
dread  the  severity,  will  anxiously  solicit  the  esteem,  of  the 
Roman  censor."  ^^ 

'^  Montesquieu,  Grandeur  et  Decadence  des  Remains,  c.  viii.  Ho 
illustrates  the  nature  and  use  of  the  censorship  with  his  usual  inge- 
nuity, and  with  uncommon  precision. 

^*  Vespasian  and  Titus  were  the  last  censors,  (Pliny,  Hist.  Natur. 
vii.  49.  Censorinus  dc  Die  Natali.)  The  modesty  of  Trajan  refus&'jl 
an  honor  which  he  deserved,  and  his  example  became  t  law  to  tl.«> 
Antonincs.     See  Pliny's  I'ancgyric.  c.  45  and  fiO. 

^*  Yet  in  spite  of  this  exemption,  I'omjjcy  aj)peared  before  tha< 
tribunal  during  his  consulship.  The  occasion,  indeed,  was  cc^uallj 
•ingular  and  honorable.     Plutarch  in  Pomp.  p.  630. 

*"  See  the  origir.al  speech  in  the  Augustan  Hist.  p.  173.  174. 


IF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  2^J 

A  rnagistrite,  invosted  with  such  extensive  powers,  woiiI(3 
have  appeared  not  so  miich  the  miiiistcr,  as  t..e  colleague  ot 
his  sovereign/!  Valerian  justly  draaded  an  elevation  so  fuh 
of  envy  and  of  suspicion.  He  modestly  urged  the  alarming 
greatness  of  the  trust,  liis  own  insufficiency,  and  the  incura 
ble  corruption  of  the  times.  He  artfully  insinuated,  that  the 
ofiice  of  censor  was  inseparable  from  the  Imperial  dignity, 
and  that  the  feeble  hands  of  a  subject  were  unequal  to  the 
sujjport  of  such  an  immense  weight  of  cares  and  of  power.'*'-^ 
The  approaching  event  of  war  soon  put  an  end  to  the  prose- 
cution of  a  project  so  specious,  but  so  impracticable  ;  and 
whilst  it  preserved  Valerian  from  the  danger,  saved  the  em- 
peror Decius  from  the  disappointment,  which  would  most 
probably  have  attended  it.  A  censor  may  maintain,  he  can 
never  restore,  the  morals  of  a  state.  It  is  impossible  for  such 
a  magistrate  to  exert  his*  authority  with  benefit,  or  even  with 
effect,  unless  he  is  supported  by  a  quick  sense  of  honor  and 
virtue  in  the  minds  of  the  pco[)le,  by  a  decent  reverence  for 
the  public  opinion,  and  by  a  train  of  useful  prejudices  combat- 
ing on  the  side  of  national  manners.  In  a  period  when  these 
principles  are  annihilated,  the  censorial  jurisdiction  must 
either  sink  into  empty  pageantry,  or  be  converted  into  a  par- 
tial instrument  of  vexatious  oppression. ''^  It  was  easier  to 
vanquish  the  Goths  than  to  eradicate  the  public  vices  ;  yet, 
even  in  the  first  of  these  enterprises,  Decius  lost  his  army  and 
his  life. 

The  Goths  were  now,  on  every  side,  surrounded  and  pur- 
sued by  t.iC  Roman  arms.  The  flower  of  their  troops  had 
perished  in  the  long  siege  of  Philippopolis,  and  the  exhausted 
country  could  no  longer  afford  subsistence  for  the  remaining 
multitude  of  licentious  barbarians.  Reduced  to  this  extremity, 
the  Goths  would  gladly  have  purchased,  by  the  surrender  of 
all  their  booty  and  prisoners,  the  permission  of  an  undisturbed 
retreat.  But  the  emperor,  confident  of  victory,  and  resolving, 
by  the  chastisement  of  these  invaders,  to  strike  a  salutary 
terror  into  the  nations  of  the  North,  refused  to  listen  to  any 
t  jrms  of  accommodation.     The  high-spirited  barbarians  pre 


*'  This  transaction  might  deceive  Zonaras,  who  supposes  that  Vale- 
lian  was  actually  deulared  the  colleague  of  Decius,  1.  sii.  p.  o'io. 

**  Hist.  August,  p.  174.     The  emperor's  reply  is  omitted. 

*^  Such  as  the  attempts  of  Augustus  towards  a  reforraaiLon  of  uuui- 
Bers.     Tacit.  Annal.  iii.  24. 


294  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

ferred  death  t;  tiiavery.  An  obscure  town  of  Msesia,  cjilled 
Forum  Terebronii,'^^  was  the  scene  of  the  battle.  The  Gothic 
army  was  drawn  up  in  three  lines,  and,  either  from  choice  or 
accident,  the  front  of  t.ie  third  line  was  covered  by  a  morass. 
In  the  beginning  of  the  action,  the  son  of  Decius,  a  youth  of 
the  fairest  hopes,  and  already  associated  to  the  honors  of  the 
purple,  was  slain  by  an  arrow,  in  the  sight  of  his  afflicted 
father  ;  who,  summoning  all  his  fortitude,  admonished  the 
dismayed  troops,  that  the  loss  of  a  single  soldier  was  of  little 
importance  to  the  republic.^^  The  conflict  was  terrible  ;  it 
was  the  combat  of  despair  against  grief  and  rage.  The  first 
line  of  the  Goths  at  length  gave  way  in  disorder  ;  the  second, 
advancing  to  sustain  it,  shared  its  fate ;  and  the  third  only 
remained  entire,  prepared  to  dispute  the  passage  of  the  morass, 
which  was  imprudently  attempted  by  the  presumption  of  the 
enemy.  "  Here  the  fortune  of  tiie  day  turned,  and  all  things 
became  adverse  to  the  Romans ;  the  place  deep  with  ooze 
sinking  under  those  who  stood,  slippery  to  such  as  advanced 
their  armor  heavy,  the  waters  deep  ;  nor  could  they  wield,  in 
that  uneasy  situation,  their  weighty  javelins.  The  barbarians, 
on  the  contrary,  were  inured  to  encounter  in  the  bogs,  their 
persons  tall,  their  spears  long,  such  as  could  wound  at  a  dis- 
tance." ^^  In  this  morass  the  Roman  army,  after  an  ineffec- 
tual struggle,  was  irrecoverably  lost ;  nor  could  the  body  of 
the  emperor  ever  be  found."*^  Such  was  the  fate  of  Decius,  in 
the  fiftieth  year  of  his  age  ;  an  accomplished  prince,  active 
in  war  and  affable  in  peace  ;  ^^  who,  together  wUh  his  son,  has 
deserved  to  be  compared,  both  in  life  and  death,  with  the 
brightest  examples  of  ancient  virtue.^^ 


**  Tillcmont,  Ilistoire  dcs  Empercurs,  torn.  iii.  p.  598.  As  Zosimus 
and  some  of  his  followers  mistake  the  Danube  for  the  Tanaia,  thej 
place  the  field  of  battle  in  the  plains  of  Scylhia. 

*^  Aurelius  Victor  allows  two  distinct  actions  for  the  deaths  of  tho 
two  Decii ;  but  I  have  preferred  the  account  of  Jornandcs. 

■"*  I  have  ventured  to  copy  from  Tacitus  (Annal.  i.  64)  the  j  icture 
of  a  similar  engagement  between  a  Koman  army  and  a  German  tribo. 

*">  Jornandes,  c.  18.  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  22,  [c.  23.]  Zonai-as,  1.  xii. 
p.  G27.     Aurelius  Victor. 

**  The  Decii  were  killed  before  tho  end  of  tho  year  two  hundred 
and  fifty-one,  since  the  new  princes  took  possession  of  the  consulship 
on  tlie  ensuing  calends  of  January. 

*^  Hist.  August,  p.  223,  gives  them  a  very  honorable  place  among 
the  small  number  of  good  emperors  who  reigned  bet  ween  Augustui; 
«id  Diocletian. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  29S 

This  fatal  blow  liumbled,  for  a  very  little  time,  the  insolence 
5f  the  legions.  They  appear  to  have  patiently  expected,  and 
submissively  obeyed,  the  decree  of  the  senate  which  regulated 
the  succession  to  the  throne.  From  a  just  regard  for  the 
memory  of  Decius,  the  Imperial  title  was  conferred  on  Hos- 
tilianus,  his  only  surviving  son  ;  but  an  equal  rank,  with  more 
ellbctual  power,  was  granted  to  Gallus,  whose  experience  and 
ability  seemed  equal  to  the  great  trust  of  guardian  to  the  young 
prince  and  the  distressed  empire.^''  The  first  care  of  the  new 
emperor  was  to  deliver  the  Illyrian  provinces  from  the  intoler- 
able weight  of  the  victorious  Goths.  He  consented  to  leave 
in  their  hands  the  rich  fruits  of  their  invasion,  an  mimonse 
bo(Hy,  and  what  was  still  more  disgraceful,  a  great  number  of 
prisoners  of  the  highest  merit  and  quality.  He  plentifully 
supplied  their  camp  with  every  conveniency  that  could  assuage 
th'^ir  angry  spirits,  or  facilitate  their  so  much  wished-for  de- 
parture ;  and  he  even  promised  to  pay  them  annually  a  large 
sum  of  gold,  on  condition  they  should  never  afterwards  infest 
the  Roman  territories  by  their  incursions.^' 

In  the  age  of  the  Scipios,  the  most  opulent  kings  of  the 
earth,  who  courted  the  protection  of  the  victorious  common- 
wealth, were  gratified  with  such  trifling  presents  as  could  only 
derive  a  value  from  the  hand  that  bestowed  them  ;  an  ivory 
chair,  a  coarse  garment  of  purple,  an  inconsiderable  piece  of 
plate,  or  a  quantity  of  copper  coin.^-  After  the  wealth  of 
nations  had  centred  in  Rome,  the  emperors  displayed  thei* 
greatness,  and  even  their  policy,  by  the  regular  exercise  of  a 
steady  and  moderate  liberality  towards  the  allies  of  the  state. 
They  relieved  the  poverty  of  the  barbarians,  honored  their 
merit,  and  recompensed  their  fidelity.  These  voluntary  marks 
of  bounty  were  understood  to  flow,  not  from  the  fears,  but 
merely  from  the  generosity  or  the  gratitude  of  the  Romans; 
and  whilst  presents  and  subsidies  were  liberally  distributed 
Bmong   friends  and   suppliants,  they  were  sternly  refused  to 

*''  Ilnec  ubi  Patrcs  compcrere dccemunt.     Victor  in 

Ca»aril)U3. 

*'  Zoiiaras,  1.  xii.  p.  628. 

*'  A  Selia,  a  Tuffa,  and  a  golden  Patera  of  five  pounds  weight,  were 
twjcepted  with  joy  and  gratitude  Ijy  the  wealthy  king  of  Eg}T)t.  (Livy, 
Sivii.  4.)  (iuiiia  millia  JEris,  a  weight  of  copper,  in  value  about 
eighteen  pounds  sterling,  was  the  usual  piesent  made  to  foreign  am- 
oOGS-idors.     (Livy,  xxxi.  9.) 


296  THE    UJECLINE    AND    FALL 

such  as  Claimed  them  as  a  debt.^^  g;,t  this  stij>':lation,  of  an 
annual  payment  to  a  victorious  enemy,  appeared  without  dis- 
guise in  the  light  of  an  ignominious  tribute  ;  the  minds  of  the 
Romans  were  not  yet  accustomed  to  accept  such  unequal  laws 
from  a  tribe  of  barbarians;  and  the  prince,  who  by  a  neces- 
sary concession  had  probably  saved  his  country,  became  the 
object  of  the  general  contempt  and  aversion.  The  death  of 
Hostilianus,  though  it  happened  in  the  midst  of  a  raging  pes- 
tilence, was  interpreted  as  the  personal  crime  of  Gallus;^'* 
and  even  the  defeat  of  the  late  emperor  was  ascribed  by  the 
voice  of  suspicion  to  the  perfidious  counsels  of  his  hated  suc- 
cessor.s^  The  tranquillity  which  the  empire  enjoyed  during 
the  first  year  of  his  administvation,^^  served  rather  to  inflame 
than  to  appease  the  public  discontent ;  and  as  soon  as  the 
apprehensions  of  war  were  removed,  the  infamy  of  the  peace 
was  more  deeply  and  more  sensibly  felt. 

But  the  Romans  were  irritated  to  a  still  higher  degree,  when 
they  discovered  that  they  had  not  even  secured  their  repose, 
though  at  the  expense  of  their  honor.  The  dangerous  secret 
of  the  wealth  and  weakness  of  the  empire  had  been  revealed 
to  the  world.  New  swarms  of  barbarians,  encouraged  by  the 
Bucccss,  and  not  conceiving  themselves  bound  by  the  obliga- 
tion of  their  brethren,  spread  devastation  through  the  lUyrian 
provinces,  and  terror  as  far  as  the  gates  of  Rome.  The 
defence  of  the  monarchy,  which  seemed  abandoned  by  the 
pusillanimous  emperor,  was  assumed  by  yEmiiianus,  governor 
of  Pannonia  and  Maesia ;  who  rallied  the  scattered  forces,  and 
revived  the  fainting  spirits  of  the  troops.  The  barbarians  were 
unexpectedly  attacked,  routed,  chased,  and  pursued  beyond 
the  Danube.  The  victorious  leader  distributed  as  a  donative 
the  money  collected  for  the  tribute,  and  the  acclamations  of 
the  soldiers  proclaimed  him  emperor  on  the  field  of  battle.^^ 
Gallus,  who,  careless  of  the  general  welfare,  indulged  himself 
in  the  pleasures  of  Italy,  was  almost  in  the  same  instant 
informed  of  the  success,  of  the  revolt,  and  of  the  rapid  ap- 


**  See  the  firmness  of  a  Roman  general  so  late  as  the  time  of  Alex- 
ander Scverus,  in  the  Exccrj)ta  Legatiomim,  p.  2),  edit.  Louvre. 

^  For  the  plague,  see  Jornandes,  c.  I'J,  and  Victor  in  Ca'saribus. 

*'  Ihese  improbable  accusations  are  alleged  by  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p. 
23,  24. 

*"  Jornandes,  c.  19.  The  Gothic  writer  at  least  observed  thp  peace 
which  his  victori'uis  countrymen  had  sworn  to  Gu.Uus. 

°'  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  26,  26. 


OF    THK    ROMAN    EMTIRE.  297 

proach  of  his  aspiring  lieutenant.  lie  advanced  \.o  meet  hiro 
as  far  as  the  jilains  of  Spoleto.  ^Vhen  the  armies  came  in 
sight  of  each  other,  tlie  soldiers  of  Gallus  compared  the  igno- 
minious conduct  of  their  sovereign  with  the  glory  of  his  rival 
They  admired  the  valor  of  iEmilianus ;  they  were  attracted 
by  his  liberality,  for  he  otTered  a  considerable  increase  of  pay 
to  all  deserters.^^  The  murder  of  Gallus,  and  of  his  son 
Volusianus,  put  an  end  to  the  civil  war  ;  and  the  senate  gave 
a  legal  sanction  to  the  rights  of  conquest.  The  letters  of 
.^Emilianus  to  that  assembly  displayed  a  mixture  of  moderation 
and  vanity.  He  assured  them,  that  he  should  resign  to  their 
wisdom  the  civil  administration  ;  and,  contenting  himself  with 
the  quality  of  their  general,  would  in  a  short  time  assert  the 
glory  of  Rome,  and  deliver  the  empire  from  all  the  barbarians 
both  of  the  North  and  of  the  East.-*^  His  pride  was  flattered 
by  the  applause  of  the  senate  ;  and  medals  are  still  extant, 
representing  him  with  the  name  and  attributes  of  Hercules  the 
Victor,  and  of  Mars  the  Avenger.^" 

If  the  new  monarch  possessed  the  abilities,  he  wanted  the 
;mne,  necessary  to  fulfil  these  splendid  promises.  Less  than 
four  months  intervened  between  his  victory  and  his  fall.'J^  He 
had  vanquished  Gallus:  he  sunk  under  the  weight  of  a  compet- 
itor more  formidable  than  Gallus.  That  unfortunate  prince 
had  sent  Valerian,  already  distinguished  by  the  honorabhe  title 
of  censor,  to  bring  the  legions  of  Gaul  and  Germany  ^2  to  his 
«.id.  Valerian  executed  that  commission  with  zeal  and  fidelity 
and  as  he  arrived  too  late  to  save  his  sovereign,  he  resolved 
to  revenge  him.  The  troops  of  ^milianus,  who  still  lay 
encamped  in  the  plains  of  Spoleto,  were  awed  by  the  sanctity 
of  his  character,  but  much  more  by  the  superior  strength  of  liis 
army  ;  and  as  they  were  now  become  as  incapable  of  personal 
attachment  as  they  had  always  been  of  constitutional  principle, 
they  readily  imbrued  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  a  prince  who 
so  lately  had  been  the  object  of  their  partial  choice.  The  guilt 
was  theirs,*   but  the   advantage   of  it   was   Valerian's ;  who 

**  Victor  in  Caesaribus. 

'*  Zonaras,  1.  xii.  p.  G28. 

*"  IJanduri  NumLsmata,  p.  94. 

"  Eutropius,  1.  ix.  c.  6,  says  tertio  mense.  Euscbius  omits  thia 
emporor. 

^^  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  28.  Eutropius  and  Victor  station  V;ilerian'i 
krciy  in  E.ha;tia. 

•  Aurelius  Victoi  says  that  ^Em'lianus  died  jf  a  natural  disorder      'ii)X' 


298  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

obtained  (he  possession  of  the  throne  by  the  means  iiideed  of 
a  civil  war,  but  with  a  degree  of  innocence  singular  in  that  age 
of  revolutions ;  since  he  owed  neither  gratitude  nor  allegiance 
to  his  predecessor,  whom  he  dethroned. 

Valerian  was  about  sixty  years  of  age^^  when  he  was  in 
vested  with  the  purple,  not  by  the  caprice  of  the  populace,  or 
the  clamors  of  the  army,  but  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  th( 
Roman  world.  In  his  gradual  ascent  through  the  honors  of 
the  state,  he  had  deserved  the  favor  of  virtuous  princes,  and 
had  declared  himself  the  enemy  of  tyrants.^^  His  noble  birlh, 
his  mild  but  unblemished  manners,  his  learning,  prudence,  and 
experience,  were  revered  by  the  senate  and  people ;  and  if 
mankind  (according  to  the  observation  of  an  ancient  writer) 
had  been  left  at  liberty  to  choose  a  master,  their  choice  would 
most  assuredly  have  fallen  on  Valerian."^  Perhaps  the  merit 
of  this  emperor  was  inadequate  to  his  reputation  ;  perhaps  his 
abilities,  or  at  least  his  spirit,  were  affected  by  the  languor 
and  coldness  of  old  age.  The  consciousness  of  his  decline 
engaged  him  to  share  the  throne  with  a  younger  and  more 
active  associate  :  ^6  the  emergency  of  the  times  demanded  a 
general  no  less  than  a  prince  ;  and  the  experience  of  the 
Roman  censor  might  have  directed  him  where  to  bestow  the 
Imperial  purple,  as  the  reward  of  military  merit.  But  instead 
of  making  a  judicious  choice,  which  would  have  confirmed  his 
reign  and  endeared  his  memory.  Valerian,  consulting  only  the 
dictates  of  affection  or  vanity,  immediately  invested  with  the 
supreme  honors  his  son  Gallienus,  a  youth  whose  effeminate 
vices  had  been  hitherto  concealed  by  the  obscurity  of  a  private 
station.     The  joint  government   of    the    father  and   the   son 


8*  He  was  about  seventy  at  the  time  of  his  accession,  or.  as  i*  is 
more  probable,  of  his  death.  Hist.  August,  p.  173.  Tillemont,  Hist, 
des  Empereurs,  torn.  iii.  p.  893,  note  1. 

«•»  Iniraicus  tyrannoruni.  Hist.  August,  p.  173.  In  the  gloiious 
Btr\*ggle  of  the  senate  against  Maximin,  Valerian  acted  a  very  tpiritca 
part.     Hist.  August,  p.  156. 

«*  According  to  the  distinction  of  Victor,  he  seems  to  have  received 
ihe  title  of  Imperator  from  the  army,  and  that  of  Augustus  from  tlie 
senate. 

'«  From  Victor  and  from  the  medals,  Tmemont  (torn.  iii.  p.  710j 
v»^ry  justly  infers,  that  Gallieims  was  associated  to  the  empire  about 
the  month  of  August  of  the  year  253. 


Uopnis,  in  speaking    of   his    death,   does  not  say   that  he  was  asBasta- 
aar.cd.  —  G 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  299 

Rubsistot!  about  seven,  and  the  sole  administration  of  Gallicnus 
continued  aouui  eight,  years.  But  tlie  whole  peiiod  was  one 
uninterrupted  seilej  of  confusion  and  calamity.  As  the 
Roman  empire  way  at  the  same  time,  and  on  every  side 
attacked  by  the  biind  fury  of  foreign  invaders,  and  the  wild 
ambition  of  domestic  usurpers,  we  shall  consult  order  and 
perspicuity,  by  pursuing,  not  so  mucli  the  doubtful  arrangs- 
ment  of  dates,  as  the  more  natural  distribution  of  subjects. 
The  most  dangerous  enemies  of  Koine,  during  the  reigns  of 
Valerian  and  Gallienus,  were,  1.  The  Franks;  2.  The  Ale 
nianni ;  3.  The  Goths ;  and,  4.  The  Persians.  Under  these 
general  appellations,  we  may  comprehend  the  adventures  of 
jess  considerable  tribes,  whose  obscure  and  uncouth  nameij 
would  only  serve  to  oppress  the  memory  and  perplex  the 
attention  of  the  reader. 

I.  As  the  posterity  of  the  Franks  compose  one  of  the  great- 
est and  most  enlightened  nations  of  Europe,  the  powers  of 
learning  and  ingenuity  have  been  exhausted  in  the  discovery 
of  their  unlettered  ancestors.  To  the  tales  of  credulity  have 
succeeded  the  systems  of  fancy.  Every  passage  has  been 
Bifted,  every  spot  has  been  surveyed,  that  might  possibly  reveal 
some  faint  traces  of  their  origin.  It  has  been  supposed  that 
Pannonia,'*'''  that  Gaul,  tiiat  the  northern  parts  of  Germany,^"^ 
gave  birth  to  that  celebrated  colony  of  warriors.  At  length 
the  most  rational  critics,  rejecting  the  fictitious  emigrations  of 
ideal  conquerors,  have  acquiesced  in  a  sentiment  whose  sim- 
plicity persuades  us  of  its  truihl^^  They  suppose,  that  about 
the  year  two  hundred  und  forty ,'''^  a  new  confederacy  was 
formed  under  the  name  of  Franks,  by  the  old  inhabitants  of 
the  Lower  Rhine    and    the  VVeser.*     The    present  circle  of 

*'  Various  systems  have  been  formed  to  explain  a  difficxilt  passage 
in  Gregory  of  Tours,  1.  ii.  c.  9. 

^'^  The  Geographer  of  Ilavenna,  i.  11,  by  mentioning  Mauringania, 
on  the  confiues  of  Denmark,  as  the  ancient  scat  of  the  Franks,  gave 
birth  to  an  ingenious  system  of  I/cibnitz. 

'^^  See  Cluvcr.  Gcrmania  An*iqua,  1.  iii.  c.  20.  M.  Freret,  in  the 
Memoires  do  I'Acadcmie  des -Inscriptions,  tom.  xviii. 

'•'  Most  probably  under  the  reign  of  Gordian,  from  an  accidental 
iirciiinstance  fully  canvassed  by  Tillcmont,  tom.  iii.  p.  710,  1181. 


•  The  confederation  of  the  Franks  appears  to  have  been  formed,  1.  Of  th« 
Chauci.  2.  Of  tlie  Sicambri,  the  inhal)itauts  of  the  duchy  of  Berg.  3.  Of 
the  Attuarii,  to  the  north  of  tlie  Sicambri,  in  the  principality  of  Waldecit 
Oetweeu  the  Dimel  and  tlie  Edcr.  4,  Of  the  Bnictcri,  on  the  banks  of  tli* 
Lippe,  and  in  the  Hartz     5    Of  the  Chamavii,  the  Ganibrivii  of  Tacitus. 


300  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

Westphalia,  the  Landgraviate  of  Hesse,  and  the  duchies  of 
Brunswick  and  Luneburg,  were  the  ancient  seat  of  the  Chauci, 
who,  in  their  inaccessible  morasses,  defied  the  Roman  arms  ;  ^^ 
of  the  Cherusci,  proud  of  the  fame  of  Arminius  ;  of  theCattl 
formidable  by  their  firm  and  intrepid  infantry ;  and  of  several 
other  tribes  of  inferior  power  and  renown.''^  The  love  of 
liberty  was  the  ruling  passion  of  these  Germans  ;  the  enjoy- 
ment  of  it  their  best  treasure  ;  the  word  that  expressed  that 
enjoyment,  the  most  pleasing  to  their  ear.  They  deserved, 
they  assumed,  they  maintained  the  honorable  epithet  of  Franks, 
or  Freemen  ;  which  concealed,  though  it  did  not  extinguish 
the  peculiar  names  of  the  several  states  of  the  confederacy.'^ 
Tacit  consent,  and  mutual  advantage,  dictated  the  first  laws  of 
the  union  ;  it  was  gradually  cemented  by  habit  and  experience. 
The  league  of  the  Franks  may  admit  of  some  comparison 
with  the  Helvetic  body  ;  in  which  every  canton,  retaining  its 
independent  sovereignty,  consults  with  its  brethren  in  the 
common  cause,  without  acknowledging  the  authority  of  any 
supreme  head,  or  representative  assembly.'''''  But  the  principle 
of  the  two  confederacies  was  extremely  diiferent.  A  peace 
of  two  hundred  years  has  rewarded  the  wise  and  honest  policy 
of  the  Swiss.  An  inconstant  spirit,  the  thirst  of  rapine,  and  a 
disregard  to  the  most  solemn  treaties,  disgraced  the  character 
of  the  Franks. 

The  Romans  had  long  experienced  the  daring  valor  of  the 
people  of  Lower  Germany.  The  union  of  their  strength 
threatened  Gaul  with  a  more  formidable  invasion,  and  required 
the  presence  of  Gallienus,  the  heir  and  colleague  of  Imperial 
power.'''^  Whilst  that  prince,  and  his  infant  son  Salonius, 
displayed,  in  the  court  of  Treves,  the  majesty  of  the  empire, 
its  armies  were  ably  conducted  by  their  general,  Posthumus, 
who,  though  he  afterwards  betrayed  the  family  of  Valerian, 
was  ever  laithful  to  the  great  interest  of  the  monarchy.     The 

^'  Plin.  Hist.  Natur.  xvi.  1.  The  Panegyrists  frequently  allude  to 
the  morasses  of  the  Franks. 

'"  Tacit.  Germania,  c.  30,  37. 

'■*  III  a  subsequent  period,  most  of  those  old  names  are  occasional!  y 
mc  ntionod.     Sec  some  vestiges  of  them  in  Cluver.  Germ.  Antiq.  1.  iii. 

'•*  Simler  dc  llejiublica  Helvct.  cum  notis  Fusclin. 

'*  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  27. 

wno  were  established,  at  the  time  crt"  the  Prankish  confederation,  in  tftu 
country  of  the  Bructeri.  6.  Of  the  Catti,  in  Hessia.  —  G.  The  Sahi  and 
Cherusci  are  added     Greenwood's  Hist,  of  GermaiiB.  i.  193  -    M 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  301 

treacherous  language  of  panegyrics  and  medals  dark'y  an- 
nounces a  long  series  of  victories.  Trophies  and  titles  attest 
(if  such  evidence  cao  attest)  the  fame  of  Posthurnus,  wlio  is 
repeatedly  styled  the  Conqueror  of  the  Germans,  and  tho 
Savior  of  Gaul."*^ 

But  a  single  fact,  the  or\ly  one  indeed  of  which  we  Irivo 
any  distmct  knowledge,  erases,  m  a  great  measure,  tliese 
monuments  of  vanity  and  adulation.  The  Rhine,  thougli 
dignified  with  the  title  of  Safeguard  of  the  provinces,  wts  an 
imperfect  barrier  against  the  daring  spirit  of  enterprise  with 
which  tlie  Franks  were  actuated.  Their  rapid  devastations 
stretched  from  the  river  to  the  foot  of  the  Pyrenees  ;  nor  were 
they  stopped  by  those  mountains.  Spain,  which  had  nevei 
dreaded,  was  unable  to  resist,  the  inroads  of  the  Germans 
During  twelve  years,  the  greatest  part  of  the  reign  of  Gallie- 
nus,  that  opulent  country  was  the  theatre  of  unequal  ami 
destructive  hostilities.  Tarragona,  the  flourishing  capital  of 
a  peaceful  province,  was  sacked  and  almost  destroyed  ; '''  and 
so  late  as  the  days  of  Orosius,  who  wrote  in  the  fifth  century 
wretched  cottages,  scattered  amidst  the  ruins  of  magnificent 
cities,  still  recorded  the  rage  of  the  barbarians."^  When  the 
fcxhausted  country  no  longer  supplied  a  variety  of  plunder,  the 
Franks  seized  on  some  vessels  in  the  ports  of  Spain,"'-*  and 
transported  themselves  into  Mauritania.  The  distant  province 
ivas  astonished  with  the  fury  of  these  barbarians,  who  seemed 


^*  M.  de  Brcquigny  (in  tho  Momoires  dc  rAcademic,  turn,  xxx.) 
has  given  us  a  very  curious  life  of  l*osthumus.  A  series  of  the  Au- 
gustan History  from  Medals  and  Inscriptions  has  been  more  than 
once  phinncd,  and  is  still  much  wanted.* 

'^  Aurel.  Victor,  c.  33.  Instead  of  PmK.  direpto,  both  the  sense 
And  the  expression  require  dvlato ;  though  indeed,  for  different  rea- 
fions,  it  is  alike  difficult  to  correct  the  text  of  the  best,  and  of  the 
worst,  writers. 

'*  In  the  time  of  Ausonius  (the  end  of  the  fourth  ccnturj')  Ilcrdo 
f.r  Lerida  was  in  a  very  ruinous  state,  (Auson.  Epist.  xxv.  58,)  which 
{.robabiy  was  the  consequence  of  this  invasion. 

'^  Valesius  is  therefore  mistaken  in  supposing  that  the  Franks  had 
invaded  Spain  by  sea. 

•  M.  Eckhel,  Keeper  of  the  Cabinet  of  Medals,  and  Professor  of  Anti- 
quities at  Vienna,  lately  deceased,  has  supplied  this  want  n_v  nis  excellent 
work,  Doctrina  vetcrum  Numniorum,  conscripta  a  Jos.  Eck'ncl,  8  vol.  in 
ito.  Vindobona,  1797.  —  G.  Captain  Smyth  has  likewi.sc  printed  (priv  M<'ly  i 
«  valuable  Descriptive  Catalogue  of -a  series  of  Large  Bra^s  Medals  of  th.M 
period.     Bedford.  I!r34.  —  M.  1845. 


302  THE    DECLINE    AND    F/LL 

to  fall  from  a  new  world,  as  their  name,  manners,  and  corrv 
plexion,  were  equally  unknown  on  the  coast  of  Africa.**^ 

II.  In  that  part  of  Upper  Saxony,  beyond  the  Elbe,  which  is 
at  present  called  the  Marquisate  of  Lusace,  there  existed,  in 
ancient  times,  a  sacred  wood,  the  awful  seat  of  the  supersti- 
tion of  the  Suevi.  None  were  ■permitted  to  enter  the  holy 
precincts,  without  omfessing,  by  their  servile  bonds  and  sup 
pliant  posture,  the  immediate  presence  of  the  sovereign 
Deity .^^  Patriotism  contributed,  as  well  as  devotion,  to  con- 
secrate the  Sonnenwald,  or  wood  of  the  Semnones.^^  It  was 
universally  believed,  that  the  nation  had  received  its  first 
existence  on  ihat  sacred  spot.  At  stated  periods,  the  numer- 
ous tribes  who  gloried  in  the  Suevic  blood,  resorted  thither  by 
their  ambassadors  ;  and  the  memory  of  their  common  extrac- 
tion was  perpetuated  by  barbaric  rites  and  human  sacrifices. 
The  wide-eytended  name  of  Suevi  filled  the  interior  countries 
of  Germany,  from  the  banks  of  the  Oder  to  those  of  the  Dan- 
ube. They  were  distinguished  from  the  other  Germans  by 
their  peculiar  mode  of  dressing  their  long  hair,  which  they 
gathered  into  a  rude  knot  on  the  crown  of  the  head  ;  and  \hey 
delighted  in  an  ornament  that  showed  their  ranks  more  lofty 
and  terrible  in- the  eyes  of  the  enemy.^^  Jealous  as  the  Gei'- 
mans  were  of  military  renown,  they  all  confessed  the  supe- 
rior valor  of  the  Suevi ;  and  the  tribes  of  the  Usipetes  and 
Tencteri,  who,  with  a  vast  army,  encountered  the  dictator 
Caesar,  declared  that  they  esteemed  it  not  a  disgrace  to  have 
fled  before  a  people  to  whose  arms  the  immortal  gods  them- 
selves were  unequal.^"* 

In  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Caracalla,  an  innumerable 
swarm  of  Suevi  appeared  on  the  banks  of  the  Mein,  and  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  Roman  provinces,  in  quest  either  of 
food,  of  plunder,  or  of  glory .^^  The  hasty  army  of  vokm 
teers  gradually  coalesced  into  a  great  and  permanent  nation, 
and  as  it  was  coin[)osed  from  so  many  different  tribes,  assumed 
the  name  of  Alemanni,*  or  Albneti ;  to  denote  at  once  thcii 

*"  Aurel.  Victor.     Eutrop.  ix.  6. 
"■  Tacit.  Germania,  38. 
®-  Cluvcr.  GcriTi.  Antiq.  iii.  25. 

*^  Sic  Suevi  a  ceteris  Gcrmanis,  sic  Suevorum  ingcnui  a  smtvIs  aep- 
%rantur.     A  proud  separation  ! 
'^  Caesar  in  Belle  Gallico,  iv.  7. 
**  'Victor  in  Caracal.     Dion  Cassius,  Ixvii.  p.  i;}50. 


•  The  nation  of  the  Alemanni  waa  not  originallv  fotmeti  by  the  8u««Ti 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  303 

various  lineage  and  their  common  bravery.^^  The  latter 
was  soon  felt  by  the  Romans  in  many  a  hostile  inroad.  The 
Alemanni  fought  chiefly  on  horseback  ;  but  their  cavalry  was 
mridered  still  more  formidable  by  a  mixture  of  light  infantry, 
selected  from  the  bravest  and  most  active  of  the  ycuth, 
whom  frequent  exercise  had  inured  to  accompany  the 
horsemen  in  the  longest  march,  the  most  rapid  charge,  or 
the  most  precipitate  retreat.^'' 

This  warlike  people  of  Germans  had  been  astonished  by 
the  immense  preparations  of  Alexander  Severus  ;  they  were 
dismayed  by  the  arms  of  his  successor,  a  barbarian  equal  in 
valor  and  fierceness  to  themselves.  But  still  hovering  on  the 
frontiers  of  the  empire,  they  increased  the  general  disorder 
that  ensued  after  the  death  of  Dccius.  They  inflicted  severe 
wounds  on  the  rich  provinces  of  Gaul ;  they  were  the  first 
who  removed  the  veil  that  covered  the  feeble  majesty  of  Italy. 
A  numerous  body  of  the  Alemanni  penetrated  across  the 
Danube  and   through   the   Rhcetian  Alps   into    the  plains    of 


**  This  etymology  (iar  different  from  those  which  amuse  the  fancy 
of  the  learned)  is  preserved  by  Asinius  Quadratus,  an  original  histo- 
rian, quoted  by  Agathias,  i.  c.  5. 

"^  The  Sucvi  engaged  Cajsar  in  this  manner,  and  the  manoeuvre 
deserved  the  approbation  of  the  conqueror,  (in  Bello  Gallico,  i.  48.) 


properly  so  called  ;  these  have  always  preserved  their  own  name.  Shortly 
afterwards  they  made  (A.  D.  3-57)  an  irruption  into  Rhoetia,  and  it  was  not 
long  after  that  they  were  reunited  with  the  Alemanni.  Still  they  have 
always  been  a  distinct  people  ;  at  the  present  day,  the  people  who  inhabit 
the  north-west  of  the  Black  Forest  call  themselves  Schwaben,  Suabians, 
iueves,  while  those  who  inhabit  near  the  Itliine,  in  Ortenau,  the  Brisgaw, 
Khe  Margraviate  of  Baden,  do  not  consider  themselves  Suabians,  and  are 
by  origin  Alemanni. 

The  Teucteri  and  the  Usipetai,  inhabitants  of  the  interior  and  of  the 
north  of  Westphalia,  formed,  says  Gatterer,  the  nucleus  of  the  AlcmaTinic 
nation ;  they  occupied  the  country  where  the  name  of  the  Alemanni  first 
appears,  as  conquered  in  213,  bv  Caracalla.  They  were  well  trained  to  fight 
on  horseback,  (according  to  Tacitus,  Germ.  c.  32;)  and  Aurelius  Victcr 
gives  the  same  praise  to  the  Alemanni :  finally,  they  never  made  part  of 
the  Prankish  league.  The  Alemanni  became  subsequently  a  centre  round 
which  gathered  a  multitude  of  German  tribes.  See  Eumen.  Panegyr.  c.  2 
Amm.  Marc,  xviii.  2,  xxi.K.  4.  —  G. 

The  question  whether  the  Suevi  was  a  generic  name  comprehending  tha 
clans  which  peopled  central  Germany,  is  rather  hastdy  decided  by  .M. 
Guizot.  Mr.  Greenwood,  who  has  studied  the  modern  German  writers  on 
their  own  origin,  supposes  the  Sucvi,  Alemanni,  and  Marcomanni,  one 
people,  under  iitferent appellations.     History  »f  Germany,  vol.  i.  —  M. 


304  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

Lombardy   advanced   as  far  as   Ravenna,  and  displayed    ihe 
victorious  banners  of  barbarians  almost  in  sight  of  llome.^^ 

The  insult  and  the  danger  rekindled  in  the  senate  some 
sparks  of  their  ancient  v'.rtue.  Both  the  emperors  were 
engaged  in  far  distant  wars,  Valerian  in  the  East,  and  Gallie- 
nus  on  the  Rhine.  All  the  hopes  and  resources  of  the  Romans 
were  in  themselves.  In  this  emergency,  the  senators  resumed 
the  defence  of  the  republic,  drew  out  the  Praetorian  guards, 
who  liad  been  left  to  garrison  the  capital,  and  filled  up  their 
numbers,  by  enlistmg  into  the  public  service  the  stoutest  and 
most  willing  of  the  Plebeians.  The  Alemanni,  astonished  with 
tlie  sudden  appearance  of  an  army  more  numerous  than  their 
own,  retired  into  Germany,  laden  with  spoil ;  and  their  retreat 
was  esteemed  as  a  victory  by  the  un warlike  Rom.ans.^^ 

When  Gallienus  received  the  intelligence  that  his  capital 
was  delivered  from  the  barbarians,  he  was  much  less  delighted 
than  alarmed  with  the  courage  of  the  senate,  since  it  might 
one  day  prompt  them  to  rescue  the  public  from  domestic 
tyranny  as  well  as  from  foreign  invasion.  His  timid  ingrati- 
tude was  published  to  his  subjects,  in  an  edict  which  prohibited 
the  senators  from  exercising  any  military  employment,  and 
even  from  approaching  the  camps  of  the  legions.  But  his 
fears  were  groundless.  The  rich  and  luxurious  nobles,  sink- 
ing into  their  natural  character,  accepted,  as  a  favor,  this  dis- 
graceful exemption  from  military  service  ■,  and  as  long  as  they 
were  indulged  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  baths,  their  theatres, 
and  their  villas,  they  cheerfully  resigned  the  more  dangerous 
cares  of  empire  to  the  rough  hands  of  peasants  and  soldiers.^*^ 

Another  invasion  of  the  Alemanni,  of  a  more  formidable 
aspect,  but  more  glorious  event,  is  mentioned  by  a  writer  of 
the  lower  empire.  Three  hundred  thousand  of  that  warlike 
people  are  said  to  have  been  vanquished,  in  a  battle  near 
Milan,  by  Gallienus  in  person,  at  the  head  of  only  ten  thou- 
sand Romans.^'  We  may,  however,  with  great  probability, 
ascribe  this  incredible  victory  either  to  the  credulity  of  the 
historian,  or  to  some  evaggerated  exploits  of  one  of  the  empe- 
ror's  lieutenants.     It  was  by  arms  of  a  very  different  nature, 

'*  HisV  Aup;iist.  p.  215,  21 G.  Dcxippus  in  the  Excerpta  Legatio- 
num,  p.  8.     Hieionym.  Chron.     Orosius,  vii.  22. 

"'•'  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  34. 

"^  Aurcl.  Victor,  in  Gallicno  et  Probo.  llis  complaints  broathi  an 
uncommon  spirit  of  fr:;cdom. 

"'   y.onjvriis,  1.  xii.  p.  fiSl. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  305 

thai  Gallienus  endeavored  to  protect  Italy  fr  jm  the  fuiy  of  tho 
Germans.  He  espoused  Pipa,  the  daughter  of  a  king  of  the 
Marcomanni,  a  Suevic  tribe,  which  was  often  confounded  with 
(he  Alemanni  in  their  wars  and  conquests.^-  To  the  father 
AS  the  price  of  his  alliance,  he  granted  an  ample  settlement  in 
r*annonia.  The  native  charms  of  unpolished  beauty  seem  to 
nave  fixed  the  daughter  in  the  alluctions  of  the  inconstant 
smperor,  and  the  bands  of  policy  were  more  firmly  connected 
oy  those  of  love.  But  the  haughty  prejudice  of  Rome  still 
reiused  the  name  of  marriage  to  the  profane  mixture  of  a  citi- 
«en  and  a  barbarian  ;  and  has  stigmatized  the  German  prin- 
cess with  the  opprobrious  title  of  concubine  of  Gallienus.^^ 

in.  We  have  already  traced  thr.  emigration  of  the  Gotha 
from  Scandinavia,  or  at  least  from  Prussia,  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Borysthenes,  and  have  followed  th(>ir  victorious  arms  from  the 
Borysthenes  to  the  Danube.  Under  the  reigns  of  Valerian 
and  Gallienus,  the  frontier  of  the  last-mentioned  river  was 
perpetually  infested  by  the  inroads  of  Germans  and  Sarma- 
tians  ;  but  it  was  defended  by  the  Romans  with  more  than 
usual  firmness  and  success.  Tiio  provinces  that  were  the 
seat  of  war,  recruited  the  armies  of  Rome  with  an  inexhausti- 
ble supply  of  hardy  soldiers  ;  and  more  than  one  of  these 
Illyrian  peasants  attained  the  station,  and  displayed  the  abili- 
ties, of  a  general.  Though  flying  parties  of  the  barbarians, 
who  incessantly  hovered  on  the  banks  of  the  Danube,  pene- 
trated sometimes  to  the  confines  of  Italy  and  Macedonia, 
their  progress  was  commonly  checked,  or  their  return  inter- 
cepted, by  the  Imperial  lieutenants.'-*'  But  the  great  stream 
of  the  Gothic  hostilities  was  diverted  into  a  very  differen' 
channel.  The  Goths,  in  their  new  settlement  of  the  Ukraine, 
soon  became  masters  of  the  northern  coast  of  the  Euxine  :  to 
the  south  of  that  inland  sea  were  situated  the  soft  and  wealthy 
provinces  of  Asia  Minor,  which  possessed  all  that  could  attract, 
and  nothing  that  could  resist,  a  barbarian  conqueror. 

The  banks  of  the  Borysthenes  are  only  sixty  miles  distant 
from  the  narrow  entrance  ^^  cf  the  peninsula  of  Grim  Tartary, 

*'  One  of  the  Victors  calls  him  king  of  the  Marcomanni  ;  the  other, 
cf  the  Germans. 

"  Sec  Tillcraont,  Hist,  des  Empereurs,  torn.  iii.  p.  39S,  &c. 

®*  See  the  lives  of  Claudius,  Aurclian,  and  Probus,  in  the  Augra- 
tan  History. 

*'^  It  is  about  half  a  league  in  breadth.     Genealogical  History  uf 
the  Tartiirf  p.  SfS, 
16 


306  7iIE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

known  to  the  ancients  under  the  name  of  Chersonesus  Tai* 
rica.'*^  On  that  inhospitable  shore,  Euripides,  embellishing 
with  exquisite  art  the  tales  of  antiquity,  has  JDlaced  the 
scene  of  one  of  his  most  affecting  tragedies.^^  The  bloody 
sacrifices  of  Diana,  the  arrival  of  Orestes  and  Pylades,  and 
the  triumph  of  virtue  and  religion  over  savage  fierceness, 
serve  to  represent  an  historical  truth,  that  the  Tauri,  the 
original  inhabitants  of  the  peninsula,  were,  in  some  aegree, 
reclaimed  from  their  brutal  manners,  by  a  gradual  intercourse 
with  the  Grecian  colonies,  which  settled  along  the  maritime 
coast.  The  little  kingdom  of  Bosphorus,  whose  capital  was 
situated  on  the  Straits,  through  which  the  Mseotis  communi- 
cates itself  to  the  Euxine,  was  composed  of  degenerate 
Greeks  and  half-civilized  barbarians.  It  subsisted,  as  an 
independent  state,  from  the  time  of  the  Peloponnesian  war,^^ 
was  at  last  swallowed  up  by  the  ambition  of  Mithridates,^^  and, 
with  the  rest  of  his  dominions,  sunk  under  the  weight  of  the 
Roman  arms.  From  the  reign  of  Augustus,!""  the  kings  of 
Bosphorus  were  the  humble,  but  not  useless,  allies  of  the 
empire.  By  presents,  by  arms,  and  by  a  slight  fortification 
drawn  across  the  Isthmus,  they  effectually  guarded  against  the 
roving  plunderers  of  Sarmatia,  the  access  of  a  country,  which, 
from  its  peculiar  situation  and  convenient  harbors,  commanded 
the  Euxine  Sea  and  Asia  Minor.i"!  As  long  as  the  sceptre 
was  possessed  by  a  lineal  succession  of  kings,  they  acquitted 
themselves  of  their  important  charge  with  vigilance  and  suc- 
cess. Domestic  factions,  and  the  fears,  or  private  interest,  of 
obscure  usurpers,  who  seized  on  the  vacant  throne,  admitted 
the  Goths  into  the  heart  of  Bosphorus.  With  the  acquisition 
of  a  superfluous  waste  of  fertile  soil,  the  conquerors  obtained 
the  command  of  a  naval   force,  sufficient  to  transport  their 

*'  M.  de  Peyssonel,  who  had  been  French  Consul  at  Caffa,  in  his 
Observations  sur  les  Peuples  Barbares,  qui  ont  habit6  les  bords  du 
Danube. 

*'  Euripides  in  Iphigenia  in  Taurid. 

*^  Strabo,  1.  vii.  p.  309.  The  iirst  kings  of  Bosphorus  were  the 
allies  of  Athens. 

'^  Ajipian  in  Mithridat. 

'""  It  was  reduced  by  the  arms  of  Agrippa.  Orosius,  vi.  21.  liu- 
trnpiuH,  vii.  9.  The  Romans  once  advanced  within  tliree  days'  march 
of  the  Tanais.     Tacit.  Annal.  xii.  17. 

''^'  See  !.he  Toxaris  of  lyucian,  if  wo  credit  the  sincerity  and  the 
virtues  of  the  Scythian,  vi-ho  relates  a  great  war  of  his  nation  agaij\sl 
the  kings  of  Bosphorus. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    KMPIRE.  30^ 

nrin'es  lO  the  const  of  Asia.^^^  Xhe  ships  used  in  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  Euxine  were  of  a  very  singular  construction. 
They  were  slight  flat-bottomed  barks  framed  of  timber  only, 
without  the  least  mixture  of  iron,  and  occasionally  covered 
with  a  shelving  roof,  on  the  appearance  of  a  tempest. "^-^  In 
these  floating  houses,  the  Goths  carelessly  trusted  themselves 
to  thQ  mercy  of  an  unknown  sea,  under  the  conduct  of  sailors 
pressed  into  the  service,  and  whose  skill  and  fidelity  were 
equally  suspicious.  But  the  hopes  of  plunder  had  banished 
every  idea  of  danger,  and  a  natural  fearlessness  of  temper 
supplied  in  their  minds  the  more  rational  confidence,  which  is 
the  just  result  of  knowledge  and  experience.  Warriors  of 
such  a  daring  spirit  must  have  often  murmured  against  the 
cowardice  of  their  guides,  who  required  the  strongest  assur- 
ances of  a  settled  calm  before  they  would  venture  to  embark  ; 
and  would  scarcely  ever  be  tempted  to  lose  sight  of  the  land. 
Such,  at  least,  is  the  practice  of  the  modern  Turks ;  '°^  and 
they  are  probably  not  inferior,  in  the  art  of  navigation,  to  the 
ancient  inhabitants  of  Bosphorus. 

The  fleet  of  the  Goths,  leaving  the  coast  of  Circassia  on 
the  left  hand,  first  appeared  before  Pityus, '"•''*  the  utmost  limits 
of  the  Roman  provinces  ;  a  city  provided  with  a  convenient 
port,  and  fortified  with  a  strong  wall.  Here  they  met  with  a 
resistance  more  obstinate  than  they  had  reason  to  expect  from 
the  feeble  garrison  of  a  distant  fortress.  They  were  re- 
pulsed ;  and  their  disappointment  seemed  to  diminish  the 
terror  of  the  Gothic  name.  As  long  as  Successianus,  an 
ofiicer  of  superior  rank  and  merit,  defended  that  frontier,  all 
their  efforts  were  ineflectual  ;  but  as  soon  as  he  was  removed 
by  Valerian  to  a  more  honorable  but  less  important  station, 
they  resumed  the  attack  of  Pityus ;  and  by  the  destruction  of 
that  city,  obliterated  the  memory  of  their  former  disgrace. i**^ 

1  -'  Zosimns,  1.  i.  p.  28. 

"•^  Strabo,  1.  xi      Tacit.  Hist.  iii.  47.     They  were  called  Camnrtv. 

'  *  See  a  very  natural  picture  of  the  Eu.\ine  navigation,  in  the  xvith 
letter  of  Tournefbrt. 

^'^■'  Arrian  phices  the  frontier  garrisr n  at  Dioscurias,  or  Sebastopolis, 
forty-four  miles  to  tlie  east  of  I'ityus.  The  garrison  of  Phasis  con- 
BJsted  in  iiis  time  of  only  four  hundred  foot.  See  the  Teriplus  of  the 
riuxini'.*  * 

1^"  Zosiinus,  I.  i.  p    30. 


♦  Pityus  is  I'itchin  la,  according  to  D'Anville   ii.  115.—  G.     Kathcr  ^oo 
Konn.  —  M.     Li-ioscuriuS  is  Iskui  iab.  —  G 


308  THE    DECLINE    A.ND    FALL 

Circling  round  the  eastern  extremity  of  the  Euxine  Sea, 
the  navigation  from  Pityus  to  Trebizond  is  about  three  hun- 
dred miles.i"'^  The  course  of  the  Goths  carried  theiVi  in 
sight  of  the  country  of  Colchis,  so  famous  by  the  expedition 
of  the  Argonauts ;  and  they  even  attempted,  though  without 
success,  to  pillage  a  rich  temple  at  the  mouth  of  the  River 
Phasis.  Trebizond,  celebrated  in  the  retreat  of  the  ten  thou- 
sand as  an  ancient  colony  of  Greeks, i^^  derived  its  wealth 
and  splendor  from  the  magnificence  of  the  emperor  Hadrian, 
who  had  constructed  an  artificial  port  on  a  coast  left  destitute 
by  nature  of  secure  harbors. 1"^  The  city  was  large  and  pop- 
ulous ;  a  double  enclosure  of  walls  seemed  to  defy  the  fury 
of  the  Goths,  and  the  usual  garrison  had  been  strengthened 
by  a  reenforcement  of  ten  thousand  men.  But  there  are  not 
any  advantages  capable  of  supplying  the  absence  of  discipline 
and  vigilance.  The  numerous  garrison  of  Trebizond,  dis- 
solved in  riot  and  luxury,  disdained  to  guard  their  impregnable 
fortifications.  The  Goths  soon  discovered  the  supine  negli- 
gence of  the  besieged,  erected  a  lofty  pile  of  fascines, 
ascended  the  walls  in  the  silence  of  the  night,  and  entered 
the  defenceless  city  sword  in  hand.  A  general  massacre  of 
ihe  people  ensued,  whilst  the  affrighted  soldiers  escaped 
through  the  opposite  gates  of  the  town.  The  most  holy  tem- 
ples, and  the  most  splendid  edifices,  were  involved  in  a 
common  destruction.  The  booty  that  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  Goths  was  immense  :  the  wealth  of  the  adjacent  countries 
had  been  deposited  in  Trebizond,  as  in  a  secure  place  of 
refuge.  The  number  of  captives  was  incredible,  as  the  victo- 
rious barbarians  ranged  without  opposition  through  the  exten- 
sive province  of  Pontus.^"^  The  rich  spoils  of  Trebizond 
filled  a  great  fleet  of  ships  that  had  been  found  in  the  port. 
The  robust  youth  of  the  sea-coast  were  chained  to  the  oar ; 
and  the  Goths,  satisfied   with  the   success   of  their  first  naval 


^'■"  Arrian  (in  Periplo  Maris  Euxine,  p.  130>  calls  the  distance  2610 
btadia, 

'"'*  Xenophon,  Anabasis,  1.  iv.  p.  348,  edit.  Hutcninson.* 

'"*  Arrian,  p.  129.     The  general  observation  is  Tourncfort's. 

""  See  an  epistle  of  Gregory  'I^aumaturgus.  bishop  of  Nco-Cacsa" 
tea,  quoted  by  Mascou,  v.  37. 


•  Fallmerayer  (Geschichte  les  Kaiserthums  von  Trapezunt,  r.  6  Ac  ^ 
assigns  a  very  ancient  date  to  the  first  (Pelasgic)  foundation  of  Irapezus 
(Trebizond.) —  M. 


OF    THR    POMAN    EMPIRE.  309 

expedi.ion,  returned  in  triumph  to  their  new  cstablishmeiits  in 
tlie  kingdom  of  Bosphorus.^^^ 

The  second  expedition  of  the  Goths  was  undertaken  with 
greater  powers  of  men  ami  sliips  ;  hut  they  steered  a  difTorent 
course,  and,  disdaining  tlie  exhausted  provinces  of  Pontus,  fol- 
lowed the  western  coast  of  the  Euxine,  passed  before  the  wide 
mouths  of  the  Borysthenes,  the  Nicstcr,  and  the  Danube,  and 
increasing  their  fleet  by  the  capture  of  a  great  number  of  fish- 
ing barks,  they  approached  the  narrow  outlet  through  which  tho 
Euxine  Sea  pours  its  waters  into  the  Mediterranean,  and  divides 
the  continents  of  Europe  and  Asia.  The  garrison  of  Chalcedon 
was  encamped  near  the  tem|)le  of  Jupiter  Urius,  on  a  promon- 
tory that  commanded  tlie  entrance  of  the  Strait;  and  so 
inconsiderable  were  the  dreaded  invasions  of  the  barbarians, 
that  this  body  of  troops  surpassed  in  number  the  Gothic  army. 
But  it  was  in  numbers  alone  that  they  surpassed  it.  They 
deserted  with  prccij/itation  their  advantageous  post,  and  aban- 
doned the  town  of  Chalcedon,  most  plentifully  stored  with 
arms  and  money,  to  the  discretion  of  the  conquerors.  Whilst 
they  hesitated  whether  they  should  prefer  the  sea  or  land, 
Europe  or  Asia,  for  the  scene  of  their  hostilities,  a  perfidious 
fugitive  pointed  out  Nicomedia,*  once  the  capital  of  the  kings 
of  Bithynia,  as  a  rich  and  easy  conquest.  He  guided  the 
march,  which  was  only  sixty  miles  from  the  camp  of  Chalce- 
don,"- directed  the  resistless  attack,  and  partook  of  the  booty; 
for  the  Goths  had  learned  sufficient  policy  to  reward  the 
traitor,  whom  they  detested.  Nice,  Prusa,  Apamiea,  Cius,t 
cities  that  had  sometimes  rivalled,  or  imitated,  the  splendor  of 
Nicomedia,  were  involved  in  the  same  calamity,  which,  in  a 
few  weeks,  raged  without  control  through  the  whole  province 
of  Bithynia.  Three  hundred  years  of  peace,  enjoyed  by  the 
soft  uiluibitants  of  Asia,  had  abolished  the  exercise  of  arms, 
iind  removed  the  apprehension  of  danger.  The  ancient  walla 
were  suffered  to  moulder  away,  and  all  the  revenue  of  the 
most  opulent  cities  was  n;served  for  the  construction  of  batlts, 
tenijiles,  and  theatres."-* 


'»  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  32,  33. 
Itiiicr.  llierosolym.  p.  i 
'"  Zosiinus,  1.  i.  p.  32,  33. 


"■'  Itiiicr.  llierosolym.  p.  572.     "Wesseling. 


•  It  has  preserved  its  name,  joined  to  the  preposition  of  plcvce,  in  that 
gf  I»  Nikmid.     D'Anv.  Geog.  Anc.  i^.  "^   —  G 
•f  Now  isnik,  Bursa,  Mondania,    t^^c  m  IveiuliK.     D'Anv.  ii.  23.  —  G. 


810  THE    DECLINb    AND    FALL 

Wlu;n  ;he  city  of  Cyzicus  withstood  the  utmost  effort  of 
Mithridates,!!''  it  was  distinguished  by  wise  laws,  a  nava.! 
power  of  two  hundred  galleys,  and  three  arsenals,  of  .\rms 
of  military  engines,  and  of  corn."^  It  was  still  the  seat  of 
weahh  and  luxury  ;  but  of  its  ancient  strength,  nothing  remained 
except  the  situation,  in  a  little  island  of  the  Propontis,  con- 
oected  with  the  continent  of  Asia  only  by  two  bridges. 
Prom  the  recent  sack  of  Prusa,  the  Goths  adv^anced  within 
oighteen  miles  ^^^  of  the  city,  which  they  had  devoted  to 
destruction  ;  but  the  ruin  of  Cyzicus  was  delayed  by  a  fortu- 
nate accident.  The  season  was  rainy,  and  the  Lake  Apolloni- 
ates,  the  reservoir  of  all  the  springs  of  Mount  Olympus,  rose 
to  an  uncommon  height.  The  little  river  of  Rhyndacus, 
which  issues  from  the  lake,  swelled  into  a  broad  and  rapid 
stream,  and  stopped  the  progress  of  the  Goths.  Their  retreat 
to  the  maritime  city  of  Heraclea,  where  the  fleet  had  proba- 
bly been  stationed,  was  attended  by  a  long  train  of  wagons 
laden  with  the  spoils  of  Bithynia,  and  was  marked  by  the 
flames  of  Nice  and  Nicomedia,  which  they  wantonly  burnt.^i' 
Some  obscure  hints  are  mentioned  of  a  doubtful  combat  tha' 
secured  their  retreat.' ^^  But  even  a  complete  victory  woula 
have  been  of  little  moment,  as  the  approach  of  the  autumnal 
equinox  summoned  them  to  hasten  their  return.  To  navigate 
the  Euxine  before  the  montli  of  May,  or  a{\er  that  of  Septem 
ber,  is  esteemed  by  the  modern  Turks  the  most  unquestionable 
instance  of  rashness  and  folly. ^'^ 

When  we  are  informed  that  the  third  fleet,  equipped  by  the 
fxoths  in  the  ports  of  Bosphorus,  consisted  of  five  hundred 
sail  of  ships, 12"  our  ready  imagination  instantly  computes  and 
multiplies  the  formidable  armament ;  but,  as  we  ure  assured 
by  the  judicious  Strabo,'-!  that  the   piratical  vessels  used  by 

"*  lie  besieged  the  place  with  400  galleys,  150,000  foot,  and  a 
namerous  cavalry.  See  I'lutarcli  in  I.ucul.  Appian  in  MithridaL 
Cicero  pro  Lege  Manilia,  c.  8. 

"^  Strabo,  1.  xii.  p.  573. 

"*  Pocock's  Description  of  the  East,  1.  ii.  c.  23,  24. 

•"  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  33. 

''*  Syncellus  tells  an  unintelligible  story  of  Prince  Odenathus,  who 
defeated  the  CJoths,  and  who  was  killed  by  I'rince  Odenathus. 

"*  Voyages  de  Chardin,  torn.  i.  p.  45.  lie  sailed  with  the  Turks 
from  Constantinojjlc  to  Caffa. 

'-"  Syncellus  (p.  382)  speaks  of  this  expedition,  as  u-'dcrtakcn.  bj 
U".  Ileruli. 

"  Stralio,  1.  xi   p.  493 


OK    Tire    UOMAN    EMPIKE.  811 

iLe  barbarijiii-^  of  Punt  us  and    Llie   Lesser  Scythia,  were    not 
capable    of  containiiii;    more    tlian    twenty-five  or  thirty  n.en, 
we   may   safely  aliirni,   tliut  lift  ;en  thousand  warriors,  at    the 
most,    embarked    in   this  great   expedition.     Impatient  of  the 
limits  of   the   Eiixine,    they    steered    their    destructive    course 
from  the  Cimmeriiin  to  the  Thracian  Bosphorus.     When  they 
had  almost  jj^ained  the  middle  of  the  Straits,  tJiey  were  sud- 
dcMily  driven   back  to  the  entrance  of  them  ;  till    a  favorable 
wind,  springing  up  the  next  day,  curried  them  in  a  few  hours 
into  the   placid  sea,  or  rather  lake,  of  the  Propontis.     'riicir 
landing  on  the  little  island  of  Cyzicus  was  attended  with   the 
ruin  of  that  ancient  and  noble  city.     From   thence    issuujg 
dgam  through   the   narrow  passage   of   the   Hellespont,  they 
pursued      their    winding    navigation     amidst    the    numerous 
Islands  scattered  over  the  Archipelago,  or   the  jEgean   Sea. 
The  assistance   of  captives   and    deserters  must   have    been 
/ery  necessary  to  pilot  their  vessels,  and  to  direct  their  vari- 
ous incursions,  as  well  on  the  coast  of  Greece  as  on  that  of 
Asia.     At   length   the  Gothic   fleet  anchored  in  the   port  of 
Piraeus,  five  miles  distant  from  Athens, ^-"^  which  had  attempted 
to  make  some  preparations  for  a  vigorous  defence.     Cleoda- 
mus,  one  of  the  engineers  employed  by  the  emperor's  orders 
to  fortify  the  maritime  cities  against  the  Goths,  had   already 
begun  to   repair  the   ancient  walls,  fallen  to   decay  since  the 
'.ime  of  Scylla.     The  efTorts  of  his  skill  were  ineffectual,  and 
:he  barbarians  became  masters  of  the  native  seat  of  the  muses 
and  the  arts.    But  while  the  conquerors  abandoned  themselves 
to  the  license  of  plunder  and   intemperance,  their  fleet,  that 
lay  with  a  slender  guard    in   the   harbor  of  Piraeus,  was  un- 
expectedly attacked  by  the  brave  Dexippus,  who,  flying  with 
the  engineer  Cleodamus  from  the  sack  of  Athens,  collected  a 
hasty  band  of  volunteers,  peasants  as  well  as  soldiers,  and  in 
some  measure  avenged  the  calamities  of  his  country.^^J 

'"  Plin.  Hist.  Natur.  iii.  7. 

'*2  Hist.  Augu.it.  p.  181.  Victor,  c.  33.  Orosius,  vii.  42.  Zosi- 
m\u,  1.  i.  p.  35.  Zoiuirus,  1.  xii.  63.5.  Synccllus,  p.  382.  It  is  not 
without  some  attention,  that  we  can  cxphiiu  and  conciliate  their 
imperfect  hints.  We  can  still  discover  some  traces  of  the  partiality 
of  Dexippus,  in  the  relation  of  his  own  and  his  countrymen's  ex- 
ploits.*   

•  According  to  a  new  fragment  of  Dexippus,  published  by  Mai,  he  had 
201)0  men.  He  took  up  a  strong  position  in  u  mountainous  and  woody 
district,  and  kept  up  a  harassinji  warfare.  He  expresses  a  hope  of  being 
(ipeedilv  joined  by  the  Imperial  ikxt.  Dexippus  in  nov.  byzantinoruvu 
Collect',  a  Niebuhr,  p.  ■.'fi,  .S.  —  M. 


312  THE    DECLINE    AND    FA1.L 

But  this  exploit,  whatever  lustre  it  miglit  shed  on  the  de- 
clining age  of  Athens,  served  rather  to  irritate  than  to  suhdiie 
the  undaunted  spirit  of  the  northern  invaders.  A  gen^rai 
'"ontlagration  blazed  out  at  the  same  time  in  every  district  of 
Greece.  Thebes  and  Argos,  Corinth  and  Sparta,  wliich  had 
formei-ly  waged  such  memorable  wars  against  each  other, 
were  now  unable  to  bring  an  armj'  into  the  field,  or  even  to 
defend  their  ruined  fortifications.  The  rage  of  war,  both  by 
land  and  by  sea,  spread  from  the  eastern  point  of  Suniura  to 
the  western  coast  of  Epirus.  The  Gotiis  had  already  ad- 
vanced within  sight  of  Italy,  when  the  approach  of  such  im- 
jninent  danger  awakened  the  indolent  Gallienus  from  his 
dream  of  pleasure.  The  empei'or  appeared  in  arms;  and  his 
presence  seems  to  have  checked  the  ardor,  and  to  have 
ihvided  the  strength,  of  the  enemy.  Naulobatus,  a  chief  of 
the  Heruli,  accepted  an  honorable  capitulation,  entered  with  a 
large  body  of  his  countrymen  into  the  service  of  Rome,  and 
was  invested  with  the  ornaments  of  the  consular  dignity, 
which  had  never  before  been  profaned  by  the  hands  of  a  bar- 
barian.^-* Great  numbers  of  the  Goths,  disgusted  with  the 
perils  and  hardships  of  a  tedious  voyage,  broke  into  Mtesia, 
with  a  design  of  forcing  their  way  over  the  Danube  to  their 
Bettlemeuts  in  the  Ukraine.  The  wild  attempt  would  have 
proved  inevitable  destruction,  if  the  discord  of  the  Roman 
generals  had  not  opened  to  the  barbarians  the  means  of  an 
escape.^'^  Tlie  small  remainder  of  this  destroying  host  re- 
turned on  board  their  vessels  ;  and  measuring  back  their  way 
through  the  Hellespont  and  the  Bosphorus,  ravaged  in  their 
passage  the  shores  of  Troy,  whose  fame,  immortalized  by 
Homer,  will  ])robably  survive  the  memory  of  the  Gothic  con- 
quests. As  soon  as  they  found  themselves  in  safety  within 
the  basin  of  the  Euxine,  they  landed  at  Anchialus  in  Thrace, 
near  the  foot  of  Mount  Ha;mus  ;  and,  after  all  their  toils, 
indulged  themselves  in  the  use  of  those  pleasant  and  salutary 
hot  baths.  What  remained  of  the  voyag*;  was  a  short  and 
easy  navigation.^'^^  Such  was  the  various  fate  of  this  third 
and  greatest  of  their  naval  enterprises.     It  n)ay  seem  difficult 

'2*  Syncellus,  p.  382.     This  body  of  Heruli  was  for  a  long  time  faitU- 
ful  and  famous. 

'-'  Claiulius,  who  commandt'il  on  the  Danube,  thought  with  prrpri 
ety  and  acted  with  spirit.  His  collwjigue  was  jealous  of  liis  tame.  Hist 
August,  p.  181. 

•^'"  .lurnandes,  c.  20. 


OF    TIIF.    ROMAN   EMPIRE.  313 

to  conceive  how  the  original  body  of  fifteen  thousand  war- 
riors could  sustain  the  losses  and  divisions  of  so  bold  an  ad- 
venture. But  as  their  numbers  were  gradually  wasted  by  the 
pword,  by  shipwrecks,  and  by  the  inlluence  of  a  warm  cli- 
mate, they  were  perpetually  renewed  by  troops  of  banditti 
and  deserters,  who  flocked  to  the  standard  of  plunder,  and  by 
a  crowd  of  fugitive  slaves,  often  of  German  or  Sarmatiari 
e.vtraclion,  who  eagerly  seized  the  glorious  opportunity  of 
freedom  and  revenge.  In  these  e.\|)e(litions,  the  Ciothic  nati  >n 
claimed  a  superior  share  of  honor  and  danger  ;  but  the  tribes 
that  fought  ander  the  Gothic  banners  are  sometimes  distin- 
guished and  sometimes  confounded  in  the  imperfect  histories 
of  that  age  ;  and  as  the  barbarian  fleets  seemed  to  issue  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Tanais,  the  vague  but  familiar  appellation 
of  Scythians  was  frequently  bestowed  on  the  mixed  multi- 
tude.127 

In  the  general  calamities  of  mankind,  the  death  of  an  indi- 
vidual, however  exalted,  the  ruin  of  an  edifice,  however 
famous,  are  passed  over  with  careless  inattention.  Yet  we 
cannot  forget  that  the  temple  of  Diana  at  Ephesus,  after 
having  risen  with  increasing  splendor  from  seven  repeated 
misfortunes,'-*^  was  finally  burnt  by  the  Goths  in  their  third 
naval  invasion.  The  arts  of  Greece,  and  the  wealth  of  Asia, 
had  conspired  to  erect  that  sacred  and  magnificent  structure. 
It  was  supported  by  a  hundred  and  twenty-seven  marblp 
columns  of  the  Ionic  order.  They  were  the  gifts  of  devout 
monarchs,  and  each  was  sixty  feet  high.  The  altar  was 
adorned  with  the  masterly  sculi)tMres  of  Praxiteles,  who  had, 
perhaps,  selected  from  the  favorite  legends  of  the  place  the 
birth  of  the  divine  children  of  Latona,  the  concealment  of 
Apollo  after  the  slaughter  of  the  Cyclops,  and  the  clemency 
of  Bacchus  to  the  vanquished  Amazons. '"^  Yet  the  length  of 
the  temple  of  Ephesus  was  only  foin-  hundred  and  twenty-five 
feet,  about  two  thirds  of  the  measure  of  the  church  of  St. 
Peter's  at  llome.'^"     In  the  other  dimensions,  it  was  stiU  more 

'"  Zosimus  and  the  Greeks  (as  the  author  of  the  Philopatris)  fpve 
the    Tiiune   of   Scythians   to   tlio-se  -vvhon.   Joniaudes,    and   the   Latin 
writers,  eonstanlly  represent  as  CJotlis. 
'**  Hist.  Aus|.  p.  178.     Jornandes,  c.  20. 

■**»  Strabo,  1.  xiv.  p.  fi40.     Vitruvius.  1.  i.  c.  i.  pracfat.  1.  vii.     'I'acit. 
A.nnal.  iii.  lil.     Plin.    Hist.  Nat.  xxxvi.  U. 

^  The  lenjjth  of  St.   P';ter's  is  840  Roman  pahus  ;  each  palm  is 
IG* 


314  THK    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

inftirior  to   that  sublime   production  of  modern   architecture 

The   spreading  arnis   of  a   Christian   cross   require  a   much 

greater  breadth  than  the  oblong  temples  of  the  Pagans;  and 

the  boldest  artists  of  antiquity  would  have  been  startled  at  the 

proposal  of  raising  in  the  air  a  dome  of  the  size  and   propor 

lions  of  the  Pantheon.     The  temple  of  Diana  was,  however 

admired   as  one   of  the   wonders   of  the   world.     Successive 

empires,  the  Persian,  the  Macedonian,  and  the  Roman,  had 

revered   its  sanctity   and   enriched   its   splendor. i^i     But   the 

tude  savages  of  the  Baltic  were  destitute  of  a  taste  for  the 

elegant  arts,  and  they  despised  th^j   ideal  terrors  of  a  foreign 
superstition. ^32 

Another  circumstance  is  related  of  these  invasions,  which 
might  deserve  our  notice,  were  it  not  justly  to  be  suspected  as 
the  fanciful  conceit  of  a  recent  sophist.  We  are  told,  that  in 
the  sack  of  Athens  the  Goths  had  collected  all  the  libraries, 
and  were  on  the  point  of  setting  fire  to  this  funeral  pile  of 
Grecian  learning,  had  not  one  of  their  chiefs,  of  more  refined 
policy  than  his  brethren,  dissuaded  them  from  the  design  ;  by 
the  profound  observation,  that  as  long  as  the  Greeks  were 
addicted  to  the  study  of  books,  they  would  never  ap|)ly  them- 
selves to  the  exercise  of  arms.'^a  'fhe  sagacious  counsellor 
(should  the  truth  of  the  fact  be  admitted)  reasoned  like  an 
ignorant  barburian.  In  the  most  polite  and  powerful  nations, 
genius  of  every  kind  has  disjjlayed  itself  about  the  same  period  : 
und  the  age  of  science  has  generally  been  the  age  of  military 
virtue  and  success. 

IV.  The  new  sovereigns  of  Persia,  Artaxerxes  and  his  son 
Sapor,  had  triumphed  (as  we  have  already  seen)  over  the 
house  of  Arsaces.     Of  the  many  princes  of  that  ancient  race 


very  little  short  of  nine  English  inches.  See  Grcaves's  Miscellanies, 
vol.  i.  p.  233  ;  on  the  Roman  Foot.* 

'^'  The  policy,  liowcver,  of  the  llomans  induced  them  to  abridge 
the  extent  of  the  sanctuary  or  asylum,  which  by  successive  privileges 
had  spread  itself  two  stadia  round  the  temple.  Strabo,  1.  xiv.  p. 
6'il.     Tacit.  Annal.  iii.  GO,  cS;c. 

"'■*  They  ottered  no  sacrilices  to  the  Grecian  gods.  See  Episioi. 
Gregor.  Thaumat. 

*"  Zonaras,  1.  xii.  p.  G35.  Such  an  anecdote  was  perfectly  suited 
to  the  taste  of  Montai>;ne.  lie  makes  use  of  it  in  hLs  ay;reeable  Essoj 
on  Pedantry,  1.  i.  c.  24. 


•  Kf    Paul's  Cathedral  is  51)0  feet.     Dallaway  od    Archil  trcture,  p    '^3 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  315 

Chosiotjs  ^ing  cf  Armenia,  had  alone  preserved  both  his  life 
and  his  independence.  He  defended  himself  by  the  natural 
strength  of  his  country;  by  the  perpetual  resort  of  fugiiivc-8 
and  malecontcnfs  ;  by  tlie  aUiance  of  the  Romans,  and,  above 
all,  by  his  own  courage.  Invincible  in  arms,  during  a  thirty 
years'  war,  he  was  at  length  assassinated  by  the  emissaries  of 
Sapor,  king  of  Persia.  1'he  patriotic  satraps  of  Armenia,  who 
asserted  the  freedom  and  dignity  of  the  crown,  imj)lured  the 
protection  of  Rome  in  favor  of  Tiridates,  the  lawful  heir.  But 
(he  son  of  Chosroes  was  an  infant,  the  allies  were  at  a  distance 
and  the  Persian  monarch  advanced  towards  the  frontier  at  the 
nead  of  an  irresistible  force.  Young  Tiridates,  the  future 
nope  of  his  country,  was  saved  by  the  fidelity  of  a  servant, 
and  Armenia  continued  above  twenty-seven  years  a  reluctant 
province  of  tiie  great  monarchy  of  Persia.'^^  Elated  with 
;his  easy  conquest,  and  presuming  on  the  distresses  or  the 
legencracy  of  the  Romans,  Sapor  ol)ligcd  the  strong  ganisons 
jf  Carrhaj  and  Nisibis*  to  surrender,  and  spread  devastation 
tnd  terror  on  either  side  of  the  Euphrates. 

The  loss  of  an  important  frontier,  the  ruin  of  a  faithful  and 
natural  ally,  and  the  rapid  success  of  Sapoi's  ambition,  alTccted 
itome  with  a  (lee[)  sense  of  the  insult  as  wtli  as  of  the  dang(;r. 
Valerian  flattered  himself,  that  the  vigilance  of  his  lieutenants 
would  suliiciently  provide  for  the  safety  of  the  Rhine  and  of 
the  Danube  ;  but  he  resolved,  notwithstanding  his  advanced 
itge,  to  marcn  in  person  to  the  defence  of  the  Euphrates. 
During  his  progress  th.-ough  Asia  Minor,  the  naval  enterprises 
of  the  Goths  were  suspended,  and  the  atllicted  province  enjoyed 
H  transient  and  flillacious  calm,  lie  passed  the  Euphrates, 
encountered  the  Persian  monarch  near  the  walls  of  Edessa. 
was  vanquishetl,  and  taken  prisoner  by  Sapor.  The  particu- 
lars of  this  great  event  are  darkly  and  iniperfectly  represented  : 
yet,  by  the  glimmering  light  which  is  afforded  us,  we  miy 
discover  a  long  series  of  imprudence,  of  error,  and  of  deserve(\ 
misfortunes  on  the  side  of  the  Roman  emperor.     lie  reposed 

"*  Moaca  Chorenensis,  1.  ii.  c.  71,  73,  74.  Zonaras,  1.  xii.  p.  628. 
The  authentic  relation  of  the  Armenian  historian  serves  to  rectify  tho 
confused  account  of  the  Greek.  The  latter  talks  of  the  children  ol" 
liiitlates,  who  at  that  time  was  nim>elf  an  infant.  [Compare  St. 
Martin  Memoires  sur  I'Armenie,  i.  p.  301.  — M.] 


*   Xisibis,  according  to   Persian  authors,  was  t.akcn  bv  «   miracl'^  •  the 
wall  fell,  in  compliance  with   the  prayers  of  tl.e  army.     M:iU-^»lm's   Feriias 


S16  THE    DECTINE    AND    FALl 

an  implicit  confidence  in  Macrianus,  his  Praetorian  praefect^^a 
That  worthless  minister  rendered  his  master  formidable  only 
to  the  oppressed  subjects,  and  contemptible  to  the  enemies  of 
Rome.^'"^  By  his  weak  or  wicked  counsels,  the  Imperial  army 
was  betrayed  into  a  situation  where  valor  and  military  skill 
were  equally  unavailing.^^^  The  vigorous  attempt  of  the 
Romans  to  cut  their  way  through  the  Persian  host  waa 
repulsed  with  great  slaughter  ;i38  and  Sapor,  who  encom- 
passed the  camp  with  superior  numbers,  patiently  waited 
till  the  increasing  rage  of  famine  and  pestilence  had  insured 
his  victory.  The  licentious  murmurs  of  the  legions  soon 
accused  Valerian  as  the  cause  of  their  calamities ;  their 
seditious  clamors  demanded  an  instant  capitulation.  An  im- 
mense sum  of  gold  was  offered  to  purchase  the  permission  of 
a  disgraceful  retreat.  But  the  Persian,  conscious  of  his  supe- 
riority, refused  the  money  with  disdain ;  and  detaining  the 
deputies,  advanced  in  order  of  battle  to  the  foot  of  the  Roman 
rampart,  and  insisted  on  a  personal  conference  with  the  em- 
peror. Valerian  was  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  intrusting 
ins  life  and  dignity  to  the  faith  of  an  enemy.  The  interview 
ended  as  it  was  na  ural  to  expect.  The  emperor  was  made 
a  prisoner,  and  h'^  astonished  troops  laid  down  their  arms.'^^ 
In  such  a  moment  of  triumph,  the  pride  and  policy  of  Sapor 
prompted  him  to  fill  the  vacant  throne  with  a  successor 
entirely  dependent  on  his  pleasure.  Uyriaaes,  an  obscure 
fugitive  of  Antioch,  stained  with  every  vice,  was  chosen  to 
dishonor  the  Roman  purple;  and  the  will  of  the  Persian  victor 
could  not  fail  of  being  ratified  by  the  acclamations,  however 
reluctant,  of  the  captive  army.^'"^ 

The  Imperial  slave  was  eager  to  secure  the  favor  of  his 
master  by  an  act  of  treason  to  his  native  country.  He  con- 
ducted Sapor  over  the  Euphrates,  and,  by  the  way  of  Chalcis, 
to  the  metropolis  of  the  East.     So  rapid  were  the  motions  of 

"*  Hist.  Aug.  p.  191.  As  Macrianus  was  an  enemy  to  the  Chris- 
tians, they  charged  him  with  being  a  magician. 

^M  Zosimus,  I.  i.  fj.  33. 

"7  Hist.  Aug.  p.  174. 

"*  Victor  in  Ctesar.    Eutropius,  ix.  7. 

'™  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  33.  Zonaras.  1.  xii.  p.  630.  Teter  Patricius,  iii 
ihe  Excerpta  Lcgat.  p.  29. 

'*"  Hist.  August,  p.  IHo.  The  reign  of  Cyriadcs  appears  in  that 
collection  prior  to  the  death  of  Valerian  :  but  I  have  preferrc(i  a 
prooable  series  of  events  to  the  doubtful  chronology  of  a  most  inac- 
curate writer. 


f>F    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  SH 

the  Persian  cavalry,  tliaf,  if  we  may  credit  a  very  judiciouH 
historian, '•'•  the  city  of  Antioch  was  surprised  when  the  idle 
multitude  was  fondly  gazing  on  the  amusements  of  the  thea- 
tre. The  splendid  buildings  of  Antioch,  private  as  well  a? 
public,  were  either  pillaged  or  destroyed  ;  and  the  numerous 
inhabitants  were  put  to  the  sword,  or  led  away  into  captiv. 
ity.'''-  The  tide  of  devastation  was  stopped  for  a  moment  bv 
the  resolution  of  the  high  priest  of  Emesa.  Arrayed  in  his 
sacerdotal  robes,  he  appeared  at  the  head  of  a  great  body  of 
fanatic  peasants,  armed  only  with  slings,  and  defended  his 
god  and  his  property  from  the  sacrilegious  hands  of  the  fol- 
lowers of  Zoroaster.'"*^  But  the  ruin  of  Tarsus,  and  of  many 
other  cities,  furnishes  a  melancholy  proof  that,  except  in  this 
singular  instance,  the  conquest  of  Syria  and  Cilicia  scarcely 
interrupted  the  progress  of  the  Persian  arms.  The  advan- 
tages of  the  narrow  passes  of  Mount  Taurus  were  abandoneo 
in  which  an  invader,  whose  principal  force  consisted  in  his 
cavalry,  would  have  been  eng;iged  in  a  very  unequal  combat : 
and  Sapor  was  permitted  to  form  the  siege  of  Ciesarca,  the 
capital  of  Cappadocia  ;  a  city,  though  of  the  second  rank, 
which  was  supposed  to  contain  four  hundred  thousand  inhabit- 
ants. Demostlienes  commanded  in  the  place,  not  so  much  by 
the  commission  of  the  emperor,  as  in  the  voluntary  defence 
of  his  country.  For  a  long  time  he  deferred  its  fate  ;  and 
when  at  last  Ca3sarca  was  betrayed  by  the  perfidy  of  n  phy- 
sician, he  cut  his  way  through  the  Persians,  who  had  been 
ordered  to  exert  their  utmost  diligence  to  takp  him  alive. 
Thfs  heroic  chief  escaped  the  power  of  a  foe  who  might 
either  have  honored  or  punished  his  obstinate  valor  •  but  many 
thousands  of  his  fellow-citizens  were  involved  in  a  general 
massacre,  and  Sapor  is  accused  of  treating  his  prisoners  with 


'*'  The  sack  of  Antioch,  anticipated  by  some  historians,  is  as- 
signed, by  the  decisive  testimony  of  Aramianus  Marcelliiius,  to  tlie 
teign  of  Gallienus,  xxiii.  6.* 

'*'^  Zosiinus,  1.  i.  p.  35. 

'*^  John  Malala,  torn.  i.  p.  391.  lie  corrupts  this  probable  event 
by  some  fabulous  circumstances. 


•  Ileyne,  in  his  note  on  Zosiraus,  contests  this  opinion  of  Gibbon  ;  and 
observes,  that  the  testimony  of  Ammianus  is  in  fact  by  no  means  clear  or 
decisive.  GaUienus  and  Valerian  reigned  together.  Zosimus,  in  a  second 
passage,  1.  iii.  32,  8,  distinctly  places  this  event  before  the  capture  of 
Valerian.  -   VI. 


318  THE    DECLINE    A.ND    FALL 

vvatitoxi  and  unrclenti.ig  cruelty. i'*'*  Much  should  i.ndoubleQ 
!.y  be  allowed  for  national  animosity,  much  £jr  humbled  pride 
and  impotent  revenge  ;  yet,  upon  the  whole,  it  is  certain,  that 
the  same  prince,  who,  in  Armenia,  had  displayed  the  mild 
aspect  of  a  legislator,  showed  himself  to  the  Romans  under  tho 
';tcrn  features  of  a  conqueror.  He  despaired  of  making  a«y 
permanent  establishment  in  the  empire,  and  sought  only  to 
leave  beliind  him  a  wasted  desert,  whilst  he  transported  into 
Persia  the  people  and  the  treasures  of  the  provinces.''^^ 

At  the  time  when  the  East  trembled  at  the  name  of  Sapor, 
he  received  a  present  not  unworthy  of  the  greatest  kings  ;  a 
long  train  of  camels,  laden  with  tlie  most  rare  and  valuable 
merchandises.  The  rich  offering  was  accompanied  with  an 
epistle,  respectful,  but  not  servile,  from  Odenathus,  one  of  the 
noblest  and  most  opulent  senators  of  Palmyra.  "  Who  is  this 
Odenathus,"  (said  the  haughty  victor,  and  he  commanded  that 
the  presents  should  be  cast  into  the  Euphrates,)  "  that  he  thuh 
insolently  presumes  to  write  to  his  lord  ?  If  he  entertains  a 
hope  of  mitigating  his  punishment,  let  him  fall  prostrate  be- 
fore the  foot  of  our  throne,  with  his  hands  bound  behind  his 
back.  Should  he  hesitate,  swift  destruction  shall  be  poured 
on  his  head,  on  his  whole  race,  and  on  his  country."  ^"^^  The 
desperate  extremity  to  which  the  Palmyrenian  was  reduced, 
called  into  action  all  the  latent  powers  of  his  soul.  He  met 
Sapor  ;  but  he  met  him  in  arms.  Infusing  his  own  spirit  into 
a  little  army  collected  from  the  villages  of  Syria,''*''  and  the 
tents  of  the  desert,!^^  he  hovered  round  the  Persian  host, 
harassed  their  retreat,  carried  off'  part  of  the  treasure,  and, 
what  was  dearer  than  any  treasure,  several  of  the  women  of 
the  great  king ;  who  was  at  last  obliged  to  repass  the  Eu- 
phrates with  some  marks  of  haste  and  confusion.''*^     By  this 

'■'''  Zonoras,  1.  xii.  p.  630.  Deep  valleys  were  filled  up  with  the 
elain.  Crowds  of  prisoners  were  driven  to  water  like  beasts,  and 
many  perished  for  want  of  food. 

'<'  Zosimus,  1.  i.  j).  2o,  asserts,  that  Sapor,  had  he  not  preferred 
njioil  to  coniiuest,  might  have  remained  master  of  Asia. 

'■•*  Peter  I'atricus  in  Excerpt.  Leg.  p.  29. 

'*'  Syrorum  agrestium  manii.  Sextus  Rufus,  c.  23.  Kufus,  Vic- 
tor, the  Augustan  History,  (p.  192,)  and  several  inscriptions,  agree 
in  making  Odenathus  a  citizen  of  Palmyra. 

'^*  He  possessed  so  ]iovverful  an  interest  among  the  wandctin^j 
tribes,  that  Procopius  (Hell.  Persic.  1.  ii.  c.  5)  and  John  Malala  (torn 
i.  p.  391)  style  hira  l*rince  of  the  Saracens. 

'*'  Peter  Patricias,  p.  2n . 


OF    I.IE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  319 

exploit   OJenathus  laid  the  foundations  of  liis  future  fame  and 
foitunrs.     Tile   majesty  of  Rome,  oppressed  by  a  Persian 
was  protected  by  a  Syrian  or  Arab  of  Palmyra. 

Tlie  voice  of  liistory,  wliicii  is  often  little  more  than  the 
organ  of  hatred  or  flattery,  reproaches  Sapor  with  a  pioud 
abuse  o^  the  rights  of  conquest.  We  are  told  that  Valerian, 
in  chains,  but  invested  with  the  Imperial  purple,  was  exposed 
to  the  multitude,  a  constant  spectacle  of  fallen  greatness;  and 
that  whenever  the  Persian  monarch  mounted  on  horseback,  he 
placed  his  foot  on  the  neck  of  a  Roman  emperor.  Notwith- 
standing all  the  remonstrances  of  his  allies,  who  repeatedly 
advised  him  to  remember  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  to  dread 
the  returning  power  of  Rome,  and  to  make  his  illustrious  cni)- 
tive  the  pledge  of  peace,  not  the  object  of  insult,  Sapor  still 
remained  inflexible.  When  Valerian  sunk  under  the  weight 
of  shame  and  grief,  his  skin,  stuffed  with  straw,  and  formed 
into  the  likeness  of  a  human  figure,  was  preserved  for  ages 
in  the  most  celebrated  temple  of  Persia  ;  a  more  real  monu- 
ment of  triumph,  than  the  fancied  trophies  of  brass  and  mar- 
ble so  often  erected  by  Roman  vanity. ^^^  The  tale  is  moral 
and  pathetic,  but  the  truth  t  of  it  may  very  fairly  be  called  iii 
question.  The  letters  still  extant  from  the  princes  of  the  East 
to  Sapor  are  manifest  forgeries  ;  ^^^  nor  is  it  natural  to  suppose 
that  a  jealous  monarch  should,  even  in  the  person  of  a  rival, 
thus  publicly  degrade  the  majesty  of  kings.  Whatever  treat- 
ment the  unfortunate  Valerian  might  experience  in  Persia,  it 
is  at  least  certain  that  the  only  emperor  of  Rome  who  had 
ever  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  languished  away  hii 
jfe  in  hopeless  captivity. 

'^''  The  Pagan  writers  lament,  the  Christian  insult,  the  misfortunes 
of  Valerian.  Their  various  testimonies  are  accurately  collected  by 
'i'illcmont,  tom.  iii.  p.  7.'!9,  &c.  So  little  has  been  preserved  of  east- 
ern history  before  Mahomet,  that  the  modern  Persians  are  totally 
ii,'norant  of  the  victory  of  Sapor,  an  event  so  glorious  to  their  nation. 
8ce  Biblioth6que  Oricntale.* 

''"'  One  of  these  epistles  is  from  Artavasde"  king  of  Armenia; 
dnce  Armenia  was  then  a  ])rovince  of  Persia,  the  king,  the  kingdom, 
and  the  epistle  must  be  fictitious. 


•  Malcolm  appears  to  write  from  Persian  authorities,  i.  76.  —  M. 

t  Yet  Gibbon  himself  records  a  speech  of  tlie  emperor  Galeriiis,  which 
alludes  to  the  cruelties  exercised  apainst  the  livini;,  and  the  indignities  to 
which  they  exposed  the  dead  Valerian,  vol.  ii.  ch.  13.  Respect  for  the 
'linjily  character  would  by  no  means  prevent  an  eastern  morarch  from 
patifyiujj  his  pride  and  his  vengeance  on  a  fallen  foe  — M. 


320  TJE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

The  emperor  Gallienus,  who  had  long  supporteJ  with  im- 
patience the  censorial  severity  of  his  father  and  colleague, 
received  the  intelligence  of  his  misfortunes  with  secret  pleas- 
ure and  avowed  indifference.  "  I  knew  that  my  father  was 
a  mortal,"  said  he  ;  "  and  since  he  has  acted  as  becomes  a 
hrave  man,  I  am  satisfied."  Whilst  Rome  lamented  the  fate 
of  her  sovereign,  the  savage  coldness  of  his  son  was  e.xtolled 
by  the  servile  courtiers  as  the  perfect  firmness  of  a  hero  and 
a  stoic. 1^'^  It  is  difficult  to  paint  the  light,  the  various,  the 
inconstant  character  of  Gallienus,  which  he  displayed  without 
constraint,  as  soon  as  he  became  sole  possessor  of  the  empire. 
In  every  art  that  he  attempted,  his  lively  genius  enabled  him 
to  succeed  ;  and  as  his  genius  was  destitute  of  judgment,  he 
attempted  every  art,  except  the  important  ones  of  war  and 
government.  He  was  a  master  of  several  curious,  but  useless 
sciences,  a  ready  orator,  an  elegant  poet,!^-'  a  skilful  gardener, 
an  excellent  cook,  and  most  contemptible  prince.  When  the 
great  emergencies  of  the  state  required  his  presence  and 
attention,  he  was  engaged  in  conversation  with  the  philosopher 
Plotinus,'^'*  wasting  his  time  in  trifling  or  licentious  pleasures, 
preparing  his  initiation  to  the  Grecian  mysteries,  or  soliciting 
a  place  in  the  Areopagus  of  Athens.  His  profuse  magnifi- 
cence insulted  the  general  poverty ;  the  solemn  ridicule  of  his 
triumphs  impressed  a  deeper  sense  of  the  public  disgrace.^-''^ 

'**  Sep  his  life  in  the  Augustan  History. 

'^•'  There  is  still  extant  a  very  pretty  Epithalamium,  composed  by 
Gallienus  tor  the  nuptials  of  his  nephews  :  — 

"  Ite  ait,  0  Juvenes,  pariter  sudate  medullis 
Omnibus,  inter  vos  :  non  murniura  vestra  columbx, 
Brachia  non  hedera;,  uon  vincant  oscula  cunchai." 

"*  He  was  on  the  point  of  giving  Plotinus  a  ruined  city  of  Cam- 
pania to  try  the  experiment  of  realizing  Plato's  Republic.  See  the 
life  of  Plotinus,  by  Porphyr}%  in  Fabriciiis's  Biblioth.  Grsec.  1.  iv. 

■'*  A  medal  which  bears  the  head  of  Gallienus  has  perplexed  the 
ftnticiuarians  by  its  legend  and  reverse  ;  the  former  Gallience  Attr/ust(P^ 
the  latter  Ubique  Pax.  M.  Spanheim  supposes  that  the  coin  waa 
struck  by  some  of  the  enemies  of  Gallienus,  and  was  designed  as  a 
Bcvere  satire  on  that  effeminate  prince.  Hut  as  the  use  of  irony  may 
seem  unworthy  of  the  gravity  of  the  Roman  mint,  M.  de  Vailcmont 
has  deduced  from  a  passage  of  Trcbellius  PoUio  (Hist.  Aug.  p.  198y 
an  ingenious  and  natural  solution.  Gallitna  was  tirst  cousin  to  the 
emperor.  By  delivering  Africa  from  tlie  usuri)er  Celsus,  she  de- 
served the  title  of  Augusta.  On  a  medal  in  the  French  king's  col- 
lection, we  read  a  similar  inscription  of  Faustina  Aw/usta  rouj.d  the 
head   of  Marcus    Aurclius.       With    regard   to  the    L'.'-itjur.    I'ax,  it   if 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  321 

The  repealed  intelligence  of  invasions,  defeats,  and  rebel- 
lions he  received  with  a  careless  smile ,  and  singling  out- 
with  afTected  contempt,  some  particular  production  of  the  losi 
province,  he  carelessly  asked,  whether  Rome  must  be  ruined, 
unless  it  was  supplied  with  linen  from  Egypt,  and  arras  cloth 
from  Gaul.  There  were,  however,  a  few  short  moments  in  tlio 
life  of  Gallienus,  when,  exasperated  by  some  recent  injury, 
he  suddenly  appeared  the  intrepid  soldier  and  the  cruel  tyrant , 
till,  satiated  with  blood,  or  fatigued  by  resistance,  lie  insensi- 
bly sunk  into  the  natural  mildness  and  indolence  of  his  cbar- 
ncter.'^s 

At  the  time  when  the  reins  of  government  were  held  with 
so  loose  a  hand,  it  is  not  surprising,  that  a  crowd  of  usurpers 
should  start  up  in  every  province  of  the  empire  against  the  son 
of  Valerian.  It  was  probably  some  ingenious  fancy,  of  com- 
paring  the  thirty  tyrants  of  Rome  with  the  thirty  tyrants  of 
Athens,  that  induced  the  writers  of  the  Augustan  History  to 
select  that  celebrated  number,  which  has  been  gradually  re- 
ceived into  popular  appellation.'^^  But  in  every  light  the  par- 
allel is  idle  and  defective.  What  resemblance  can  we  discovei 
between  a  council  of  thirty  persons,  the  united  oppressors  of  a 
single  city,  and  an  imcerlain  list  of  independent  rivals,  who  rose 
and  fell  in  irregular  succession  throufrh  the  extent  of  a  vast  em- 
pire  .''  Nor  can.  the  number  of  thirty  be  completed,  unless  wo 
include  in  the  account  the  women  and  children  who  were  hon- 
ored with  the  Imperial  title.  The  reign  of  Gallienus,  distracted 
as  it  was,  produced  only  nineteen  pretenders  to  the  throne  :  Cy- 
riades,  Macrianus,  Balista,  Odenathus,  and  Zenobia,  in  the  East ; 
in  Gaul,  and  the  western  provinces,  Poslhumus,  Lollianus, 
Victorinus,  and  his  mother  Victoria,  Marius,  and  Tetricus  ;  in 
Illyricum  and  the  confines  of  the  Danube,  Ingenuus,  Regillia- 

easily  explained  by  the  vanity  of  Gallienus,  who  seized,  perhaps,  the 
occasion  of  some  momentary  calm.  See  Nouvelles  de  la  llepublique 
dfcfl  Lettrcs,  Janvier,  1700,  p.  21 — 34. 

'**  This  singular  character  has,  I  believe,  been  fairly  transmitted 
to  us.  The  reign  of  his  immediate  successor  was  short  and  busy  ; 
and  the  historians  who  wrote  before  the  elevation  of  the  family  of 
C'onstautine  could  not  have  the  most  remote  interest  to  misrcj)re- 
lent  the  character  of  Clallienus. 

'^^  Poilio  expresses  the  most  minute  anxiety  to  complete  the 
number.* 


*  Compare  a  dissertation  of  Manso  on  the  thirty  tyrants,  at  the  end  of 
ois  Leben  Const-mtius  des  Grossen.     Breslau.  1817.  —  M. 


822  THE    DFC^INE    AND    FALL 

nus,  and  Aureoli:?  ;  in  Pontus,^^®  Saturninus  ;  in  Isauria,  Tre- 
bellianus  ;  Piso  in  Thessaly  ;  Valens  in  Achaia  ,  iEmilianus 
in  Egypt ;  and  Celsus  in  Africa.*  To  illustrate  the  obscure 
monuments  of  the  life  and  death  of  each  individual,  would 
j»rove  a  laborious  task,  alike  barren  of  instruction  and  of 
amusement.  We  may  content  ourselves  with  investigating 
some  general  characters,  that  most  strongly  mark  the  condi- 
tion of  the  times,  and  the  manners  of  the  men,  their  pie- 
tensions,  their  motives,  their  fate,  and  the  destructive  conse- 
quences of  their  usurpation.^^'* 

It  is  sufficiently  known,  that  the  odious  appellation  of  Tyrant 
was  often  employed  by  the  ancients  to  express  the  illegal 
seizure  of  supreme  power,  without  any  reference  to  the  abuse 
of  it.  Several  of  the  pretenders,  who  raised  the  standard  of 
rebellion  against  the  emperor  Gallienus,  were  shining  models 
of  virtue,  and  almost  all  possessed  a  considerable  share  of 
vigor  and  ability.  Their  merit  had  recommended  them  to  the 
favor  of  Valerian,  and  gradually  promoted  them  to  the  most 
important  commands  of  the  empire.  The  generals,  who 
assumed  the  title  of  Augustus,  were  either  respected  by  their 
troops  for  their  able  conduct  and  severe  discipline,  or  admired 
for  valor  and  success  in  war,  or  beloved  for  frankness  and 
generosity.  The  field  of  victory  was  often  the  scene  of  their 
election  ;  and  even  the  armorer  Marius,  the  most  contemptible 

'**  The  place  of  his  reign  is  somewhat  doubtful ;  but  there  was 
a  tyrant  in  Pontus,  and  we  are  acquainted  with  the  seat  of  all  the 
others. 

1S9  Tillemont,  torn.  iii.  p.  1163,  reckons  them  somewhat  dif- 
ferently. 

*  Captain  Smyth,  in  his  "  Catalogue  of  Medals,"  p.  307,  substitutes  twc 
new  names  to  make  up  the  number  of  nineteen,  for  those  of  Odenathus 
Bnd  Zenobia.     He  subjoins  this  list :  — 

1.  2.  3. 

Of  those  whose  coins  Those  wliose  coins  Those  <.f  whom  no 

are  undoubtedly  true.  are  suspected.  coins  arc  k  mwn 

Posthumus.  Cyriades.  Valens. 

Lielianus,  (LoUianus.  G.)  Ingenuus.  Balista. 

Victorinus.  Celsus.  Satuininus. 

Marius.  Piso  Frugi  frebellianus. 

Tetricus.  —  M.  1815 

Macrianus. 

Quietiis. 

Ref^alianus,  (RegilLanua.  O.) 

A-lox.  iEmilianus. 

Aureolas. 

Sulpicius  Antoniniu. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    KMPIRE.  323 

of  all  the  cand.dutes  fur  the  purple,  was  distinguished,  however 
by  intrepid  courage,  matchless  strength,  and  blunt  honesty."^" 
His  mean  and  recent  trade  cast,  indeed,  an  air  of  ridicule  en 
his  elevation;*  but  his  birth  could  not  be  more  obscure  than 
was  that  of  the  greater  part  of  his  rivals,  who  were  born  of 
peasants,  and  enlisted  in  the  army  as  private  soldiers.  In 
times  of  confusion,  every  active  genius  finds  the  place  assigned 
him  bv  nature  :  in  a  general  state  of  war,  military  merit  ij 
the  road  to  glory  and  to  greatness.  Of  the  nineteen  tyrants, 
Tetricus  only  was  a  senator ;  Piso  alone  was  a  noble.  The 
blood  of  Numa,  through  twenty-eight  successive  generations, 
ran  in  the  veins  of  Calphurnius  Piso,'*^'  who,  by  female  alli- 
ances, claimed  a  right  of  exhibiting,  in  his  house,  the  images 
of  Crassus  and  of  the  great  Pompey."^^  His  ancestors  had 
been  repeatedly  dignified  with  all  the  honors  which  the  com- 
monwealth could  bestow  ;  and  of  all  the  ancient  families  of 
Rome,  the  Calphurian  alone  had  survived  the  tyranny  of  the 
Ca!sars.  The  personal  qualities  of  Piso  added  new  lustre  to 
his  race.  The  usurper  Valens,  by  whose  order  he  was  killed, 
confessed,  with  deep  remorse,  that  even  an  enemy  ought  to 
have  respected  the  sanctity  of  Piso ;  and  although  he  died  in 
arms  against  Callienus,  the  senate,  with  the  emperor's  gener- 
ous permission,  decreed  the  triumphal  ornaments  to  the  mem- 
ory of  so  virtuous  a  rebel/''"^ 

The  lieutenants  of  Valerian  were  grateful  to  the  father 
whom  they  esteemed.  They  disdained  to  serve  the  luxurious 
indolence  of  his  unworthy  son.     Ths  throne  of  the  Roman 

""  Sec  the  speech  of  Marius  in  the  Aiigustan  Histori',  p.  197. 
The  accidental  identity  of  names  was  the  only  circumstance  that 
could  tempt  I'ollio  to  imitate  Sallust. 

161  <i  Yq^^  ()  Pompilius  sanguis  !  "  is  Horace's  address  to  the  Pisos. 
See  Art.  Poet.  v.  292,  with  Dacier's  and  Sanadon's  notes. 

''^'  Tacit.  Annal.  xv.  48.  Hist.  i.  15.  In  the  former  of  these  pas- 
sages we  may  venture  to  change  palerna  into  ma  tenia.  In  every  gen- 
eration from  Augustus  to  Alexander  Sovcrus,  one  or  more  Pisoa 
ajjpcar  as  consuls.  A  Piso  was  deemed  worthy  of  the  throne  by 
Augustus,  (Tacit.  Annal.  i.  13;)  a  second  lieailcd  a  formidable  con- 
spiracy against  Nero;  and  a  third  was  adopted,  and  declared  CiL-sar, 
by  Galba. 

'**  Hist.  August,  p.  19.5.  The  senate,  in  a  moment  of  enthusiasm^ 
lecms  to  have  presumed  on  the  approbation  of  Gallienus. 


*  Marius  was  killed  by  a  soldier,  who  had  formerly  served  as  a  workman 
!n  his  shop,  and  who  exclaimed,  as  lie  striik,  "  Tiehold  the  sword  which 
thyself  hast,  forued."     'I'reb.  in  vita.  — G. 


324  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

world  was  unsupported  by  any  principle  of  loyalty  .  and  trea 
son  against  such  a  prince  might  easily  be  considered  as  patriot 
ism  to  the  state.  Yet  if  we  examine  with  candor  the  conduct 
of  these  usurpers,  it  will  appear,  that  they  were  much  oftener 
driven  into  rebellion  by  their  fears,  than  urged  to  it  by  their 
ambition  They  dreaded  the  cruel  suspicions  of  Gallienus  : 
they  equally  dreaded  the  capricious  violence  of  their  troops. 
If  the  dangerous  favor  of  the  army  had  imprudently  deciared 
them  deserving  of  the  purple,  they  were  marked  for  sure  de 
struction  ;  and  even  prudence  would  counsel  them  to  secure  a 
short  enjoyment  of  empire,  and  rather  to  try  the  fortune  of 
war  than  to  expect  the  hand  of  an  executioner.  When  the 
clamor  of  the  soldiers  invested  the  reluctant  victims  with  the 
ensigns  of  sovereign  authority,  they  sometimes  mourned  in 
secret  their  approaching  fate.  "  You  have  lost,"  said  Satur- 
ninus,  on  the  day  of  his  elevation,  "  you  have  lost  a  useful 
commander,  and  you  have  made  a  very  wretched  emperor."  i^^ 
The  apprehensions  of  Saturninus  were  justified  by  the 
repeated  experience  of  revolutions.  Of  the  nineteen  tyrants 
who  started  up  under  the  reign  of  Gallienus,  there  was  not  one 
who  enjoyed  a  life  of  peace,  or  a  natural  death.  As  soon  as 
they  were  invested  with  the  bloody  purple,  they  inspired  their 
adherents  with  the  same  fears  and  ambition  which  had  oc- 
casioned their  own  revolt.  Encompassed  with  domestic  con- 
spiracy, military  sedition,  and  civil  war,  they  trembled  on  the 
edge  of  precipices,  in  which,  after  a  longer  or  shorter  term  of 
anxiety,  they  were  inevitably  lost.  These  precarious  mon- 
archs  received,  however,  such  honors  as  the  flattery  of  their 
respective  armies  and  provinces  could  bestow ;  but  their 
claim,  founded  on  rebellion,  could  never  obtain  the  sanction 
of  law  or  history.  Italy,  Rome,  and  the  senate,  constantly 
adhered  to  the  cause  of  Gallienus,  and  he  alone  was  con- 
sidered as  the  sovereign  of  the  empire.  That  pruice  con- 
descended, indeed,  to  acknowledge  the  victorious  arms  of 
Odenathus,  who  deserved  the  honorable  distinction,  by  *he 
respectful  conduct  which  he  always  maintained  towards  the 
son  of  Valerian.  With  the  general  applause  of  the  Romans, 
and  the  consent  of  Gallienus,  the  senate  conferred  the  title  of 
Augustus  on  the  brave  Palmyrenian  ;  and  seemed  to  intrust 
fi.m  with  the   government  of  the  East,  which  he  already  po.s- 

'•^  Hist.  August,  p.  19G. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  325 

sessed,  in  so  independent  a   manner,  that,  like  a  private   sue 
cession,  he  betmeathed  it  to  his  illustrious  widow,  Zenobia.'^* 

The  rapid  and  per|)ctual  transitions  from  the  cottage  to  the 
throne,  and  from  the  throne  to  the  grave,  might  have  amused 
on  indifierent  philosopher  ;  were  it  possible  for  a  philosopher 
to  remain  inditrercnt  amidst  the  general  calamities  of  human 
kind.  The  election  of  these  precarious  emperors,  their  power 
and  their  death,  were  equally  destructive  to  their  subjects  and 
adherents.  The  price  of  their  fatal  elevation  was  instantly 
discharged  to  the  troops,  by  an  immense  donative,  drawn  from 
the  bowels  <;f  the  exhausted  people.  However  virtuous  was 
their  character,  however  pure  their  mtentions,  they  found  them- 
selves reduced  to  the  hard  necessity  of  supporting  their  usur 
pation  by  frequent  acts  of  rapine  and  cruelty.  When  they  fell, 
they  involved  armies  and  provinces  in  their  fall.  There  is 
still  extant  a  most  savage  mandate  from  Gallienus  to  one  of  his 
ministers,  after  the  suppression  of  Ingenuus,  who  had  assumed 
the  purple  in  lUyricum.  ''It  is  not  enough,"  says  that  soft 
but  inhuman  prince,  that  you  exterminate  such  as  have 
appeared  in  arms  ;  the  chance  of  battle  might  have  served  me 
as  effectually.  The  male  sex  of  every  age  must  be  extirpated  ; 
provided  that,  in  the  execution  of  the  children  and  old  men,  you 
can  contrive  means  to  save  our  reputation.  Let  every  one  die 
w'ho  has  dropped  an  expression,  who  has  entertained  a  thought 
against  me,  against  me,  the  son  of  Valerian,  the  father  and  brother 
of  so  many  princes.^^e  Remember  that  Ingenuus  was  made 
emperor  :  tear,  kill,  hew  in  pieces.  I  write  to  you  with  my 
own  hand,  and  would  inspire  you  with  my  own  feelings."  ^^"^ 
Whilst  the  public  forces  of  the  state  were  dissipated  in  private 
quarrels,  the  defenceless  provinces  lay  exposed  to  every 
invader.  The  bravest  usurpers  were  compelled,  by  the  per- 
plexity of  their  situation,  to  conclude  ignominious  treaties  with 
the  common  enemy,  to  purchase  with  oppressive  tributes  the 

"*  llie  association  of  the  brave  Palmyrenian  wm  the  most  populai 
act  of  the  whole  reign  of  Gallienus.     Ilist.  August,  p.  180. 

'•*  Gallienus  had  given  the  titles  of  Ccesar  and  Augustus  to  his 
Bon  Saloninus,  slain  at  Cologne  by  the  usurjicr  Posthunius.  A  sec- 
ond son  of  Gallienus  succeeded  to  the  name  and  rank  of  his  eldci 
brother.  Valerian,  the  brother  of  Gallienus,  was  also  associated  to 
the  empire  :  several  other  brothers,  sisters,  nephews,  and  nieces  of 
tlie  emperor  formed  a  very  numerous  royal  fiunily.  See  Tillemont, 
tom.  iii.,  and  M.  dc  Brequigny  in.  the  Memoires  de  rAcadeuiio,  toni 
xxxii.  p.  262. 

""  Hist.  August,  p.  188. 


326  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

neutrality    or   services   of  the  Barbarians    and    to  introduce 

hostile  and  independent  nations  into  the  heart  of  the  Roman 
iTionarchy.168 

Such  were  the  barbarians,  and  such  the  tyinnts,  who,  undei 
the  reigns  of  Valerian  and  Gallienus,  dismembered  the  prov- 
inces, and  reduced  the  empire  to  the  lowest  pitch  of  disgrace 
and  ruin,  from  whence  it  seemed  impossible  that  it  should  ever 
emerge.  As  far  as  the  barrenness  of  materials  would  permit, 
we  have  attempted  to  trace,  with  order  and  perspicuity,  the 
general  events  of  that  calamitous  period.  There  still  remain 
some  particular  facts :  I.  The  disorders  of  Sicily  ;  II.  The 
tumults  of  Alexandria ;  and.  III,  The  rebellion  of  the  Isauri- 
ans,  which  may  serve  to  reflect  a  strong  light  on  the  horrid 
picture. 

I.  Whenever  numerous  troops  of  banditti,  multiplied  by 
euccess  and  impunity,  publiclv  defy,  instead  of  eluding  thu 
justice  of  their  country,  we  may  safely  infer,  that  the  e.xcessivc 
weakness  of  the  government  is  felt  and  abused  by  the  lowest 
ranks  of  the  community.  The  situation  of  Sicily  preserved  it 
from  the  Barbarians  ;  nor  could  the  disarmed  province  have  sup- 
ported a  usurper.  The  sufllerings  of  that  once  flourishing  and 
still  fertile  island  were  inflicted  by  baser  hands.  A  licentious 
crowd  of  slaves  and  peasants  reigned  for  a  while  over  the  plun- 
dered country,  and  renewed  the  memory  of  the  servile  wars  of 
more  ancient  timcs.^^''  Devastations,  of  which  the  husbandman 
was  either  the  victim  or  the  accomplice,  must  have  ruined  the 
agriculture  of  Sicily  ;  and  as  the  principal  estates  were  the 
property  of  the  opulent  senators  of  Rome,  who  often  enclosed 
within  a  farm  the  territory  of  an  old  republic,  it  is  not  improb- 
able, that  this  private  injury  might  affect  the  capital  more 
deeply,  than  all  the  conquests  of  the  Goths  or  the  Persians. 

II.  The  foundation  of  Alexandria  was  a  noble  design,  at 
once  conceived  and  executed  by  the  son  of  Philip.  The  beau- 
tiful and  regular  form  of  that  great  city,  second  only  to  Rome 
itself,  comprehended  a  circumference  of  fifteen  miles  ;  ^'^'^  it 
was  peopled  by  three  hundred  thousand  free  inhabitants,  besides 


'**  Regillianus  had  some  bands  of  Roxolani  in  nis  service ;  Post- 
humus  a  tjody  of  Franks.  It  was,  perhaps,  in  the  character  of  aux- 
iliaries that  the  latter  introduced  themselves  into  Spain. 

"*  The  Augustan  History,  p.  177,  calls  it  servik  Miwn.  Sea 
Diodor.  Sicul.  L  xxxiv. 

""  Plin.  Ilist.  Natur.  v.  10. 


Of    THE    ROMAN    EMPiRE.  327 

Jl  leistan  equal  number  of  slaves. i"i  The  lucrative  trade 
of  Arabia  and  India  flowed  through  the  port  of  Alexandria,  to 
ihe  capital  and  provinces  of  the  empire.*  Idleness  was  un- 
known. Some  were  employed  in  blowing  of  glass,  others  in 
weaving  of  linen,  others  again  manufacturing  the  papyrus. 
Kither  sex,  and  every  age,  was  engaged  in  the  pursuits  of 
industry,  nor  did  even  the  blind  or  the  lame  want  occupations 
suited  to  their  condition.'"-  I3ut  the  people  of  Alexandria,  a 
various  mixture  of  nations,  united  the  vanity  and  inconstancy 
of  the  Greeks  with  the  superstition  and  obstinacy  of  the 
Egyptians.  The  most  trifling  occasion,  a  transient  scarcity 
of  flesh  or  lentils,  the  neglect  of  an  accustomed  salutation,  a 
mistake  of  precedency  in  the  public  baths,  or  even  a  religious 
dispute,'^-*  were  at  any  time  sufiicient  to  kindle  a  sedition  among 
that  vast  multitude,  whose  resentments  were  furious  and  im- 
placable.'"'* After  the  captivity  of  Valerian  and  the  insolence 
of  his  son  had  relaxed  the  authority  of  the  laws,  the  Alexan- 
drians abandoned  memselves  to  the  un<ioverned  rage  of  their 
passions,  and  their  unhappy  country  was  the  theatre  of  a  civil 
war,  which  continued  (with  a  few  short  and  suspicious  truces) 
above  twelve  years.'''^  All  intercourse  was  cut  olf  between 
the  several  quarters  of  the  afllicted  city,  every  street  was 
polluted  with  blood,  every  building  of  strength  converted  into 
a  citadel  ;  nor  did  the  tumults  subside  till  a  considerable  part 
of  Alexandria  was  irretrievably   ruined.     The  spacious  and 


'"  Diodor.  Sicjil.  1.  xvii.  p.  590,  edit.  "Wesseling. 

"*  See  a  very  curioiis  letter  of  Hadrian,  in  the  Augustan  History, 
p.  245. 

'"  Such  as  the  sacrilegious  murder  of  a  divine  cat.  See  Diodor. 
Sicul.  1.  i.t 

"*  Hist.  August,  p.  195.  This  long  and  terrible  sedition  was  first 
occasioned  by  a  dispute  between  a  soldier  and  a  townsman  about  a 
pair  of  shoes. 

'"  Dionysius  apud  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccles.  vii.  p.  21.  Ammian. 
xxii.   16. 


•  Berenice,  or  Myos-IIormos,  on  the  Red  Sea,  received  the  eastern  com- 
modities. From  thence  they  were  transported  to  the  Nile,  and  down  the 
Nile  to  Alexandria.  —  M. 

t  The  hostility  between  the  Jewish  and  Grecian  part  of  the  population, 
afterwards  between  the  two  former  and  the  Christian,  were  unfailing  causei 
of  tumult,  sedition,  and  n\assacre.  In  no  i)lace  were  the  religious  disputes, 
alter  the  establishment  of  Christianity,  more  frequent  or  more  sanguinary 
See  Phdo.  de  Legat.  Hist,  of  Jews,  ii.  171,  iii.  Ill,  193.  Gibbon,  iii 
-,.  xxi.  viii.  c.  xlvii.  -  M. 


328  THE    DECLINE    AND      ALL 

magnificent  district  of  Bruchion,*  with  its  palaces  and  inusse- 
urn,  the  residence  of  the  kings  and  philosophers  of  Egypt,  is 
described  above  a  century  afterwards,  as  ah-eady  reduced 
to  its  present  state  of  dreary  solitude. ^'''^ 

III.  The  obscure  rebellion  of  Trebellianus,  who  assumed 
the  purple  in  Isauria,  a  petty  province  of  Asia  Minor,  was 
attended  with  strange  and  memorable  consequences.  The 
pageant  of  royalty  was  soon  destroyed  by  an  officer  of 
Gallienus  ;  but  his  followers,  despairing  of  mercy,  resolved  to 
shake  otT  their  allegiance,  not  only  to  the  emperor,  but  to  the 
empire,  and  suddenly  returned  to  the  savage  manners  from 
which  they  had  never  perfectly  been  reclaimed.  Their  craggy 
rocks,  a  branch  of  the  wide-extended  Taurus,  protected  their 
inaccessible  retreat.  The  tillage  of  some  fertile  valleys  ^'^ 
supplied  them  with  necessaries,  and  a  habit  of  rapine  with  the 
luxuries  of  life.  In  the  heart  of  the  Roman  monarchy,  the 
Isaurians  long  continued  a  nation  of  wild  barbarians.  Suc- 
ceeding princes,  unable  to  reduce  them  to  obedience,  either 
by  arms  or  policy,  were  compelled  to  acknowledge  their 
weakness,  by  surrounding  the  hostile  and  independent  spot 
with  a  strong  chain  of  fortifications, ''^  which  often  proved 
insufficient  to  restrain  the  incursions  of  these  domestic  foes. 
The  Isaurians,  gradually  extending  their  territory  to  the  sea- 
coast,  subdued  the  western  and  mountainous  part  of  Cilicia 
formerly  the  nest  of  those  daring  pirates,  against  whom  the 
republic  had  once  been  obliged  to  exert  its  utmost  force,  undei 
the  conduct  of  the  great  Pompey.^'^^ 

Our  habits  of  thinking  so  fondly  connect  the  order  of  the 
jniverse  with  the  fate  of  man,  that  this  gloomy  period  of  his- 
ory  has  been  decorated  with  inundations,  earthquakes,  uncom- 
Tion  meteors,  preternatural  darkness,  and  a  crowd  of  prodigies 
ictitious  or  exaggerated. i^"     But  a  long  and   general  famine 


'^*  Scaliger.  Animadver.  ad  Euseb.  Chron.  p.  258.  Three  disserta- 
bons  of  M.  Bonamy,  in  the  Mem.  de  I'Academie,  torn.  ix. 

'"  Strabo,  1.  xiii.'  p.  569. 

"8  Hist.  August,  p.  197. 

'■"  See  Cellarius,  Geogr.  Antiq.  torn.  ii.  p.  137,  upon  the  limits  af 
I«auria. 

"3  Hist.  August,  p.  177. 


•  The  Bruchion  was  a  quarter  of  Alexandria  which  extended  along  ihe 
largest  of  the  two  ports,  and  contained  many  palaces,  inhibited  bv  tb« 
Ptolemies.     D'Anv.  Geogr.  Anc.  iii.  10.  —  G. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRii.  329 

was  a  calamity  of  a  more  serious  kind.  It  was  thu  iiievitahle 
consequence  of  rapine  and  opjjre.ssion,  which  extirpated  Uio 
produce  of  the  present,  and  the  hope  of  future  harvests. 
Famine  is  almost  always  followed  by  epidemical  diseases,  the 
effect  of  scanty  and  unwholesome  food.  Other  causes  must, 
however,  have  contributed  to  the  furious  plague,  which,  t>om 
the  year  two  hundred  and  fifty  to  the  year  two  hundred  and 
sixty-five,  raged  without  interruption  in  every  province,  every 
city,  and  almost  every  family,  of  the  Roman  empire.  During 
some  time  five  thousand  persons  died  daily  in  Rome  ;  and 
"nany  towns,  that  had  escaped  the  hands  of  the  Barbarians, 
A'ere  entirely  depopulated.!^^ 

We  have  the  knowledge  of  a  very  curious  circumstance,  of 
some  use  perhaps  in  the  melancholy  calculation  of  human 
calamities.  An  exact  register  was  kept  at  Alexandria  of  all 
the  citizens  entitled  to  receive  the  distribution  of  corn.  It 
was  found,  that  the  ancient  number  of  those  comprised  be- 
tween the  ages  of  forty  and  seventy,  had  been  equal  to  the 
whole  sum  of  claimants,  from  fourteen  to  fourscore  years  of 
age,  who  remained  alive  after  the  reign  of  Gallienus.^^^  ^p. 
plying  this  authentic  fact  to  the  most  correct  tables  of  mor- 
tality, it  evidently  proves,  that  above  half  the  people  of  Alex- 
andria had  perished  ;  and  could  we  venture  to  extend  the 
analogy  to  the  other  provinces,  we  might  suspect,  that  war, 
pestilence,  and  famine,  had  consumed,  in  a  few  years,  the 
moiety  of  the  human  species. ^^^ 

""  Hist.  August,  p.  177.  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  24.  Zonaras,  1.  xii.  p. 
623.  Euseb.  Chronicon.  Victor  in  Epitom.  Victor  in  Caesar.  Eu- 
tropius,  ix.  5.     Orosius,  vii.  21. 

'**  Euscb.  Hist.  Eccles.  vii.  21.  The  fact  is  taken  from  the  Letters 
of  Dionysius,  who,  in  the  time  of  those  troubles,  was  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria. 

'*^  In   a   great   number   of    parishes,    11,000  persons  were  found 
between  fourteen  and  eighty :  63G5  between  forty  and  scenty.     See 
BuiFon  Hifltoire  Naturelle,  torn.  ii.  p.  690. 
17 


'^   CHAPTER    XI. 

RBIGN    CF    CLATTtlUS. DEFEAT    OF    THE    GOTHS. VICTORIES 

TEIfMPH    AND    DEATH    OF    AURELIAN. 

U>"rER  the  deplorable  reigns  of  Valerian  and  Gallienus,  th» 
empire  was  oppressed  and  almost  destroyed  by  the  soldiers 
ihe  tyrants,  and  the  barbarians.  It  was  saved  by  a  series  of 
great  princes,  who  derived  their  obscure  origin  from  the  mar- 
tial provinces  of  Illyricum.  Within  a  period  of  about  thirty 
years,  Claudius,  Aurelian,  Probus,  Diocletian  and  his  col- 
leagues, triumphed  over  the  foreign  and  domestic  enemies  of 
the  state,  reestablished,  with  the  military  discipline,  tho 
strength  of  the  frontiers,  and  deserved  the  glorious  title  of 
Restorers  of  the  Roman  world. 

The  removal  of  an  effei-'inate  tyrant  made  way  foi  a  suc- 
cession of  heroes.  The  indignation  of  the  people  imputed  all 
their  calamities  to  Gallienus,  and  the  far  greater  part  were, 
indeed,  the  consequence  of  his  dissolute  manners  and  careless 
administration.  He  was  even  destitute  of  a  sense  of  honor, 
which  so  frequently  supplies  the  absence  of  public  virtue  ;  and 
as  long  as  he  was  permitted  to  enjoy  the  possession  of  Italy, 
a  victory  of  the  barbarians,  the  loss  of  a  province,  or  the 
rebellion  of  a  general,  seldom  disturbed  the  tranquil  course  of 
his  pleasures.  At  length,  a  considerable  army,  stationed  on 
the  Upper  Danube,  invested  with  th-e  Imperial  purple  their 
leader  Aureolus  ;  who,  disdaining  a  confined  and  barren  reign 
over  the  mountains  of  Rhajtia,  passed  the  Alps,  occupied 
Milan,  threatened  Rome,  and  challenged  Gallienus  to  dispute 
in  the  lield  the  sovereignty  of  Italy.  The  emperor,  provoked 
by  the  insult,  and  alarmed  by  the  instant  danger,  suddenly 
exerted  that  latent  vigor  which  sometimes  broke  through  the 
indolence  of  his  temper.  Forcing  himself  from  the  luxury 
of  the  palace,  he  appeared  in  arms  at  the  head  of  his  legions, 
and  advanced  beyond  the  Po  to  encounter  his  competitor. 
The  cofrupted  name  of  Pontirolo  ^  still  preserves  the  memory 

'  Po?is  Aurooll,  thirteen  miles  from  Bergamo,  and  thirty -^wo  from 
Milan.     Hco  Cluvcr,  Italia  A.ntiq.  tom.  i.  p.  245.     Near  this  place,  in 
330 


OP    THE    ROMAN    EMPIK/i.  331 

of  a  bridge  over  the  Adda,  wliich,  during  the  action,  must 
have  proved  an  object  of  the  utmost  importance  to  both  armies, 
The  Rhaniart  usurper,  after  receiving  a  total  defeat  and  a  dan- 
gerous wound,  retired  into  Milan.  The  siege  of  that  great 
city  was  immediately  formed;  the  walls  were  battered  with 
every  engine  in  use  among  the  ancients;  and  Aureolus,  doubt- 
ful of  iiis  internal  strength,  and  hopeless  of  foreign  succors, 
already  anticipated  the  fatal  consequences  of  unsuccessful 
rebellion. 

His  last  resource  was  an  attempt  to  seduce  the  loyalty  of 
the  besiegers.  He  scattered  libels  through  the  camp,  inviting 
the  troopH  to  desert  an  unwortliy  master,  who  sacrificed  the 
public  happiness  to  his  luxury,  and  the  lives  of  his  most  valu- 
able subjects  to  the  slightest  suspicions.  The  arts  of  Aureolus 
diffused  fears  and  discontent  among  the  principal  officers  of 
his  rival.  A  conspiracy  was  formed  by  Heraclianus  the  Prae- 
torian prrefect,  by  Marcian,  a  general  of  rank  and  reputation, 
and  by  Cecrops,  who  commanded  a  numerous  body  of  Dal- 
matian guards.  The  death  of  Gallienus  was  resolved  ;  and 
notwithstanding  their  desire  of  first  terminating  the  siege  of 
Milan,  the  oxtremo  danger  which  accompanied  every  mo- 
ment's delay  obliged  th^  to  hasten  the  execution  of  theii 
daring  purpose.  At  a  late  hour  of  the  night,  but  while  the 
emperor  still  protracted  the  pleasures  of  the  table,  an  alarm 
was  suddenly  given,  that  Aureolus,  at  the  head  of  all  his  forces, 
had  made  a  desperate  sally  from  the  town ;  Gallienus,  who 
was  never  deficient  in  personal  bravery,  started  from  his  silken 
couch,  and  without  allowing  himself  time  either  to  put  on  his 
armor,  or  to  assemble  his  guards,  he  mounted  on  horseback, 
and  rode  full  speed  towards  the  supposed  place  of  the  attack. 
Encompassed  by  his  declared  or  concealed  enemies,  he  soon, 
amidst  the  nocturnal  tumult,  received  a  mortal  dart  from  an 
uncertain  hand.  Before  he  expired,  a  patriotic  sentiment 
rising  in  the  mind  of  Gallienus,  induced  him  to  name  a  de- 
serving successor;  and  it  was  his  last  request,  that  the  Impe- 
rial ornaments  should  be  delivered  to  Claudius,  who  then  com- 
manded a  detached  army  in  the  neighborhood  of  Pavia.  The 
report  at  least  was  diligently  propagated,  and  the  order  clieer- 

the  year  1703,  the  obstinate  battle  of  Cassano  wa3  fought  between  ihe 
French  and  Austrians.  Tlie  excellent  relation  of  the  Chevalier  dc 
Folard,  wjio  was  present,  gives  a  very  distinct  idea  of  tht  grcund. 
See  Polybe  de  F>:ard,  torn.  iii.  p.  223—248. 


332  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL. 

fully  obeyed  by  the  conspirators,  who  had  already  agree*!  tc 
place  Claudius  on  the  throne.  On  the  first  news  of  the  em- 
peror's death,  the  troops  expressed  some  suspicion  and  resent- 
ment, till  the  one  was  removed,  and  the  other  assuaged,  by  a 
donative  of  twenty  pieces  of  gold  to  each  soldier.  They  then 
ratified  the  election,  and  acknowledged  the  merit  of  their 
new  sovereign.2 

The  obscurity  vvhich  covered  the  origin  of  Claudius,  though 
It  was  afterwards  embellished  by  some  flattering  fictions,^  suf- 
ficiently betrays  the  meanness  of  his  birth.  We  can  only 
discover  that  he  was  a  native  of  one  of  the  provinces  border- 
ing on  the  Danube  ;  that  his  youth  was  spent  in  arms,  and 
that  his  modest  valor  attracted  the  favor  and  confidence  of 
Decius.  The  senate  and  people  already  considered  him  as 
an  excellent  officer,  equal  to  the  most  important  trusts ;  and 
censured  the  inattention  of  Valerian,  who  suffered  him  to 
remain  in  the  subordinate  station  of  a  tribune.  But  it  was  not 
long  before  that  emperor  distinguished  the  merit  of  Claudius, 
by  declaring  him  general  and  chief  of  the  lUyrian  frontier, 
with  the  command  of  all  the  troops  in  Thrace,  Moesia,  Dacia, 
Pannonia,  and  Dalmatia,  the  appointments  of  the  prsefect  of 
Egypt,  the  establishment  of  the  proconsul  of  Africa,  and  the 
Bure  prospect  of  the  consulship.  By  his  victories  over  the 
Goths,  he  deserved  from  the  senate  the  honor  of  a  statue,  and 
excited  the  jealous  apprehensions  of  Gallienus.  It  was  im- 
possible that  a  soldier  could  esteem  so  dissolute  a  sovereign, 
nor  is  it  easy  to  conceal  a  just  contempt.  Some  unguarded 
expressions  which  dropped  from  Claudius  were  officiously  trans- 
mitted to  the  royal  ear.  The  emperor's  answer  to  an  officer 
of  confidence  describes  in  very  lively  colors  his  own  charac- 
ter, and  that  of  the  times.  "  There  is  not  any  thing  capable 
of  giving  me  more  serious  concern,  than  the  intelligence  con- 
tained in  your  last  despatch  ; ''  that  some  malicious  suggestions 

*  On  the  death  of  Gallienus,  see  Trebellius  Pollio  in  Hist.  August, 
p.  181.  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  ^7.  Zonaras,  1.  xii.  p.  (')34.  Eutrop.  ix.  11. 
Aurelius  Victor  in  Epitoni.  Victor  in  Caesar.  I  have  compared  and 
blended  them  all,  but  have  chiefly  followed  Aurelius  Victor,  who 
ecems  to  have  had  the  best  memoirs. 

'  Some  supposed  him,  oddly  enough,  to  be  a  bastard  of  the  younger 
Gordian.  Others  took  advantage  of  the  province  of  Dardania,  to 
deduce  his  origin  from  Dardanus,  and  the  ancient  kings  of  Troy. 

*  Notoria,  a  periodical  and  official  despatch  which  the  emperors 
received  from  the  fntmcntarii,  or  agents  dispersed  tlu-ough.the  prov' 
inces.     Of  these  we  maj  speak  horoaiter. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    KMPIUE.  333 

Iiave  indisposed  towards  us  the  mind  of  our  friend  and  pnrffnt 
Claudius  As  you  regard  your  alk-giance,  use  every  meana 
to  appease  his  resentment,  but  conduct  your  negotiation  with 
secrecy  ;  let  it  not  reach  the  knowledge  of  the  Dacian  troops  ; 
they  are  already  provoked,  and  it  might  inflame  their  iury. 
I  myself  have  sent  him  some  presents :  be  it  your  care  that 
he  accept  them  with  pleasure.  Above  all,  let  him  not  suspect 
that  I  am  made  acquainted  with  his  imprudence.  The  fear 
of  my  anger  might  urge  him  to  desperate  counsels."  *  The 
presents  wiiich  accompanied  this  humble  epistle,  in  which  the 
monarch  solicited  a  reconciliation  with  his  discontented  sub- 
ject, consisted  of  a  considerable  sum  of  money,  a  splendid 
wardrobe,  and  a  valuable  service  of  silver  and  gold  plate. 
By  such  arts  Gallienus  softened  the  indignation  and  dispelled 
the  fears  of  his  Illyi-ian  general  ;  and  during  the  remainder 
of  that  reign,  the  formidable  sword  of  Claudius  was  always 
drawn  in  the  cause  of  a  master  whom  he  depised.  At  last, 
indeed,  he  received  tVora  the  conspirators  the  bloody  purple 
of  Gallienus :  but  he  had  been  absent  from  their  camp  and 
counsels  ;  and  however  he  might  applaud  the  deed,  we  may 
candidly  presume  that  he  was  innocent  of  the  knowledge  of 
it.®  Wlien  Claudius  ascended  the  throne,  he  was  about  fifty- 
four  years  of  age. 

The  siege  of  Milan  was  still  continued,  and  Aureolus  soon 
discovered  that  the  success  of  his  artilices  had  only  raised  up 
a  more  determined  adversary.  He  attempted  to  negotiate 
witli  Claudius  a  treaty  of  alliance  and  partition.  ''  Tell  him," 
replied  tiie  intrepid  emperor,  ''  that  such  proposals  should  have 
been  made  to  Gallienus;  he,  perhaps,  niiglit  have  listened  to 
them  witli  patience,  and  accepted  a  colleague  as  despicable  as 
him-elt."  "  This  stern  refusal,  and  a  last  unsuccessful  effort, 
obliged  Am-eolus  to  yield  the  city  and  himself  to  the  discretion 
of  the  conrpuiror.  Tlie  judgment  of  the  army  pronounced 
him  worthy  of  death  ;  and  Claudius,  after  a  feeble  resistance, 
jonsenied  to  the  execution  of  the  sentence.  Nor  was  the  zeaJ 
jf  the  senate  less  ardent  in  the  cause  of  their  new  sovereign. 

6  Hist  Ausriist.  p.  "208.  Gallienus  rlcscribcs  the  plate,  vestments,  &c. 
iike  !i  man  wlio  loved  and  understood  those  s|)lendid  trifies. 

•*  Julian  (Orat.  i.  p.  6)  affirms  that  Claudius  acquired  the  empire  in  a 
just  and  even  holy  manner.  But  we  may  distrust  the  partiality  of  a 
kinsman. 

^  Hist.  Auffust.  p.  203.  There  are  some  triflinu;  differences  ooncein* 
Vig  the  circums'ances  of  the  lust  defeat  and  deiith  of  Aureolus. 


5M  THE    DECLINE   AND    FALL 

They  ratified,  perhaps  with  a  sincere  transport  of  zeal,  Ihn 
election  of  Claudius  ;  and,  as  his  predecessor  had  shown  him 
self  the  personal  enemy  of  their  order,  they  exercised,  under 
the  name  of  justice,  a  severe  revenge  against  his  friends  and 
family.  The  senate  was  permitted  to  discharge  the  ungrateful 
office  of  punishment,  and  the  emperor  reserved  for  himself 
tlie  pleasure  and  merit  of  obtaining  by  his  intercession  a  gen- 
era! act  of  indemnity. 8 

Such  ostentatious  clemency  discovers  less  of  the  real  chai 
acter  of  Claudius,  than  a  trifling  circumstance  in  which  ho 
seems  to  have  consulted  only  the  dictates  of  his  heart.  The 
frequent  rebellions  of  the  provinces  had  involved  almost  every 
person  in  the  guilt  of  treason,  almost  every  estate  in  the  case 
of  confiscation ;  and  Gallienus  oi  en  displayed  his  liberality  by 
distributing  among  his  officers  the  property  of  his  subjects. 
On  the  accession  of  Claudius,  an  old  woman  threw  herself  at 
his  feet,  and  complained  that  a  general  of  the  late  emperoi 
had  obtained  an  arbitra-xy  grant  of  her  patrimony.  This  gen- 
eral was  Claudius  himself,  who  had  not  entirely  escaped  the 
contagion  of  the  times.  The  emperor  blushed  at  the  reproach, 
but  deserved  the  confidence  which  she  had  reposed  in  his 
equity.  The  confession  of  his  fault  was  accompanied  with 
immediate  and  ample  restitution.^ 

In  the  arduous  task  which  Claudius  had  undertaken,  of 
restoring  the  empire  to  its  ancient  splendor,  it  was  first  neces^ 
sary  to  revive  among  his  troops  a  sense  of  order  and  obe- 
dience. With  the  authority  of  a  veteran  commander,  he  rep- 
resented to  them  that  the  relaxation  of  discipline  had  intro- 
duced a  long  train  of  disorders,  the  effects  of  which  were  at 
length  experienced  by  the  soldiers  themselves ;  that  a  people 
ruined  by  oppression,  and  indolent  from  despair,  could  no 
longer  suj)ply  a  numerous  army  with  the  means  of  luxury,  or 
even  of  subsistence  ;  that  the  danger  of  each  individual  had 
increased    with    the    despotism    of  the    military   order,  sinct 

®  Aurclius  Victor  in  Gallien.  The  people  loudly  prayed  for  the 
datniiiition  oi"  Gallipnus.*  The  senate  decreed  that  liis  relations  and 
servants  should  be  thrown  down  headlong  from  the  (ionionitm  stairs. 
An  obnoxious  oiKcer  of  the  revenue  had  his  eyes  tern  out  whilst 
unier  examination. 

*  Zonards,  1.  xii.  p.  137. 


•  The  expression  is  curious,  "  terrammatrera  deosque  inferos  precaretor, 
ledes  iinpias  uti  Gallieno  darent."  —  M. 


or    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE,  335 

princes  who  tremble  on  tlie  throne  will  guard  their  safety  by 
the  instant  sacrifice  of  every  obnoxious  subject.  The  em- 
peror expatiated  on  the  mischiefs  of  a  lawless  caprice,  which 
the  soldiers  could  only  gratify  at  the  expense  of  their  own 
blood  ;  as  their  seditious  elections  had  so  frequently  bemi  fol- 
lowed by  civil  wars,  which  consumed  the  flower  of  the  legions 
either  in  the  field  of  battle,  or  in  the  cruel  abuse  of  victory. 
He  painted  in  the  most  lively  colors  the  exhausted  state  of 
the  treasury,  the  desolation  of  the  provinces,  the  disgrace  of 
the  Roman  name,  and  the  insolent  triumph  of  rapacious  bar- 
barians. It  was  against  those  barbarians,  he  declared,  that  he 
intended  to  point  the  finst  eObrt  of  their  arms.  Tetricus  might 
reign  for  a  while  over  the  West,  and  even  Zenobia  might 
preserve  the  dom.nion  of  the  East.'"  These  usurpers  were 
liis  person"l  adversaries;  nor  could  he  think  of  indulging  any 
:nvate  resentment  till  he  had  saved  an  empire,  whose  im- 
pending ruin  would,  unless  it  was  timely  prevented,  crush 
both  the  army  and  the  people. 

The  various  nations  of  Germany  and  Sarmatia,  who  fought 
under  the  Gothic  standard,  had  already  collected  an  arma- 
ment more  formidable  than  any  which  had  yet  issued  from  the 
Euxine.  On  the  banks  of  the  Niester,  one  of  the  great  rivers 
that  discharge  themselves  into  that  sea,  they  constructed  a 
fleet  of  two  thousand,  or  even  of  six  thousand  vessels; ''  num- 
bers which,  however  incredible  they  may  seem,  would  have 
been  insufficient  to  transport  their  pretended  army  of  three 
hundred  and  twenty  thousand  barbarians.  Whatever  might 
be  the  real  strength  of  the  Goths,  the  vigor  and  success  of  the 
expedition  were  not  adequate  to  the  greatness  of  the  prepara- 
tions. In  their  passage  through  the  Bosphorus,  the  unskilful 
pilots  were  overpow(!red  by  the  violence  of  the  current ;  and 
while  the  multitude  of  their  ships  were  crowded  in  a  narrow 
channel,  many  were  dashed  against  each  other,  or  against  the 
shore.  The  barbarians  made  several  descents  on  the  coasts 
both  of  Euroi)e  and  Asia ;  but  the  open  country  was  already 
plundered,  and  they  were  repulsed  with  shame  and  loss  from 
the  fortified  cities  which  they  assaulted.     A  spirit  of  discour- 


'"  Zonaras  on  this  occasion  mentions  Posthuraus  ;  but  the  registers 
of  the  senate  (Hist.  August,  p.  '203)  prove  that  Tetricus  was  already 
emperor  of  the  western  provrinccs. 

"  The  Aujiustan  History  mentions  the  smaller,  Zonaras  the  larger, 
number ;  the  lively  fancy  of  Montcscjuieu  induced  liim  to  prefer  t)\e 
Itttter. 


836  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

asement  and  division  arose  in  the  fleet,  and  some  of  iheir 
r.iiiefs  sailed  away  towards  the  islands  of  Crete  and  Cyprus  ; 
but  the  main  body,  pursuing  a  more  steady  course,  anchored 
at  lensfth  near  the  foot  of  Mount  Athos,  and  assaulted  the  cilv 
of  Thessalonica,  the  wealthy  capital  of  all  the  Macedonian 
provmces.  Their  attacks,  in  which  they  displayed  a  fierce  but 
artless  bravery,  were  soon  interrupted  Oy  the  rapid  approach 
of  Claudius,  hastening  to  a  scene  of  action  that  deserved  the 
presence  of  a  warlike  prince  at  the  head  of  the  remaining 
powers  of  the  empire.  Impatient  for  battle,  the  Goths  imme- 
diately broke  up  their  camp,  relinquished  the  siege  of  Thessa- 
lonica, left  their  navy  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Athos,  traversed 
the  hills  of  Macedonia,  and  pressed  forwards  to  engage  the 
ast  defence  of  Italy. 

We  still  possess  an  original  letter  addressed  by  Claudius  to 
the  senate  and  people  on  this  memorable  occasion.  "  Con- 
script fathers,"  says  the  emperor,  "  know  that  three  hundreu 
and  twenty  thousand  Goths  have  invaded  the  Roman  territory. 
If  I  vanquish  them,  your  gratitude  will  reward  my  services. 
Should  I  fall,  remember  that  I  am  the  successor  of  Gallienus. 
The  whole  republic  is  fatigued  and  exhausted.  We  shall  fight 
after  Valerian,  after  Ingenuus,  Regillianus,  LoUianus,  Posthu- 
mus,  Celsus,  and  a  thousand  others,  whom  a  just  contempt  for 
Gallienus  provoked  into  rebellion.  We  are  in  want  of  darts, 
of  spears,  and  of  shields.  The  strength  of  the  empire,  Gaul, 
and  Spain,  are  usurped  by  Tetricus,  and  we  blush  to  acknowl- 
edge that  the  archers  of  the  East  serve  under  the  banners  of 
Ztenobia.  Whatever  we  shall  perform  will  be  sufficiently 
great."  i^  The  melancholy  firmness  of  this  epistle  announces 
a  hero  careless  of  his  fate,  conscious  of  his  danger,  but  still 
deriving  a  well-grounded  hope  from  the  resources  of  his  own 
mind. 

The  event  surpassed  his  own  expectations  and  those  of  the. 
world.  By  the  most  signal  victories  he  delivered  the  empire 
from  this  host  of  barbarians,  and  was  distinguished  by  poster- 
ity under  the  glorious  appellation  of  the  Gothic  Claudius. 
The  imperfect  historians  of  an  irregular  war  ^'^  do  not  enahl'i 
us  to  describe  the  order  and  circumstances  of  his  exploits; 


"  Trebell.  PolHo  in  Hist.  Auj;nst.  p.  204. 

'*  Ilist.  August,  in  Claud.  Aurelian.  ct  Prob.  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p^ 
38 — i2.  Zonaras,  1.  xii.  p.  638.  Aurcl.  Victor  in  Epitom.  Victoi 
Junioi  in  Cxsar.     Eutrop.  ix.  11.     Euseb.  in  Chron. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  331 

but,  if  we  could  be  indulged  in  the  allusion,  wc  misht  dis- 
tribute into  three  acts  this  memorable  tragedy.  I.  The  de- 
cisive battle  was  fought  near  Naissus,  a  city  of  Dardania. 
Tlie  legions  at  first  gave  way,  oppressed  by  numbers,  and  dis- 
mayed by  misfortunes.  Their  ruin  was  inevitable,  had  not 
the  abilities  of  their  emperor  prepared  a  seasonable  relief.  A 
large  detachment,  rising  out  of  the  secret  and  difllcult  pass(!3 
of  the  mountains,  which,  by  his  order,  they  had  occupied 
suddenly  assailed  the  rear  of  the  victorious  Goths.  The  favor- 
able instant  was  improved  by  the  activity  of  Claudius.  He 
revived  the  courage  of  his  troops,  restored  their  ranks,  and 
pressed  the  barbarians  on  every  side.  Fifty  thousand  men 
are  reported  to  have  been  slain  in  the  battle  of  Naissus,  Sev- 
eral large  bodies  of  barbarians,  covering  their  retreat  with  a 
movable  fortification  of  wagons,  retired,  or  rather  escaped, 
from  the  field  of  slaughter.  II.  We  may  presume  that  some 
insurmountable  diiTsculty,  the  fatigue,  perhaj)s,  or  the  disobe- 
dience, of  the  conquerors,  prevented  Claudius  from  completing 
in  one  day  the  destruction  of  the  (Jotlis.  The  war  was  dif- 
fused over  the  provinces  of  Ma;sia,  Thrace,  and  Macedonia, 
and  its  operations  drawn  out  into  a  variety  of  marches,  sur- 
prises, and  tumultuary  engagements,  as  well  by  sea  as  by 
land.  When  the  Romans  suffered  any  loss,  it  was  commonly 
occasioned  by  their  own  cowarrlice  or  rashness;  but  the  supe- 
rior talents  of  the  emperor,  his  perfect  knowledge  of  the 
country,  and  his  judicious  choice  of  measures  as  well  as 
olficers,  assured  on  most  occasions  the  success  of  his  arms. 
The  immense  booty,  the  fruit  of  so  many  victories,  consisted 
for  the  greater  part  of  cattle  and  slaves.  A  select  body  o*" 
the  Gothic  youth  was  received  among  the  Imperial  troops  ; 
the  remainder  was  sold  into  servitude  ;  and  so  considerable 
was  the  number  of  female  captives  that  every  soldier  obtained 
.to  his  share  two  or  three  women.  A  circumstance  from  which 
we  may  conclude,  that  the  invaders  entertained  some  designs 
of  settlement  as  well  as  of  plunder;  since  oven  in  a  naval 
expedition,  they  were  accoin[)anie<l  by  their  families.  III.  The 
loss  of  their  fleet,  which  was  either  taken  or  sunk,  had  inter- 
cepted the  retreat  of  the  Goths.  A  vast  circle  ot"  Roma-i 
posts',  distributed  with  skill,  supported  with  firmness,  and  gi-ail- 
uu'ly  closing  towards  a  coinmon  centre,  forced  the  barbarians 
into  ihe  most  inaccessible  parts  of  Muunt  Ilajmiis,  where  they 
fouiid  a  safe  refuge,  but  a  very  scanty  subsistence.  During 
llio  course  of  a  rigorous  wiiiter,  in  which  they  were  besieged 
17* 


338  THK    DECLINE    AND    FAI.L 

by  the  emperor's  troops,  famine  and  pestilence,  desertion  aid 
the  sword,  continually  diminished  the  imprisoned  multitude. 
On  the  return  of  spring,  nothing  appeared  in  arms  except  a 
hardy  and  desperate  band,  the  remnant  of  that  mighty  host 
which   had  embarked  at  tne   mouth  of  the  Niester. 

Tlie    pestilence  wliich    swept   away   such    numbers   of   the 
barbarians,  at  length  proved  fatal  to  their  conqueror.     After  a 
short   but  glorious    reign    of  two  years,    Claudius    expired  at 
Sirmium,  amidst  the   tears  and  acclamations  of   his  subjects. 
In  his  last  illness,  he  convened  the  principal  officers  of  the 
state  and  army,  and  in  their  presence  recommended  Aare- 
lian,'^  one  of  his  generals,  as  the  most  deserving  of  the  throne 
and  the  best  qualified   to   execute   the  great  design  which  he 
hinjself  had  been  permitted  only  to   undertake.     The  virtues 
of  Claudius,  his  valor,  aflability,  justice,  and  temperance,  his 
love  of  fame  and  of  his   country,  place  him  in  that  short  list 
of  emperors  who  added    lustre  to  the  Roman  purple.     Those 
virtues,  however,  were  celebrated  with  peculiar  zeal  and  com- 
placency by  the  courtly  writers  of  the  age  of  Constantine,  who 
was  the  great   grandson  of  Crispus,  the  elder  brother  of  Clau- 
dius.    The  voice  of  flattery  was  soon   taught  to  repeat,  that 
the  gods,  who  so  hastily  had  snatched  Claudius  from  the  earth, 
rewarded  his  merit  and  piety  by  the   perpetual  establishment 
of  the  empire  in  his  family. ^^ 

Notwitlistanding  these  oracles,  the  greatness  of  the  Flavian 
family  (a  name  which  it  had  pleased  them  to  assume)  was 
deferred  above  twenty  years,  and  the  elevation  of  Claudius 
occasioned  the  immediate  ruin  of  his  brother  Quintilius,  who 
possessed  not  sutlicient  moderation  or  courage  to  descend  inlo 
llie  private  station  to  which  the  patriotism  of  the  late  emperor 
had  condemned  him.  Without  delay  or  reflection,  he  assumed 
the  pur|)Ie  at  Aquileia,  where  he  commanded  a  considera\)le 
force  ;  and  though  his  reign  lasted  only  seventeen   days,*  he 

'*  Accordinn;  to  Zonaras,  (1.  xii.  p.  G38,)  Claudius,  before  his  death, 
Invested  hiin  with  tlic  piiriile  ;  but  this  singular  fact  is  rather  contra- 
dicted than  conlirined  by  other  wrilcrs. 

^^  See  the  Lite  of  Chmdius  by  I'ollio,  and  the  Orations  of  Maiurr- 
tvnus,  Eunienius,  and  Julian.  Sec  likewise  the  Ciesars  of  Julian,  p. 
313.     Li  Julian  it  was  not  adulation,  but  superstition  and  vanity. 


•  S«ich  is  the  narrative  of  the  s^rcater  part  of  the  older  liistorians  ;  hut 
the  nunil)pr  and  tlie  vari'ty  of  liis  nicilals  seem  to  r('(]uirc  more  time,  and 
give  proliability  to  the  report  ot  Zosimus,  wi»o  mui  n;  him  reign  8Utn« 
•n.iDths. —  G. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPiRE.  339 

n.'id  time  to  obtain  tlie  sanction  of  the  senate,  and  to  experience 
d  mutiny  of  the  troops.  As  soon  as  he  was  informod  that  tlie 
great  army  of  tlie  Danube  had  invested  the  well-known  valot 
of  Aurelian  with  Imperial  power,  lie  sunk  under  the  fame  and 
merit  of  his  rival  ;  and  ordcrinj^  his  veins  to  be  opened,  pru» 
dently  witiidrew  himself  from  the  unequal  contest."' 

The  general  design  of  this  work  will  not  permit  us  minutely 
to  relate  the  actions  of  every  emperor  after  he  ascended  the 
liirone,  much  less  to  deduce  the  various  fortunes  of  his  private 
life.  We  shall  only  observe,  that  the  father  of  Aurelian  was  a 
peasant  of  the  territory  of  Sirmium,  who  occupied  a  small 
farm,  the  property  of  Aurelius,  a  rich  senator.  His  warlike 
son  enlisted  in  the  troops  as  a  common  soldier,  successively 
rose  to  the  rank  of  a  centurion,  a  tribune,  the  prefect  of  a 
'cgion,  the  inspector  of  the  camp,  the  general,  or,  as  it  was 
then  called,  the  duke,  of  a  frontier;  and  at  length,  during  the 
(Tolhic  war,  exercised  the  important  office  of  commandor-iii- 
c'liefof  the  cavalry,  in  every  station  he  distinguished  hiin- 
Sfif  by  matchless  vrJor,''''  rigid  discipline,  and  successful  con- 
duct, lie  was  invested  with  the  coDsr.lship  by  the  emperoi 
Valerian,  who  styles  hinii,  in  the  pompous  language  of  that 
age,  the  deliverer  of  IHyricum,  the  restorer  of  Gaul,  and  the 
rival  of  the  Scipios.  At  the  recommendation  of  Valerian,  a 
Kcniator  of  the  highest  rank  and  merit,  Ulpius  Crinitus,  vviiose 
biood  was  derived  from  the  same  source  as  that  of  Trajan, 
adopted  the  Pannonian  peasant,  gave  him  his  daughter  in  mar- 
riage, and  relieved  with  his  am])le  fortune  the  honorable  pov- 
erty which  Aurelian  had  preserved  inviolate. ^^ 

The  reign  of  Aurelian  lasted  only  four  years  und  about 
nine  months  ;  but  every  instant  of  that  short  period  was  filled 
by  some  memorable  achievement.  He  put  an  end  to  the 
(lothic  war,  chastised  the  Germans  who  invaded  Italy,  recov- 
ered Gaul,  Spain,  and   Britain  out  of  the   hands  of  Tetricus, 

'*  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  42.  Pollio  (Hist.  August,  p.  107)  allows  him 
virtues,  aud  says,  that,  like  Pertiaax,  he  wa.s  killed  by  the  licoiiUoi.3 
«iol(licrs.     Accordiil}^  to  Dcxippus,  he  died  of  a  disease. 

"  Theoclius  (as  quoted  in  the  Augustan  History,  p.  210  nPlrnis 
Uiat  in  one  day  he  killed  with  liis  o\\ii  liand  lorty-eight  Sarinatians, 
a;ul  in  several  subsecjuent  engagements  nine  liundred  and  tiity.  Tliia 
licroic  valor  was  admired  by  tlie  soldiers,  and  celebrated  in  their  rudo 
songs,  the  burden  ol'  whieli  was,  niillc,  iikilU',  milk',  occidit. 

'"  Aeholius  (ap.  Hist.  August,  p.  21. I)  describes  the  ceremony  of 
the  adojition,  as  it  was  performed  at  liyzantiujn,  in  the  prcsmce  cl 
the  einp'uoi  and  his  great  ofheers. 


340  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

and  (Jastroyed  llie  proud  monarchy  which  Zenobia  had  erect- 
ed in  the  East  on  the  ruins  of  the  afflicted  empire. 

It  was  the  rigid  attention  of  Aurelian,  even  to  the  minutest 
articles  of  discipline,  which  bestowed  such  uninterrupted  suc- 
cess on  his  arms.  His  military  regulations  are  contained  in 
a  very  concise  epistle  to  one  of  his  inferior  officers,  who  ia 
commanded  to  enforce  them,  as  he  wishes  to  become  a  trib- 
une, or  as  he  is  desirous  to  live.  Gaming,  drinking,  and  the 
arts  of  divination,  were  severely  prohibited.  Aurelian  ex- 
pected that  his  soldiers  should  be  modest,  frugal,  and  labori- 
ous ;  that  their  armor  should  be  constantly  kept  bright,  their 
weapons  sharp,  their  clothing  and  horses  ready  for  immediate 
service  ;  that  they  should  live  in  their  quarters  with  chastity 
and  sobriety,  without  damaging  the  cornfields,  without  steal- 
ing even  a  sheep,  a  fowl,  or  a  bunch  of  grapes,  without  exact- 
ing from  their  landlords  either  salt,  or  oil,  or  wood.  "  The 
public  allowance,"  continues  the  emperor,  "  is  sufficient  for 
their  support ;  tlieir  wealth  should  be  collected  from  the  spoils 
of  the  enemy,  not  from  the  tears  of  the  provincials."  i^  A 
single  instance  will  serve  to  display  the  rigor,  and  even  cruel- 
ty, of  Aurelian.  One  of  the  soldiers  had  seduced  the  wife 
of  his  host.  The  guilty  wretch  was  fastened  to  two  trees 
forcibly  drawn  towards  each  other,  and  his  limbs  were  torn 
asunder  by  their  sudden  separation.  A  few  such  examples 
impressed  a  salutary  consternation.  The  punishments  of 
Aurelian  were  terrible ;  but  he  had  seldom  occasion  to  punish 
more  than  once  the  same  offence.  His  own  cotiducl  gave  a 
sanction  to  his  laws,  and  the  seditious  legions  dreaded  a  ciiief 
who  had  learned  to  obey,  and  who  was  worthy  to  command. 

ThtJ  death  of  Claudius  had  revived  the  fainting  spirit  of 
the  Goths.  The  troops  which  guarded  the  passes  of  Mount 
Hajmus,  and  the  banks  of  the  Danube,  had  been  drawn  away 
by  the  apprehension  of  a  civil  war  ;  and  it  seems  probable 
that  the  remaining  body  of  the  Gothic  and  Vandalic  tribes 
embraced  the  favorable  opportunity,  abandoned  their  settle- 
ments of  the  Ukraine,  traversed  the  rivers,  and  swelled  with 
new    multitudes    the    destroying    host   of  their   countrymen. 

'*  Hist.  August,  p.  211.  This  laconic  epistle  is  truly  the  work  of  a 
soldier  ;  it  abounds  with  military  ])hrascs  and  words,  some  of  whic-h 
cannot  bo  understood  without  ditticulty.  Fcrramenta  satniata  is  well 
explained  by  Salmasius.  'J'he  former  of  the  words  means  all  weapons 
of  offence,  and  is  contrasted  with  Anna,  defensive  armor,  'llie  lattcj 
signifies  keen  and  well  sharpened. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRK.  341 

Thoir  united  numbers  were  at  length  encountered  by  Auro' 
lian,  and  tlie  bloody  and  doubtfid  conflict  ended  only  with  the 
ap[)roach  of  niglu.-"  Exhausted  by  so  many  calamities, 
which  they  had  mutually  endured  and  inflicted  during  a  twen- 
ty years'  war,  the  (loths  and  the  Romans  consented  to  a  last- 
mgand  beneticial  treaty.  It  was  earnestly  solicited  by  tlie 
barbarians,  and  cheerfully  ratified  by  the  legions,  to  whose 
suffrage  the  prudence  of  Aurelian  referred  the  decision  of 
that  important  question.  The  (iothic  nation  engaged  to  sup- 
ply the  armies  of  Rome  with  a  body  of  two  thousand  au.xil- 
laries,  consisting  entirely  of  cavalry,  and  stipulated  in  return 
an  undisturbed  retreat,  with  a  regular  market  as  far  as  the 
Danube,  provided  by  the  emperor''s  care,  but  at  their  own  ex- 
pense. The  treaty  was  observed  with  such  reUgious  fidelity, 
that  when  a  party  of  five  hundred  men  straggled  from  the 
citrnp  in  quest  of  plunder,  the  king  or  general  of  the  barba- 
rians commanded  that  the  guilty  leader  should  be  ajiprehended 
and  shot  to  death  with  darts,  as  a  victim  devoted  to  the  sanc- 
tity of  their  engagements.*  It  is,  however,  not  unlikely,  that 
the  precaution  of  Aurelian,  who  liad  exacted  as  hostages  the 
sons  and  daughters  of  the  Gothic  chiefs,  contributed  .some- 
thing to  this  pacific  temper.  The  youths  he  trained  in  the 
exercise  of  arms,  and  near  his  own  person  :  to  the  damsels 
he  gave  a  liberal  and  Roman  education,  and  by  bestowing 
them  in  marriage  on  some  of  his  principal  oflicers,  gradually 
introduced  between  the  two  nations  the  closest  and  most 
endearing  connections.-^ 

But  the  most  important  condition  of  peace  was  understood 
rattier  than  expressed  in  the  treaty.  Aurelian  withdrew  the 
Koman  forces  from  Dacia,  and  tacitly  relinquished  ttiat  great 
province  to  the  Goths  and  Vandals.22  His  manly  judgment 
convinced  him  of  the  solid  advantages,  and  taught  him  to  de- 
spise the  seeming  disgrace,  of  thus  contracting  the  frontiers 
of  the  monarchy.     The  Dacian  subjects,  removed  from  those 

'"  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  45. 

"  Dexippus  (ap.  Exccrpta  Lcgat.  p.  12)  relates  the  whole  transac- 
tion under  the  name  of  Vandals.  Aurelian  married  one  of  the  Uotliio 
ladies  to  his  general  Bonosus,  who  was  able  to  drink  witli  the  Ucthi 
and  discover  their  secrets.     Hist.  August,  p.  247. 

-'-  Hist.  August,  p.  222.  Eutrop.  Lx.  15.  Scxtus  Kufus,  c.  9.  La*;, 
lantius  deMortibus  Persccutorum,  c.  9. 


The  five  hundred  stragglers  were  all  slain  — M. 


342  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

dista.it  possessioDs  which  they  were  unable  to  cultivate  or 
defend,  added  strength  and  populousness  to  the  southern  side 
of  the  Danube.  A  fertile  territory,  which  the  repetition  of 
parbarous  inroads  had  changed  into  a  desert,  was  yielded  to 
their  industry,  and  a  new  [)rovince  of  Dacia  still  preserved 
the  memory  of  Trajan's  conquests.  The  old  country  of  that 
name  detained,  however,  a  considerable  number  of  its  inhabit- 
ants, who  dreaded  exile  more  than  a  Gothic  master.^-^  These 
degenerate  Romans  continued  to  serve  the  empire,  whose 
allegiance  they  had  renounced,  by  introducing  among  their 
conquerors  the  first  notions  of  agriculture,  the  useful  arts,  and 
the  conveniences  of  civilized  life.  An  intercourse  of  com- 
merce and  language  was  gradually  established  between  the 
opposite  banks  of  the  Danube  ;  and  after  Dacia  became  an 
independent  state,  it  often  proved  the  firmest  barrier  of  the 
empire  against  the  invasions  of  the  savages  of  the  North.  A 
sense  of  interest  attached  these  more  settled  barbarians  to  the 
alliance  of  Rome,  and  a  permanent  interest  very  frequently 
ripens  into  sincere  and  useful  friendship.  This  various  col- 
ony, which  filled  the  ancient  province,  and  was  insensibly 
blended  into  one  great  people,  still  acknowledged  the  superior 
renown  and  authority  of  the  Gothic  tribe,  and  claimed  the 
fancied  honor  of  a  Scandinavian  origin.  At  the  same  time, 
the  lucky  though  accidental  resemblance  of  the  name  of 
Getne,*  infused  among  the  credulous  Goths  a  vain  persuasion, 
that,  in  a  remote  age,  their  own  ancestors,  already  seated  in 
the  Dacian  provinces,  had  received  the  instructions  of  7,8.- 
inol.xis,  and  checked  the  victorious  arms  of  Sesostris  and 
Darius.24 

While  the  vigorous  and  moderate  conduct  of  Aurelian 
nistored  the   Illyrian  frontier,  the  nation  of  the  Alemanni^s 

"  The  Walrichians  still  preserve  many  traces  of  the  Latin  language, 
«nd  have  boasted,  in  every  age,  of  their  lioman  descent.  They  are 
»urroundod  by,  but  not  mixed  with,  the  barbarians.  Sec  a  Memoir 
of  M.  d'Anviilu  on  ancient  Dacia,  in  the  Academy  of  Inwriiitioua, 
lo:n.  XXX. 

**  See  the  first  chapter  of  Jornandes.  The  Vandals,  however,  (c. 
£2,")  maintained  a  sliort  indejjendence  between  the  Rivers  Mariaia  and 
Crissia,  (Maros  and  Keres,)  which  fell  into  the  Teiss. 

**  Dexippus,  p.  7 — 12.  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  43.  Vopiscus  in  Aurelian. 
In  Hist.  August.    However  these  historians  dilTcr  in  naaies,)  Alemani  i. 


•  The  connection  between  tl>e  Gotrc  and  the  Goths  is  still,  ia  ray  opinion 
iiicorrtctly  maintained  by  some  learned  writers.  — M. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  343 

violated  the  conditions  of  peace,  which  eitlier  Gallienus  had 
purchased,  or  Claudius  had  imposed,  and,  inflamed  by  tneir 
impatient  youth,  suddenly  flew  to  arms.  Forty  thousand 
horse  appeared  in  the  field,"^''  and  the  numbers  ot  the  infantry 
doubled  those  of  the  cavalry.-'''  The  first ,  objects  of  their 
avarice  wwe  a  few  cities  of  tlie  Rhaitian  frontier  ;  but  their 
hopes  soon  rising  with  success,  the  rapid  march  of  the  Ale- 
manni  traced  a  line  of  devastation  from  the  Danube  to  the 
Po.2« 

The  emperor  was  almost  at  the  same  time  informed  of  the 
irruption,  and  of  the  retreat,  of  the  barbarians.  Collecting 
an  active  body  of  troops,  he  marched  with  silence  and  celciiiy 
along  the  skirts  of  the  Hercynian  forest ;  and  the  Alemanni, 
laden  with  the  spoils  of  Italy,  arrived  at  the  Danube,  without 
suspecting,  that  on  the  opposite  bank,  and  in  an  advantageous 
post,  a  Roman  army  lay  concealed  and  prepared  to  intercept 
their  return.  Aurelian  indulged  the  fatal  security  of  the  bar- 
barians, and  permitted  about  half  their  forces  to  pass  the  river 
without  disturbance  and  without  precaution.  Their  situation 
and  astonishment  gave  him  an  easy  victory  ;  his  skilful  con- 
duct improved  the  advantage.  Disposing  the  legions  in  a 
semicircular  form,  he  advanced  the  two  horns  of  the  crescent 
across  the  Danube,  and  wheeling  them  on  a  sudden  towards 
the  centre,  enclosed  the  rear  of  the  German  host.  The  dis- 
mayed barbarians,  on  whatsoever  side  they  cast  their  eyes, 
beheld,  with  despair,  a  wasted  country,  a  deep  and  rapid 
stream,  a  victorious  and  implacable  enemy. 

Reduced  to  this  distressed  condition,  the  Alemanni  no 
longer  disdained  to  sue  for  peace.  Aurelian  received  theii 
ambassadors  at  the  head  of  his  camp,  and  with  every  circum 
stance  of  martial  pomp  that  could  display  the  greatness  and 
discipline  of  Rome.  The  legions  stood  to  their  arms  in  we'.l- 
ordered  ranks  and  awful  silence.     The  principal  commanders, 

Juthungi,  and  ^larcomanni,)  it  is  evident  that  they  mean  the  same 
people,  and  the  same  war  ;  but  it  requires  some  care  to  conciliate  and 
exj)lain  thcin. 

^*  Cantoclarus,  with  his  usual  accuracy,  chooses  to  translate  three 
hundred  thousand  :  his  version  is  equally  repugnant  to  sense  and 
to  gramniar. 

"  We  may  remark,  as  an  instance  of  bad  taste,  that  Dexippus 
ipplics  to  th'"  light  infantry  of  the  Alemanni  the  technical  terms  proper 
only  to  the  Grecian  phalanx. 

*^  In  Dexijipus,  we  at  jiresent  read  Rhodanus  :  M.  de  Vaiois  vcrj 
I'uiiciouHly  alters  the  word  to  Eridanu3. 


344  THE    DECLINE    AND    FAL : 

distinguished  by  the  ensigns  of  their  rank,  appeared  on  horse- 
back on  either  side  of  the  Imperial  throne.  Behind  the  throne 
the  consecrated  images  of  the  emperor,  and  his  predeces- 
sors,-9  the  golden  eagles,  and  the  various  titles  of  the  legions, 
engraved  in  letters  of  gold,  were  exalted  in  the  air  on  lofty 
pikes  covered  with  silver.  When  Aurelian  assumed  his  seat, 
his  manly  grace  and  majestic  figure -^^  taught  the  barbarians 
to  revere  the  person  as  well  as  the  purple  of  their  conquercr. 
The  ambassadors  fell  prostrate  on  the  ground  in  silence. 
They  were  commanded  to  rise,  and  permitted  to  speak.  I'y 
the  assistance  of  interpreters  they  extenuated  their  perfidy, 
magnified  their  exploits,  expatiated  on  the  vicissitudes  of  for- 
tune and  the  advantages  of  peace,  and,  with  an  ill-timed 
confidence,  demanded  a  large  subsidy,  as  the  price  of  the 
alliance  which  they  offered  to  the  Romans.  The  answer  of 
the  emperor  was  stern  and  imperious.  He  treated  their  offer 
with  contempt,  and  their  demand  with  indignation,  reproached 
the  barbarians,  that  they  were  as  ignorant  of  the  arts  of  war 
us  of  the  laws  of  peace,  and  finally  dismissed  them  with  the 
choice  only  of  submitting  to  his  unconditioned  mercy,  or 
awaiting  the  utmost  severity  of  his  resentment.^'  Aurelian 
had  I'esigned  a  distant  province  to  the  Goths  ;  but  it  was 
dangerous  to  trust  or  to  pardon  these  perfidious  barbarians, 
whose  formidable  power  kept  Italy  itself  in  perpetual  alarms. 
Immediately  after  this  conference,  it  should  seem  that  some 
unexpected  emergency  required  the  emperor's  presence  in 
Pannonia.  He  devolved  on  his  lieutenants  the  care  of  finishing 
the  destruction  of  the  Alemanni,  either  by  the  sword,  or  by 
the  surer  operation  of  famine.  But  an  active  despair  has  often 
triumphed  over  the  indolent  assurance  of  success.  The 
barbarians,  finding  it  impossible  to  traverse  the  Danube  and 
the  Roman  camp,  broke  through  the  [)osts  in  their  rear,  which 
were  more  feebly  or  less  carefully  guarded  ;  and  with  incred- 
ible diligence,  but  by  a  different  road,  returned  towards  tha 
mountains  of  Italy.^-     Aurelian,  who  considered  the  war  as 

^  The  emperor  Claudius  was  certainly  of  the  number  ;  but  we  aro 
ignorant  how  far  this  mark  of  rcsjiect  was  oxtoiulcd  ;  if  to  (Jaesar  and 
Au<^ustu.s,  it  must  have  produced  a  very  awful  spectacle ;  a  long 
vine  of  the  masters  of  the  world. 

^"  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  210. 

''  I)cxi})pus  gives  them  a  subtle  and  prolbc  oration,  vor'Jiy  of  a 
Brecijm  sophLst. 

"  Hist.  AuKUbt.  p.  21.'). 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  34S 

totaHy  extinguished,  received  tlic  mortifying  intelligente  of 
the  escape  of  the  Alcmanni,  and  of  the  ravage  wliich  they 
already  comttiitted  in  the  territory  of  Milan.  Die  legions 
were  commanded  to  follow,  with  as  much  expedil'on  as  those 
heavy  bodies  were  capable  of  exerting,  the  rapid  flight  of  an 
enemy  whose  infantry  and  cavalry  moved  with  almost  equal 
swiftness.  A  few  days  afterwards,  the  emperor  himself 
marched  to  the  relief  of  Italy,  at  the  head  of  a  chosen  body  of 
auxiliaries,  (among  whom  were  the  hostages  and  cavalry  of 
the  V^andals,)  and  of  all  the  Prietorian  guards  who  had  served 
in  the  wars  on  the  Danube.-*-^ 

As  the  light  troops  of  the  Alemanni  had  spread  themselves 
from  the  Alps  to  the  Apennine,  the  incessant  vigilance  of 
Aurelian  and  his  officers  was  exercised  in  the  discovery,  the 
attack,  and  the  pursuit  of  the  numerous  detachments.  Not- 
withstanding this  desultory  war,  three  considerable  battles  are 
mentioned,  in  which  the  [)rincipal  force  of  both  armies  waa 
obstinately  engaged.34  The  success  was  various.  In  the  first, 
fought  near  Placentia,  the  Romans  received  so  severe  a  blow, 
that,  according  to  the  expression  of  a  writer  extremely  partial 
to  Aurelian,  the  immediate  dissolution  of  the  empire  was 
apprehended.35  The  crafty  barbarians,  who  had  lined  the 
woods,  suddenly  attacked  the  legions  in  the  dusk  of  the  even- 
ing, and,  it  is  mos*  probable,  after  the  fatigue  and  disorder  of 
a  long  march.  The  fury  of  their  charge  was  irresistible  ;  but, 
at  length,  after  a  dreadful  slaughter,  the  patient  firmness  of 
the  emperor  rallied  his  troops,  and  restored,  in  some  degree, 
the  honor  of  his  arms.  The  second  battle  was  fought  neai 
Fano  in  Unibria ;  on  the  spot  which,  five  hundred  years  before, 
had  been  fatal  to  the  brother  of  Hannibal.^*'*  Thus  far  the 
successful  Germans  had  advanced  along  the  yEmilian  and 
Flaminian  way,  with  a  design  of  sacking  the  defenceless 
mistress  of  the  world.  But  Aurelian,  who,  watchful  for  the 
safety  of  Rome,  still  hung  on  their  rear,  found  in  this  place 
the  decisive  moment  of  giving  them  a  total  and  irretrievable 
defeat.37     The  flying  remnant  of  their  host  was  exterminated 

^^  Dcxippus,  p.  12. 

•**  Victor  Junior  in  Aurelian. 

**  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  216. 

*•  The  little  river,  or  rather  torrent,  of  Metaurus,  near  Fano,  htm 
bftcn  immortalized,  by  finding  such  an  historian  as  Livj',  and  such  a 
potft  as  Horace. 

"  It  is  recorded  by  an  inscription  found  at  Pesaro.  See  Gruter. 
tclxxvi.  3. 


346  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

in  a  tniri  anJ  last  battle  near  Pavia  ;  and  Italy  was  deliveitsd 
from  th(!  inroads  of  the  Alemanni. 

Fear  has  been  the  original  parent  of  superstition,  and  every 
new  calamity  urges  trembling  mortals  to  deprecate  the  wrath 
of  their  invisible  enemies.  Though  the  best  hope  of  the  repub- 
lic was  in  the  valor  and  conduct  of  Aurelian,  yet  such  was  tha 
public  consternation,  when  the  barbarians  were  hourly  ex- 
pected at  the  gates  of  Rome,  that,  by  a  decree  of  the  senate, 
the  Sibylline  books  were  consulted.  Even  the  emperor  him- 
self, from  a  motive  either  of  religion  or  of  policy,  recommended 
this  salutary  measure,  chided  the  tardiness  of  the  senate,^**  and 
offered  to  supply  whatever  expense,  whatever  animals,  what- 
ever captives  of  any  nation,  the  gods  should  require.  Notwith- 
standing this  liberal  ofler,  it  does  not  appear,  that  any  human 
victims  expiated  with  their  blood  the  sins  of  the  lloman  people. 
The  Sibylline  books  enjoined  ceremonies  of  a  more  harmless 
nature,  processions  of  priests  in  white  robes,  attended  by  a 
chorus  of  youths  and  virgins  ;  lustrations  of  the  city  and  adja- 
cent country  ;  and  sacrifices,  whose  powerful  influence  disabled 
the  barbarians  from  passing  the  mystic  ground  on  which  they 
had  been  celebrated.  However  puerile  in  themselves,  these 
superstitious  arts  were  subservient  to  the  success  of  the  war ; 
and  if,  in  the  decisive  battle  of  Fano,  the  Alemanni  fancied 
they  saw  an  army  of  spectres  combating  on  the  side  of  Aure- 
lian, he  received  a  real  and  effectual  aid  from  this  imaginary 
reenforcenient.-^^ 

But  whatever  confidence  might  be  placed  in  ideal  ramparts, 
ihe  experience  of  the  past,  and  the  dread  of  the  future,  induced 
the  Romans  t*^  construct  fortifications  of  a  grosser  and  more 
substantial  kind.  The  seven  hills  of  Rome  had  been  surround- 
ed, by  the  successors  of  Romulus,  with  an  ancient  wall  of 
more  than  thirteen  miles.^*^      The  vast  enclosure  may  seem 

'"  One  should  imagine,  ho  said,  that  you  were  assembled  in  a  Chris- 
tian church,  not  in  the  temple  of  all  the  gods. 

39  Voi)iscus,  in  Hist.  August,  p.  215,  216,  gives  a  long  account  of 
these  ceremonies  from  the  llcgisters  of  the  senate. 

*"  Plin.  Hist.  Natur.  iii.  5.  To  contirm  our  idea,  wo  may  observe, 
tliat  for  a  long  time  Mount  Ca>lius  was  a  grove  of  oaks,  and  Mount 
Vimiual  was  overrun  with  osiers ;  that,  in  the  fourth  century,  the 
Avcntine  was  a  vacant  and  solitary  retirement ;  that  till  the  time  of 
Augustus,  the  Esquiline  was  an  unwholesome  burying-ground  ;  and 
that  the  numerous  inocjuaUties,  remarked  by  the  ancients  in  the  Qui- 
rinal,  sufficiently  prove  that  it  was  not  covered  with  buildings.  O^ 
the  sevei-.   hills,  tlie  Capitoline  and  Palatine  only,  with   the  adiar-ttit 


\ 


OF   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  347 


disproportioned  to  the  strength  and  numbers  of  tlie  infan- 
Btate.  But  it  was  necessary  to  secure  an  ample  extent  cf 
pasture  a*nd  arable  land,  against  the  frequent  and  sujJcn 
incursions  of  tiie  tribes  of  Latium,  the  perpetual  enemies  of 
the  repubhc.  With  the  progress  of  Roman  greatness,  the  city 
and  its  inhabitants  gradually  increased,  filled  up  the  vacant 
space,  pierced  througli  the  useless  walls,  covered  the  field  of 
Mars,  and,  on  every  side,  followed  the  public  highways  in 
long  and  beautiful  suburbs."*!  The  extent  of  the  new  walls, 
erected  by  Aurelian,  and  finished  in  the  reign  of  Probus,  was 
magnified  by  popular  estimation  to  near  fifty,"*"-  but  is  reduced 
by  accurate  measurement  to  about  twenty-one  miles.^3  Jt  ^y^g 
a  great  but  a  melancholy  labor,  since  the  defence  of  the  capi- 
tal betrayed  tlie  decline  of  the  monarchy.  The  Romans  of  a 
more  prosperous  age,  who  trusted  to  the  arms  of  the  legiona 
the  safety  of  the  frontier  camps,"***  were  very  far  from  enter- 
taining  a  suspicion,  that  it  would  ever  become  necessary  to 
fortify  the  seat  of  empire  against  the  inroads  of  the  barba- 


rians."*^ 


Tiie  victory  of  Claudius  over  the  Goths,  and  the  success  o^ 
Aurelian  against  the  Alemanni,  liad  already  restored  to  the 
arms  of  Rome  their  ancient  superiority  over  the  barbarous 
nations  of  the  North.  To  chastise  domestic  tyrants,  and  to 
reunite  tlie  dismembered  parts  of  the  empire,  was  a  task 
reserved  for  the  second  of  those  warlike  emperors.  Though 
he  was  acknowledged  by  the  senate  and  people,  the  frontiers 
of  Italy,  Africa,  Illyricum,  and  Thrace,  confined  the  limits  of 
his  reign.  Gaul,  Spain,  and  Britain,  Egypt,  Syria,  and  Asia 
Minor,  were  still  possessed  by  two  rebels,  who  alone,  out  of 
so  numerous  a  list,  had  hitherto  escaped  the  dangers  of  their 


valleys,  wore  the  primitive  habitation  of  the  Roman  people.  But  thui 
subject  would  require  a  dissertation. 

^'  Exspatiantia  tecta  multas  r.ddidere  urbes,  is  the  expression  ot 
Pliny. 

*^  Hist.  Au<^ust.  p.  222.  Both  J  ipsius  and  Isaac  Vossius  have 
eagerly  embiucod  this  measure. 

*^  See  iCiudini,  Roma  Antica,  1.  i.  c.  8.* 

"  Tacit.  Hist.  iv.  23. 

■♦*  For  Aurelian's  waUs,  see  Vospiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  216,  222. 
Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  43.  Eutropius,  ix.  1.5.  Auvel.  Victor  in  Aurelian. 
Victor  Jimior  in  Aurelian.     Euscb.  Hieronyra.  et  Idatius  in  Cbroaio. 


*  But  compare  Gitbou,  ch.  xli.  note  77.  —  M. 


34S  THE    DECLINE    AND    TALL 

Situation  ;  and  to  complete  the  ignominy  of  Rome,  these  nva. 
thrones  had  boen  usurped  by  women. 

A  rapid  succession  of  monarchs  had  arisen  and'  fallen  in 
the  provinces  of  Gaul.  The  rigid  virtues  of  Posthumus  served 
only  to  hasten  his  destruction.  After  suppressing  a  compet- 
itor, who  had  assumed  the  purple  at  Mentz,  he  refused  to 
gratify  his  troops  with  the  plunder  of  the  rebellious  city  ;  and, 
in  the  seventh  year  of  his  reign,  became  the  victim  of  their 
disappointed  avarice.'"'  The  death  of  Victorinus,  his  friend 
and  associate,  was  occasioned  by  a  less  worthy  cause.  The 
shining  accomplishments'*'''  of  that  prince  were  stained  by  a 
licentious  passion,  which  he  indulged  in  acts  of  violence,  with 
too  little  regard  to  the  laws  of  society,  or  even  to  those  of 
love."*^  He  was  slain  at  Cologne,  by  a  conspiracy  of  jealous 
husbands,  whose  revenge  would  have  appeared  more  justifi- 
able, had  they  spared  the  innocence  of  his  son.  After  the 
murder  of  so  many  valiant  princes,  it  is  somewhat  remarkable 
that  a  female  for  a  long  time  controlled  the  fierce  legions  of 
Gaul,  and  still  more  singular,  that  she  was  the  mother  of  the 
unfortunate  Victorinus.  The  arts  and  treasures  of  Victoria 
t'labled  her  successively  to  place  Marius  and  Tetricus  on  the 
t  irone,  and  to  reign  wit^  a  manly  vigor  under  the  name  of 
'.hose  dependent  emperors.  Money  of  copper,  of  silver,  and 
of  gold,  was  coined  in  her  name ;  she  assumed  the  tales  of 
Augusta  and  Mother  of  the  Camps  :  her  power  ended  only 
ivith  her  life  ;  but  her  life  was  perhaps  shortened  by  the  in- 
gratitude of  Tetricus.-*^ 

**  His  competitor  was  Lollianus,*  or  ^^lianus,  if,  indeed,   these 
names  mean  the  same  person.     See  Tillemont,  torn.  iii.  p.  1177. 

•«'  The  character  of  this  prince  by  Julius  Atcrianus  (ap.  Hist.  Au- 
gust, p.  187)  is  worth  transcribing,  as  it  seems  fair  and  impartial. 
Victorino  qui  Post  Junium  Posthumium  Gallias  rcxit  neminem  e.xis- 
timo  prajferendum  ;  non  in  virtute  Trajanum  ;  non  Antoninum  in  cle- 
mcTitia  ;  non  in  gravitate  Ncrvam  ;  non  in  gubcrnando  lerario  Vespa 
eianum  ;  non  in  Censura  totius  vittc  ac  scveritate  militari  Pertinacem 
vel  .Scverum.  Sed  omnia  hajc  libido  et  cupiehtas  voluptatis  muliera- 
ria;  sic  perdidit,  ut  nemo  audeat  virtutes  ejus  in  literas  mittere  qucm 
constat  omnium  judicio  meruisse  puniri. 

<*  He  ravished  the  wife  of  Attitianus,  an  actuary,  or  army  agent. 
Hist.  August,  p.  1S6.     Aurcl.  Victor  in  Aurelian. 

**  I^llio  assigns  her  an  article  ami  ng  the  thirty  tyrants.     Hist 
August,  p.  200. 

•  The  medals  which  bear  the  name  of  Lollianus  are  considered  (orgeries, 
fcxcept  one  in  tne  museum  of  the  Prince  of  Waldeck :  there  ar*  man7 


OK    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  349 

When,  at  the  instigation  of  his  ambitious  patroness,  Tetricus 
kssuiiied  the  ensigns  of  royaUy,  he  was  governor  of  the  peace- 
ful province  of  Aquitaine,  an  employment  suited  to  his  char- 
acter and  education.  He  reigned  four  or  five  years  over  Gaul, 
bpain,  and  Britain,  the  slave  and  sovereign  of  a  licentious 
army,  whom  he  dreaded,  and  by  whom  he  was  despised.  The 
va'or  and  fortune  of  Aurelian  at  length  opened  the  prospect  cf 
a  deliverance.  He  ventured  to  disclose  his  melancholy  situa- 
tion, and  conjured  the  emperor  to  hasten  to  the  relief  of  his 
unhappy  rival.  Had  this  secret  correspondence  reaclied  the 
ears  of  the  soldiers,  it  would  most  probably  have  cost  Tetricua 
his  life  ;  nor  could  he  resign  the  sceptre  of  the  West  without 
committing  an  act  of  treason  against  himself.  He  affected  the 
appearances  of  a  civil  war,  led  his  forces  into  the  field  against 
Aurelian,  posted  them  in  the  most  disadvantageous  manner, 
betrayed  his  own  counsels  to  his  enemy,  and  with  a  few  chosen 
friends  deserted  in  the  beginning  of  the  action.  The  rebel 
legions,  though  disordered  and  dismayed  by  the  unexpected 
treacheiy  of  their  chief,  defended  themselves  with  desperate 
valor,  till  they,  were  cut  in  pieces  almost  to  a  man,  in  this 
bloody  and  memorable  battle,  which  was  fought  near  Chalons 
in  Champagne.-''^  The  retreat  of  the  irregular  auxiliaries, 
Franks  and  Batavians,^^  whom  the  conqueror  soon  compelled 
or  persuaded  to  repass  the  Rhine,  restored  the  general  tranquil- 
lity, and  the  power  of  Aurelian  was  acknowledged  from  the 
wall  of  Antoninus  to  the  columns  of  Hercules. 

As  early  as  the  reign  of  Claudius,  the  city  of  Autun,  alone 
and  unassisted,  had  ventured  to  declare  against  the  legions  of 
Gaul.     After  a  siege  of  seven  months,  they  stormed  and  pluu 
dered  that  unfortunate  city,  already  wasted  by  famine.^-  Lyons, 

*"  Pollio  in  Hist.  August,  p.  196.  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August.  ]), 
220.  The  two  Victors,  in  the  lives  of  Gallienus  and  Aurelian.  Ku- 
trop.  ix.  Hi.  Euseb.  in  Chron.  Of  all  these  writers,  only  the  two 
last  (but  with  strong  probability)  place  the  fall  of  Tctricus  before  that 
pf  Zenobia.  M.  dc  Bozc  (in  the  Academy  of  Inscriptions,  torn,  xxx.) 
does  not  wish,  and  Tillemont  (torn.  iii.  ]).  1189)  docs  not  dare  to  fol- 
.ow  them.  I  liave  been  fairer  than  tlie  one,  and  bolder  thaa  the 
other. 

*'  Victor  Junior  in  Aurelian.  Eumenius  mentions  Batcwica,  soma 
critics,  without  any  reason,  would  fain  alter  the  word  to  BagauJicae. 

**  Eumen.  in  Vet.  Panegyr.  iv.  8. 


extant  bearing  the  name  of  Lajlianus,  which  appears  to  have  been  Uat  ol 
the  competitor  of  Postl-.umus.     Eckhel.  Doct  Num.  t.  vii,  449. — O. 


350  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

on  the  contrary,  bad  resisted  with  obstinate  disafleclion  the 
arms  of  Aurelian.  We  read  of  the  punishment  of  Lyons,^^ 
but  there  is  not  any  mention  of  the  rewards  of  Autun.  Such, 
indeed,  is  the  policy  of  civil  war  :  severely  to  remember  in- 
juries, and  to  forget  the  most  important  services.  Revenge  is 
profitable,  gratitude  is  expensive. 

Aurelian  had  no  sooner  secured  the  person  and  provinces 
of  Tetricus,  than  he  turned  his  arms  against  Zenobia,  the 
celebrated  queen  of  Palmyra  and  the  East.  Modern  Europe 
has  produced  several  illustrious  women  who  have  sustained 
with  glory  the  weight  of  empire ;  nor  is  our  own  age  destitute 
of  such  distinguished  characters.  But  if  we  except  the  doubt- 
ful achievements  of  Semiramis,  Zenobia  is  perhaps  the  only 
female  whose  superior  genius  broke  through  the  servile  indo- 
lence imposed  on  her  sex  by  the  climate  and  manners  of 
Asia.S"*  She  claimed  her  descent  from  the  Macedonian  kings 
of  Egypt,*  equalled  in  beauty  her  ancestor  Cleopatra,  and  far 
surpassed  that  princess  in  chastity  ^^  and  valor.  Zenobia  was 
esteemed  the  most  lovely  as  well  as  the  most  heroic  of  her 
sex.  She  was  of  a  dark  complexion,  (for  in  speaking  of  a  lady 
these  trifles  become  important.)  Her  teeth  were  of  a  pearly 
whiteness,  and  her  large  black  eyes  sparkled  with  uncommon 
fire,  tempered  by  the  most  attractive  sweetness.  Her  voice 
was  strong  and  harmonious.  Her  manly  understanding  was 
strengthened  and  adorned  by  study.  She  was  not  ignorant  of 
the  Latin  tongue,  but  possessed  in  equal  perfection  the  Greek, 
the  Syriac,  and  the  Egyptian  languages.  She  had  drawn  up  for 
her  own  use  an  epitome  of  oriental  history,  and  familiarly  com 
pared  the  beauties  of  Homer  and  Plato  under  the  tuition  of  the 
sublime  Longinus. 

This  accomplished   woman  gave  her  hand  to  Odenathis,t 

6^  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  Augii^t.  p.  24G.  Autun  was  not  restored  till 
the  ri'iiiii  of  Diocletian.     See  Eunienius  tie  rcstauramlis  scliolis. 

^'  Almost  every  thinp  tliat  is  said  of  the  manners  of  Odenatlius  and 
Zenobia  is  taken  from  their  lives  in  the  Auyustan  llistorj,  by  Trebel- 
lius  ToUio  ;  see  p.  VxZ,  V.lS. 

'^  She  never  admitted  her  husband's  embraces  but  for  the  sake  of 
posterity'.  If  her  hopes  were  ballied,  in  tiie  ensuinir  inoidk  lihe  reiter- 
Ated  the  experiment. 

*  Aocovdiiij;  to  some  Clirisliati  writers,  Zeiioltia  was  a  , Jewess  (.  ost 
(Jescliiclite  lier  Isriiel.  iv.  100.     Hist,  of  .lews,  ill.  170.) —  M. 

X  Acconlitig  to  Zosiinus,  Ofleiiathus  was  of  ii  noble  family  in  r.ihin-i;i' 
aiiil  according'  to  Procopius,  lie  was  pi-inco  i>f  the  Saracens,  who  \n  abil  tlu 
banks  of  tlic  Euphrates.     Kckliei.  Doct.  Num    vii.  4S(t.  —  G. 


OF    THK    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  351 

ci'lio,  from  a  private  station,  raised  liimself  to  the  dominii  n  of 
the  East.  She  soon  became  tlie  friend  and  companion  of  a 
hero.  In  the  intervals  of  war,  Odenathus  passionately  de- 
lijjiited  in  the  exercise  of  hunting;  he  pursued  with  ardor  the 
wild  beasts  of  the  desert,  lions,  panthers,  and  bears  ;  and  the 
ardor  of  Zenobia  in  that  dangerous  amusement  was  not  inft  rior 
to  iiis  own.  She  had  inured  her  constitution  to  fatigue,  dis- 
dained the  use  of  a  covered  carriage,  generally  appeared  on 
horseback  in  a  military  habit,  and  sometimes  marched  several 
miles  on  foot  at  the  head  of  the  troops.  The  success  of  Ode- 
nathus was  in  a  great  measure  ascribed  to  her  incomparable 
prudence  and  fortitude,  Tlieir  splendid  victories  over  the 
Great  King,  whom  they  twice  pursued  as  far  as  the  gates  of 
Ctesiphon,  laid  the  foundations  of  their  united  fame  and  power. 
The  armies  which  they  commanded,  and  the  provinces  which 
they  had  saved,  acknowledged  not  any  other  sovereigns  than 
their  invincible  chiefs.  The  senate  and  people  of  Rome 
revered  a  stranger  who  had  avenged  their  captive  emperor, 
and  even  the  insensible  son  of  Valerian  accepted  Odenathu3 
for  his  legitimate  colleague. 

After  a  successful  expedition  against  the  Gothic  plunderers 
of  Asia,  the  Palmyrenian  prince  returned  to  the  city  of 
Emesa  in  Syria.  Invincible  in  war,  he  was  there  cut  off 
by  domestic  treason,  and  his  favorite  amusement  of  hunting 
was  the  cause,  or  at  least  the  occasion,  of  his  death. '^'^  His 
nephew  Majonius  presumed  to  dart  his  javelin  before  that  of 
his  uncle  ;  and  though  admonished  of  his  error,  rei)eated  the 
same  insolence.  As  a  monarch,  and  as  a  sportsman,  Odena- 
thus was  provoked,  took  away  his  horse,  a  mark  of  ignominy 
among  the  barbarians,  and  chastised  the  rash  youth  by  a  short 
confinement.  The  olTence  was  soon  forgot,  but  the  punish- 
ment was  remembered  ;  and  Mceonius,  with  a  few  daring 
a.ssociates,  assassinated  his  uncle  in  the  midst  of  a  great  enter- 
tainment. Herod,  the  son  of  Odenathus,  though  not  of  Zeno- 
oia,  a  young  man  of  a  soft  and  efleminate  temper,'^'''  was  killed 
with  his  father.  But  Maeonius  obtained  only  the  pleasure  of 
revenge  by  this  bloody  deed.     He  had  scarcely  time  to  assume 


*«  Hist.  August,  p.  192,  193.  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  36.  Zonaras,  1.  xii. 
p.  633.  The  last  is  clear  and  probable,  the  others  confused  and  incon- 
Mstent.     The  text  of  Syncellus,  if  not  corrupt,  is  absolute  nonsense. 

"  Odenathus  and  Zeiiobia  often  sent  hini,  frcm  the  spoils  of  the 
enemy,  presents  of  gems  ind  toys,  which  he  received  with  infinit* 
ielight. 


352  THE    DECLINE   AND    FALL 

the  tide  of  Augustus,  before  he  was  sacrificed   by  Zenobia  to 
the  memory  of  her  husbnnd.^^ 

With  the  assistance  of  his  most  faitliful  friends,  she  imme- 
diately filled  the  vacant  throne,  and  governed  with  manly 
counsels  Palmyra,  Syria,  and  the  East,  above  five  years.  Bv 
the  death  of  Odenathus,  that  authority  was  at  an  end  which 
the  senate  had  granted  him  only  as  a  personal  distinction  ;  but 
Jiis  martial  widow,  disdaining  both  the  senate  and  Gallienus, 
obliged  one  of  the  Roman  generals,  who  was  sent  against  her, 
to  retreat  into  Europe,  with  the  loss  of  his  army  and  his  repu- 
tation.^9  Insiead  of  the  little  passions  which  so  frequently 
perplex  a  female  reign,  the  steady  administration  of  Zenobia 
was  guided  bv  the  most  judicious  maxims  of  policy.  If  it  was 
expedient  to  pardon,  she  could  calm  her  resentment ;  if  it  was 
necessary  to  punish,  she  could  impose  silence  on  the  voic<^  of 
pity.  Her  strict  economy  was  accused  of  avarice  ;  yet  on 
every  proper  occasion  she  appeared  magnificent  and  liberal. 
The  neighboring  states  of  Arabia,  Armenia,  and  Persia,  dread- 
ed her  enmity,  and  solicited  her  alliance.  To  the  dominions 
of  Odenathus,  which  extended  from  the  Euphrates  to  the  fron- 
tiers of  Bithynia,  his  widow  added  the  inheritance  of  her 
ancestors,  the  populous  and  fertile  kingdom  of  Egypt.^''  * 
The  emperor  Claudius  acknowledged  her  merit,  and  waa 
content,  tha%  while  he  pursued  the  Gothic  war,  she  shoul  i 
assert  the  dignity  of  the  empire  in  the  East.^^  The  conduct 
however,  of  Zenobia,  was  attended  with  some  ambiguity  ;  no: 
is  it  unlikely  that  she  had  conceived  the  design  of  erecting  an 
independent  and  hostile  monarchy.  She  blended  with  the 
popular  manners  of  Roman  princes  the  stately  pomp  of  the 
courts  of  Asia,  and  exacted  from  her  subjects  the  same  adora- 
tion that  was  paid  to  the  successors  of  Cyrus.  "She  bestowed 
on  her  three  sons  ^^  a  Latin  education,  and  often  showed  them 

'*  Some  very  unjust  suspicions  have  been  cast  on  Zenobia,  as  if  siko 
was  accessory  to  her  husband's  death. 

*9  Hist.  Auf^ust.  p.  180,  181. 

8"  See,  in  Hist.  August,  p.  198,  Aurelian's  testimony  to  her  merit ; 
and  for  the  concjuest  of  Ej^ypt,  Zosimus,  1.  i.  \i.  39,  40. 

•'  Timolaus,  Ilerennianus,  and  Vaballathus.  It  is  supposed  that 
the  two  former  were  already  dead  before  the  war.  On  the  last,  Aure- 
dan  bestowed  a  small  province  of  Armenia,  with  the  title  of  King ; 
several  of  his  medals  are  still  extant.     SeeTillemon.,  torn.  3,  p   1190. 


•  This  seems  very  duubtful.     Claudius,  during  all  his  reign,  is  repre- 
jented  as  emperor  on  the  medals  of  Alexandria,  which  arc  very  numeroua 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIHE.  353 

»o  the  tr50|)s  adorned  with  the  Imperial  purple.  For  herself 
Bhe  reserved  the  diadem,  with  tlie  splendid  but  doublfiil  title 
of  Queen  of  the  East. 

When  Anrelian  passed  over  into  Asia,  against  an  adversary 
whose  sex  alone  could  render  her  an  object  of  contempt,  his 
presence  restored  obedience  to  the  province  of  Bithynia,  al- 
ready shaken  by  the  arms  and  intrigues  of  Zenobia.^'^  Advan- 
cing at  the  head  of  his  legions,  he  accepted  the  submission  of 
Ancyra,  and  was  admitted  intoTyaiia,  after  an  obstinate  siege, 
by  the  help  of  a  perfidious  citizen.  The  generous  though 
fierce  temper  of  Aurelian  abandon  "d  the  traitor  to  tlie  rage  of 
the  soldiers  ;  a  superstitious  reverence  induced  him  to  treat 
with  lenity  the  countrymen  of  ApoUonius  the  philosopher.^-* 
Antioch  was  deserted  on  his  approach,  till  the  emperor,  by  his 
salutary  edicts,  recalled  the  fugitives,  and  granted  a  general 
pardon  to  all,  who,  from  necessiiy  rather  than  choice,  had 
been  engaged  in  the  service  of  the  Palmyrenian  Queen. 
1  he  unexpected  mildness  of  such  a  conduct  reconciled  the 
minds  of  the  Syrians,  and  as  far  as  the  gates  of  Emesa,  the 
wishes  of  the  people  seconded  the  terror  of  his  arms.^'* 

Zenobia  would  have  ill  deserved  her  reputation,  had  she 
indolently  permitted  the  emperor  of  the  West  to  approach 
within  a  hundred  miles  of  her  capital.  The  fate  of  the  East 
was  decided  in  two  great  battles;  so  similar  in  almost  every 
circumstance,  that  we  can  scarcely  distinguish  them  from 
each  other,  except  by  observing  that  the  first  was  fought  hear 
Antioch,**^  and  the  second  near  Emesa.^c  In  both  the  queen 
of  Palmyra  animated  the  armies  by  her  presence,  and  devolved 
the  execution    of  her   orders  on    Zabdas,    who  had    already 


®*  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  44. 

^  Vopiscus  (in  Hist.  August,  p.  217)  gives  us  an  authentic  letter, 
and  a  doubtful  vision,  of  Aurelian.  ApoUonius  of  Tyana  was  born 
about  t'he  same  time  as  Jesus  Christ.  His  life  (that  of  the  former) 
is  related  in  so  fabulous  a  manner  by  his  disciples,  that  we  are  at  a 
.OSS  to  discover  whether  he  was  a  sage,  an  impostor,  or  a  fanatic. 

**  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  46. 

•*  At  a  place  called  Immse.     Eutropius,  Sextus  Rufus,  and  Jerome 
mention  only  this  first  battle. 

*'  Vopiscus  (in  Hist.  August,  p.  217)  mentions  only  the  second. 


If  Zenobia  possessed  any  power  in  Ejjvpt,  it  could  only  have  been  at  the 
beginning  of  the  reign  of  Aurelian.  The  same  circumstance  throws  great 
'mprobal)iIity  on  her  conquests  in  Galatia.  Perhaps  Zenobia  administered 
E^ypt  in  the  name  of  Claudius,  and,  emboldened  by  the  death  of  that 
pnnce,  subjected  it  to  her  own  power.  — G. 
18 


354  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

signalized  his  military  talents  by  the  conquest  of  Egypt.  The 
numerous  forces  of  Zenobia  consisted  for  the  most  part  of 
light  arcb^rs,  and  of  heavy  cavalry  clothed  in  complete  steel. 
The  Moorish  and  lUyrian  horse  of  Aurelian  were  unable  to 
sustain  the  ponderous  charge  of  their  antagonists.  They  fled 
in  real  or  affected  disorder,  engaged  the  Palmyrenians  in  a 
laborious  pursuit,  harassed  them  by  a  desu'tory  combat,  and 
at  length  discomfited  this  impenetrable  but  unwieldy  body  of 
cavalry.  The  light  infantry,  in  the  mean  time,  when  they 
had  exhausted  their  quivers,  remaining  without  protection 
against  a  closer  onset,  exposed  their  naked  sides  to  the  swords 
of  the  legions.  Aurelian  had  chosen  these  veteran  troops, 
who  were  usually  stationed  on  the  Upper  Danube,  and  whose 
valor  had  been  severely  tried  in  the  Alemannic  war.^'''  After 
the  defeat  of  Emesa,  Zenobia  found  it  impossible  to  collect  a 
third  army.  As  far  as  the  frontier  of  Egypt,  the  nations  sub- 
ject to  her  empire  had  joined  the  standard  of  the  conqueror, 
who  detached  Probus,  the  bravest  of  his  generals,  to  possess 
himself  of  the  Egyptian  provinces.  Palmyra  was  the  last 
resource  of  the  widow  of  Odenathus.  She  retired  within  the 
walls  of  her  capital,  made  every  preparation  for  a  vigorous 
resistance,  and  declared,  with  the  intrepidity  of  a  heroine,  that 
the  last  moment  of  her  reign  and  of  her  life  should  be  the 
same. 

Amid  the  barren  deserts  of  Arabia,  a  few  cultivated  spots 
rise  like  islands  out  of  the  sandy  ocean.  Even  the  name  of 
Tadmor,  or  Palmyra,  by  its  signification  in  the  Syriac  as  well 
as  in  the  Latin  language,  denoted  the  multitude  of  palm-trees 
which  afforded  shade  and  verdure  to  that  temperate  region. 
The  air  was  pure,  and  the  soil,  watered  by  some  invaluable 
springs,  was  capable  of  producing  fruits  as  well  as  corn.  A 
place  possessed  of  such  singular  advantages,  and  situated  at 
a  convenient  distance  "^^  between  the  Gulf  of  Persia  and  the 

*^  Zosinius,  1.  i.  p.  44 — 48.  His  account  of  the  two  battles  is  clear 
and  circumstantial. 

^*  It  was  five  hundred  and  thirty-seven  miles  from  S<;leucia,  and 
two  hundred  and  three  from  the  nearest  coast  of  Syiia,  according  to 
the  reckoning  of  Pliny,  who,  in  a  few  words.  (Hist.  Natur.  v.  21.) 
gives  an  excellent  description  of  I'almyra.* 


•  Tadmor,  or  Palmyra,  was  probablj-  at  a  very  early  period  the  connecting 
link  between  tlio  commerce  of  Tyro  and  Babylon.  Heeren,  Idecn,  v.  i 
p.  ii.  p  12o.  Tadmor  was  probably  built  by  Solomon  as  a  con.mtrci-J 
ttatioD      Hist,  of  Jews,  V.  i.  p.  271   —  M. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  355 

Mediterranean,  was  soon  frequented  by  the  caravans  which 
conveyed  to  the  nations  of  Europe  a  considerable  part  of  the 
rich  commodities  of  India.  Palmyra  insensibly  increased  into 
aVi  opulent  and  independent  city,  and  connecting  the  Roman 
and  tte  Parthian  monarchies  by  the  mutual  benefits  of  com- 
merce, was  suffered  to  observe  an  humble  neutrality,  till  at 
length,  after  the  victories  of  Trajan,  the  little  republic  sunk 
nito  the  bosom  of  Rome,  and  flourished  more  than  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  years  in  the  subordinate  though  honorable  rank 
of  a  colony.  It  was  during  that  peaceful  period,  if  we  may 
judge  from  a  few  remaining  inscriptions,  that  the  wealthy 
Palmyrenians  constructed  those  temples,  palaces,  and  porticos 
of  Grecian  architecture,  whose  ruins,  scattered  over  an  extent 
of  several  miles,  have  deserved  the  curiosity  of  our  travellers. 
The  elevation  of  Odenalhus  and  Zenobia  appeared  to  reflect 
new  splendor  on  their  country,  and  Palmyra,  for  a  while, 
stood  forth  the  rival  of  Rome  :  but  the  competition  was  fatal, 
and  ages  of  prosperity  wore  sacrificed  to  a  moment  of  glory .'^^ 
In  his  march  over  the  sandy  desert  between  Emesa  and 
Palmyra,  the  emperor  Aurolian  was  perpetually  harassed  by 
the  Arabs ;  nor  could  he  always  defend  his  army,  and  espe- 
cially his  baggage,  from  those  flying  troops  of  active  and 
daring  robbers,  who  watched  the  moment  of  surprise,  and 
eluded  the  slow  pursuit  of  the  legions.  The  siege  of  Palmyra 
was  an  object  far  more  diflicult  and  important,  and  the  em- 
peror, who,  with  incessant  vigor,  pressed  the  attacks  in  person 
was  himself  wounded  with  a  dart.  "  The  Roman  people,'' 
says  Aurelian,  in  an  original  letter,  "  speak  with  contempt  of 
the  war  which  I  am  waging  against  a  woman.  They  are 
ignorant  both  of  the  character  and  of  the  power  of  Zenobia 
It  is  impossible  to  enumerate  her  warlike  preparations,  of 
stones,  of  arrows,  and  of  every  species  of  missile  weapons. 
Every  part  of  the  walls  is  provided  with  two  or  three  ba/istce 
and  artificial  fires  are  thrown  from  her  military  engines 
The  fear  of  punishment  has  armed  her  with  a  desperate  cour- 
age.    Yet  still  1   trust  in  the  protecting  deities  of  Rome,  whc 


*'  Some  English  travellers  from  Aleppo  discovered  the  ruins  of  Pal- 
aajTa  about  the  end  of  the  last  ccntiiry.  Our  curiosity  has  since 
been  gratified  in  a  more  splendid  manner  by  Messieurs  Wood  and 
Dawkins.  For  the  history  of  Pidniyra,  we  may  consult  the  masterly 
dissertation  of  Dr.  llalley  in  the  Philosophical  Transactions  :  Low- 
thorp  s  Abridgment,  vol.  iii.  p.  ol8 


856  THE    n£CLINA   ANi)   FALL 

have  hitherto  beer,  favorable  to  all  my  undertakings  '* 
Doubtful,  however,  of  the  protection  of  the  gods,  and  of  the 
event  of  the  siege,  Aurelian  judged  it  more  prudent  to  offer 
terms  of  an  advantageous  capitulation  ;  to  the  queen,  a  splen- 
did retreat ;  to  the  citizens,  their  ancient  privileges.  His 
proposals  were  obstinately  rejected,  and  the  refusal  was 
accompanied  with  insult. 

The  firmness  of  Zenobia  was  supported  by  the  hope,  tha* 
in  a  very  short  time  famine  would  compel  the  Roman  army 
to  repass  the  desert;  and  by  the  reasonable  expectation  that 
the  kings  of  the  East,  and  particularly  the  Persian  monarch, 
would  arm  in  the  defence  of  tlieir  most  natural  ally.  But  for- 
tune, and  the  perseverance  of  Aurelian,  overcame  every  obsta- 
cle. The  death  of  Sapor,  which  happened  about  this  time,''^! 
distracted  the  councils  of  Persia,  and  the  inconsiderable  succors 
that  attempted  to  relieve  Palmyra,  were  easily  intercepted 
either  by  the  arms  or  the  liberality  of  the  emperor.  From  every 
part  of  Syria,  a  regular  succession  of  convoys  safely  arrived  in 
the  camp,  which  was  increased  by  the  return  of  Probuswith  hia 
victorious  troops  from  the  conquest  of  Egypt.  It  was  then  that 
Zenobia  resolved  to  fly.  She  mounted  the  fleetest  of  her  drom 
edarics,"-  and  had  already  reached  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates, 
about  sixty  miles  from  Palmyra,  when  she  was  overtaken  by 
the  pursuit  of  Aurelian's  light  horse,  seized,  and  brought  back 
a  captive  to  the  fe©t  of  the  emperor.  Her  capital  soon  after- 
wards surrendered,  and  was  treated  with  unexpected  lenity. 
The  arms,  horses,  and  camels,  with  an  immense  treasure  of 
gold,  silver,  silk,  and  precious  stones,  were  all  delivered  to  the 
conqueror,  who,  leaving  only  a  garrison  of  six  hundred  archers, 
returned  to  Emesa,  and  emi)loyed  some  time  in  the  distribution 
of  rewards  and  punishments  at  the  end  of  so  memorable  a 
war,  which  restored  to  the  obedience  of  Rome  those  provinces 
that  had  renounced  their  allegiance  since  the  captivity  of 
Valerian. 


'"  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  218. 

"  From  a  very  doubtful  chronology  I  have  endeavored  to  extract 
the  most  probable  date. 

"  Hist.  August,  p.  218.  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  60.  Though  the  camel 
is  a  heavy  beast  of  burden,  the  dronitdary,  which  is  cither  of  the 
Bame  or  of  a  kindred  species,  is  used  by  the  natives  of  Asia  and  Africa 
on  all  occasions  which  reiiuirc  celerity.  The  Arabs  affirm,  that  he 
will  run  over  as  much  ground  in  one  day  as  their  fleetest  horses  can 
perform  in  eight  or  ten.  See  Butfon,  Hist.  Naturellc,  tora.  xi 
f^,  222,  and  Shaw's  Travels,  p.  167. 


OF    THL       OMAN    ExMPIRE.  357 

'VVlien  the  Syrian  qneen  was  brought  into  the  presence  of 
\.urelian,  he  sternly  asked  her,  How  she  had  presiniied  to  rise 
in  arms  against  the  emperors  of"  Rome  !  The  answer  of 
Zenobia  was  a  prudent  mixture  of  respect  and  firmness. 
''•  Because  I  disdained  to  consider  as  Roman  emperors  ar, 
Aureolus  or  a  GalHenus.  You  alone  1  acknowledge  as  my 
conqueror  and  my  sovereign."'"^  But  as  female  fortitude  la 
connnonly  artificial,  so  it  is  seldom  steady  or  consistent.  The 
courage  of  Zenobia  deserted  her  in  the  hour  of  trial  ;  she 
trRmbled  at  the  angrj' clamore  of  the  soldiers,  who  called  aloud 
for  her  immediate  execution,  forgot  the  generous  despair  of 
Cleopatra,  which  she  had  proposed  as  her  model,  and  ignomin 
iously  purchased  life  by  the  sacrifice  of  her  fame  and  her 
friends.  It  was  to  their  counsels,  which  governed  the  weak- 
ness of  her  sex,  that  she  imputed  the  guilt  of  her  obstinate 
resistance  ;  it  was  on  their  heads  that  she  directed  the  ven- 
geance of  the  cruel  Aurelian.  The  fame  of  Longinus,  who 
was  included  among  the  numerous  and  perhaps  innocent 
victims  of  her  tear,  will  survive  that  of  tlie  queen  who  betrayed, 
or  the  tyrant  who  condemned  him.  Genius  and  learning  were 
incapable  of  moving  a  fierce  unlettered  soldier,  but  they  had 
served  to  elevate  and  harmonize  the  soul  of  Lon"inus.  With- 
out  uttering  a  complaint,  he  calmly  followed  the  executioner, 
pitying  his  unhappy  mistress,  and  bestowing  comfort  on  his 
afllicted  friends.'''* 

Returning  from  the  conquest  of  the  East,"  Aurelian  had 
\Iready  crossed  the  Straits  which  divided  Europe  from  Asia, 
when  he  was  provoked  by  the  intelligence  that  the  Palmy- 
renians  had  massacred  the  governor  und  garrison  which  he. 
iiad  left  among  tliem,and  again  erected  the  standard  of  revolt. 
Without  a  moment's  deliberation,  he  once  more  turned  his 
face  towards  Syria.  Antioch  was  alarmed  by  his  rapid 
upproacli,  and  the  helpless  city  of  Palm3'ra  felt  the  irresistible 
weight  of  his  resentment.  We  have  a  letter  of  Aurelian  him- 
self, in  which  he  acknowledges,''^  that  old  men,  women,  chil- 
dren, and  peasaiils,  had  been  involved  in  that  dreadful  execu- 
•ion,  which  should  have  been  confined  to  armed  rebellion;  and 
although  his  principal  concern  seems  directed  to  the  reestab- 
lishment  of  a  temple  of  the  Sun,  he  discovers  some  pity  for 


"  Polio  in  Hist.  August,  p.  199. 

''*  Vopiscus  in  Ilist.  August,  p   219.     Zosimus,  1  i.  p.  61, 

•'  Ilist.  August,  p.  219. 


SJ>8  THE    DECLINE     iND    PALL 

the  remnant  of  the  Palmyrenians,  to  whom  he  grants  Ihe  per 
mission  of  rebuilding  and  inhabiting  their  city.  But  it  is  easioi 
to  destroy  than  to  restore.  The  seat  of  commerce,  of  arts, 
and  of  Zenobia,  gradually  sunk  into  an  obscure  town,  a  tri- 
fling fortress,  and  at  length  a  miserable  village.  The  present 
citizens  of  Palmyra,  consisting  of  thirty  or  forty  families,  have 
erected  their  mud  cottages  within  the  spacious  court  of  a  mag- 
nificent temple. 

Another  and  a  last  labor  still  awaited  the  indefatigable 
Aurelian  ;  to  suppress  a  dangerous  though  obscure  rebel,  who, 
during  the  revolt  of  Palmyra,  had  arisen  on  the  banks  of  the 
Nile.  Firmus,  the  friend  and  ally,  as  he  proudly  styled  him- 
self, of  Odenathus  and  Zenobia,  was  no  more  than  a  wealthy 
merchant  of  Egypt.  In  the  course  of  his  trade  to  India,  he 
had  formed  very  intimate  connections  with  the  Saracens  and 
the  Blemmyes,  whose  situation  on  either  coast  of  the  Red  Sea 
gave  them  an  easy  introduction  into  the  Upper  Egypt.  The 
Egyptians  he  inflamed  with  the  hope  of  freedom,  and,  at  the 
head  of  their  furious  multitude,  broke  into  the  city  of  Alexan- 
dria, where  he  assumed  the  Imperial  purple,  coined  money, 
published  edicts,  and  raised  an  army,  which,  as  he  vainly 
boasted,  he  was  capable  of  maintaining  from  the  sole  profits 
of  his  paper  trade.  Such  troops  were  a  feeble  defence  against 
the  approach  of  Aurelian  ;  and  it  seems  almost  unnecessary 
to  relate,  that  Firmus  was  routed,  taken,  tortured,  and  put  to 
death.76  Aurelian  might  now  congratulate  the  senate,  the 
people,  and  himself,  that  in  little  more  than  three  years,  he 
had  restored  universal  peace  and  order  to  the  Roman  world. 

Since  the  foundation  of  Rome,  no  general  had  more  nobly 
deserved  a  triumph  than  Aurelian  ;  nor  was  a  triumph  ever 
celebrated  with  superior  pride  and  magnificence.''"^  The  pomp 
was  opened  by  twenty  elephants,  four  royal  tigers,  and  above 
two  hundred  of  the  most  curious  animals  from  every  climate 
of  the  North,  the  East,  and  the  South.  They  were  followed 
by  sixteen  hundred  gladiators,  devoted  to  the  cruel  amusement 

"  See  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  220,  242.  As  an  mstince  of 
luxury,  it  is  observed,  that  he  had  glass  windows.  He  was  remarka- 
ble for  his  strength  and  appetite,  liis  courage  and  dexterity.  From 
the  letter  of  Aurelian,  we  may  justly  infer,  that  Firmus  was  the  last 
of  the  rebels,  and  consequently  that  Tetricus  was  already  suppressed. 

""  See  the  triumph  of  Auroiian,  described  by  Vopiscus.  He  relatei 
the  particulars  with  his  usual  minuteness;  and,  on  this  occasion,  the^ 
happen  tc  be  interesting.     Hist,  August,  p.  220. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  3^9 

of  the  ampliitheutre.  Tlie  wciiltlri  f  Asia,  the  arms  and  on- 
•igns  of  so  many  coru|ucred  nations,  and  the  magnificent  plate 
and  wardrobe  of  the  Syrian  queen,  were  disposed  inexact  sym- 
metry or  artful  disorder.  The  ambassadors  of  the  most  re- 
mote parts  of  the  earth,  of  jEtliiopia,  Arabia,  Persia,  Bactri- 
ana,  India,  and  China,  all  remarkable  by  their  rich  or  singular 
dresses,  displayed  the  fame  and  power  of  the  Roman  emperor, 
who  exposed  likewise  to  the  public  view  the  presents  that  he 
had  received,  and  particularly  a  great  number  of  crowna  of 
gold,  the  oflerings  of  grateful  cities.  The  victories  of  Aure- 
lian  were  attested  by  the  long  train  of  captives  who  reluc- 
tantly attended  his  triumph,  Goths,  Vandals,  Sarmatians, 
Alemanni,  Franks,  Gauls,  Syrians,  and  Egyptians.  Each 
people  was  distinguished  by  its  peculiar  inscription,  and  the 
title  of  Amazons  was  bestowed  on  ten  martial  heroines  of  the 
Gothic  nation  who  had  been  taken  in  arms.'''*'  But  every  eye, 
disregarding  the  crowd  of  captives,  was  fixed  on  the  emperor 
Tetricus  and  the  queen  of  the  East.  The  former,  as  well 
as  his  son,  whom  he  had  created  Augustus,  was  dressed  in 
Gallic  trousers,"^  a  saffron  tunic,  and  a  robe  of  purple.  The 
beauteous  figure  of  Zenobia  was  confined  by  fetters  of  gold  ; 
a  slave  supported  the  gold  chain  which  encircled  her  neck, 
and  she  almost  fainted  under  the  intolerable  weight  of  jev^els 
She  preceded  on  foot  the  magnificent  chariot,  in  which  sho 
once  hoped  to  enter  the  gates  of  Rome.  It  was  followed  by 
two  other  chariots,  still  more  sumptuous,  of  Odenathus  and 
of  the  Persian  monarch.     The  triumphal  car  of  Aurelian.(it 

^*  Among  barbarous  nations,  women  have  often  combated  by  the 
Bide  of  their  husbands.  But  it  is  almost  impossible  that  a  society  ot 
Amazons  should  ever  have  existed  either  in  the  old  or  new  world.* 

'"  The  use  of  braccw,  breeches,  or  trousers,  was  still  considered  in 
Italy  as  a  Gallic  and  barbarian  fashion.  The  Konians,  however,  had 
made  great  advances  towards  it.  To  encircle  the  legs  and  thighs  with 
fasci  c,  or  bands,  was  understood,  in  the  time  of  Pompey  and  Horace, 
to  be  a  proof  of  ill  health  or  clfcniinacy.  In  the  age  of  Trajan,  tho 
custom  was  confined  to  the  rich  and  luxurious.  It  gradually  was 
adopted  by  tke  meanest  of  the  people.  Sec  a  very  curious  note  of 
Casaubon,  ad  Sueton.  in  August,  c.  82. 


*  KHproth's  theory  on  the  origin  of  such  traditions  is  at  least  reeom« 
mended  by  its  ingenuity.  The  mules  of  a  tribe  liaving  gone  out  on  a 
marauding  expedition,  and  having  been  cut  oif  to  a  man,  the  females  may 
tavc  pndeavoi-.ed,  foi  a  time  to  muiiitain  their  independence  in  their  carna 
►r  village,  till  their  children  grew  up.  Travels,  ch.  x.\.x.  Eiig.  Trans 
-M. 


360  THE    DEI  LINE    AND    FALi^ 

had  formerly  been  used  by  a  Gothic  king)  was  drawn,  on  this 
memorable  occasion,  either  by  four  stags  or  by  four  ele- 
phants.s°  The  most  illustrious  of  the  senate,  the  people,  anfl 
the  army,  closed  the  solemn  procession.  Unfeigned  joy,  won- 
der, and  gratitude,  swelled  the  acclamations  of  the  multitude  ; 
but  the  satisfiiction  of  the  senate  was  clouded  by  the  appear- 
ance of  Tetricus ;  nor  could  they  suppress  a  rising  murmur, 
that  the  haughty  emperor  should  thus  expose  to  public  igno- 
miny the  person  of  a  Roman  and  a  magistrate.^^ 

But  however,  in  the  treatment  of  his  unfortunate  rivals, 
Aurelian  might  indulge  his  pride,  he  behaved  towards  them 
with  a  generous  clemency,  which  was  seldom  exercised  by  the 
ancient  conquerors.  Pi'inces  who,  without  success,  had  de- 
fended their  throne  or  freedom,  were  frequently  strangled  in 
prison,  as  soon  as  the  triumphal  pomp  ascended  the  Capitol. 
These  usurpers,  whom  their  defeat  had  convicted  of  the  crime 
of  treason,  were  permitted  to  spend  their  lives  in  affluence  and 
honorable  repose.  The  emperor  presented  Zenobia  with  an 
elegant  villa  at  Tibur,  er  Tivoli,  about  twenty  miles  from  the 
capital  ;  the  Syrian  queen  insensibly  sunk  into  a  Roman 
matron,  her  daughters  married  into  noble  families,  and  her 
race  was  not  yet  extinct  in  the  fifth  century.^^  Tetricus  and 
his  son  were  reinstated  in  their  rank  and  fortunes.  They 
erected  on  the  Caelian  hill  a  magnificent  palace,  and  as  soon 
as  it  was  finished,  invited  Aurelian  to  supper.  On  his  en- 
trance, he  was  agreeably  surprised  with  a  picture  which  repre- 
sented their  singular  history.  They  were  delineated  offering 
to  the  emperor  a  civic  crown  and  the  sceptre  of  Gaul,  and 
again  receiving  at  his  hands  th;?  ornaments  of  the  senatorial 
dignity.  The  father  was  afterwards  invested  with  the  govern- 
ment of  Lucania,83  and  Aurelian,  who  soon  admitted  the  abdi- 
cated monarch  to  his  friendship  and  conversation,  familiarly 

*"  Most  probably  the  former ;  the  latter,  aeon  on  the  medals  of 
Aurelian,  only  denote  (according  to  the  learned  Cardinal  Norris)  ar 
criontal  victory. 

*^^  The  expression  of  Calphurnius,  (Eclog.  i.  50.)  NuUos  duce 
captiva  triumphos,  as  applied  to  Home,  contains  a  very  mat  ifest  allu- 
sion and  censure. 

"*'-  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  199.  Hieronyra.  in  Chron.  I'rospel 
in  Chron.  Earonius  supposes  tliat  Zenobius,  bishop  of  Florence  iu 
tnc  time  of  St.  Ambrose,  was  of  her  family. 

'*■'  Yopisc.  in  Hist.  August,  p.  222.  Eutropius,  ix.  13.  Victor 
Junior.  But  Pollio,  in  Hist.  August,  p.  196,  says,  that  Tetricus  waa 
made  corrector  of  all  Italy. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  361 

ftsked  him,  Whether  it  were  not  more  desirable  to  admuiistei 
a  province  of  Italy,  than  to  reign  beyond  the  Alps.  The  son 
long  continued  a  respectable  member  of  the  senate  ;  nor  was 
there  any  one  of  the  Roman  nobility  more  esteemed  by 
Aurelian,  as  well  as  by  his  successors.S'* 

So  long  and  so  various  was  tlie  pomp  of  Aurelian's  triumph 
that  although  it  opened  with  the  dawn  of  day,  the  slow  majesty 
of  the  procession  ascended  not  the  Capitol  before  the  ninth 
hour  ;  and  it  was  already  dark  when  the  emperor  returned  to 
the  palace.  The  festival  was  protracted  by  theatrical  repre- 
sentations, the  games  of  the  circus,  the  hunting  of  wild  beasts, 
combats  of  gladiators,  and  naval  engagements.  Liberal  dona- 
tives were  distributed  to  the  army  and  people,  and  several 
institutions,  agreeable  or  beneficial  to  the  city,  contributed  to 
perpetuate  the  glory  of  Aurelian.  A  considerable  portion  of 
his  oriental  spoils  was  consecrated  to  the  gods  of  Rome  ;  the 
Capitol,  and  every  other  temple,  glittered  with  the  offerings 
of  hts  ostentatious  piety ;  and  the  temple  of  the  Sun  alone 
received  above  fifteen  thousand  pounds  of  gold.*^^  This  last 
was  a  magnificent  structure,  erected  by  the  emperor  on  tiie 
side  of  the  Quirinal  hill,  and  dedicated,  soon  after  the  triumph, 
to  that  deity  whom  Aurelian  adored  as  the  parent  of  his  life 
and  fortunes.  His  mother  had  been  an  inferior  priestess  in  a 
chapel  of  the  Sun  ;  a  |)eculiar  devotion  to  the  god  of  Light 
was  a  sentiment  which  the  fortunate  peasant  imbibed  in  his 
infancy ;  and  every  step  of  his  elevation,  every  victory  of  his 
reign,  fortified  superstition  by  gratitude.*^'' 

The  arms  of  Aurelian  had  vaijcpiished  the  foreign  and 
domestic  foes  of  the  republic.  We  are  assured,  that,  by  his 
salutary  rigor,  crimes  and  factions,  mischievous  arts  and  per- 
nicious connivance,  the  luxuriant  growth  of  a  feeble  and 
oppressive  government,  were  eradicated  throughout  the  Roman 
world.87  But  if  we  attentively  reflect  how  much  swifter  is  the 
progress  of  corruption  than  its  cure,  and  if  we  remember  that 

**  Hist.  August,  p.  197. 

®*  Vopiscu.s  in  Hist.  August,  222.  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  5fi.  IIo  placed 
ii  it  the  images  of  IJclus  and  ot'  the  Sun,  which  he  ha<l  brought  iVoin 
I'alinyra.  It  was  dcilicated  in  tlie  lourtli  year  of  his  reign,  (Eusel). 
lr»  Chron.,)  but  was  most  assureiUy  begun  immediately  on  his  acoossiou. 

**  See,  in  the  Augustan  History,  p.  210,  the  omens  of  his  fortune 
IliS  devotion  to  the  sun  appears  in  his  letters,  on  his  medals,  and  i^ 
mentioned  in  the  Ciesars  of  Julian.  Commentaire  de  SimnlituQ,  p. 
109. 

*'  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  221. 
18* 


5562  TAE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

the  years  abandoned  to  public  disorders  exceeded  the  months 
allotted  to  the  martial  reign  of  Aurelian,  we  must  confess  that 
a  few  short  intervals  of  peace  were  insufficient  for  the  arduous 
work  of  reformation.  Even  his  attempt  to  restore  the  integ 
rity  of  the  coin  was  opposed  by  a  formidable  insurrection, 
The  emperor's  vexation  breaks  out  in  one  of  his  private  let- 
ters. "  Surely,"  says  he,  "  the  gods  have  decreed  that  my 
life  should  be  a  perpetual  warfare.  A  sedition  within  the 
walls  has  just  now  given  birth  to  a  very  serious  civil  war. 
The  workmen  of  the  mint,  at  the  instigation  of  Felicissimus,  a 
slave  to  whom  I  had  intrusted  an  employment  in  the  finances, 
have  risen  in  rebellion.  They  are  at  length  suppressed  ;  but 
seven  thousand  of  my  soldiers  have  been  slain  in  the  contest, 
of  those  troops  whose  ordinary  station  is  in  Dacia,  and  the 
camps  along  the  Danube."  "^^  Other  writers,  who  confirm  the 
same  fact,  add  likewise,  that  it  happened  soon  after  Aurelian's 
triumph  ;  that  the  decisive  engagement  was  fought  on  the 
Caelian  bill  ;  that  the  workmen  of  the  mint  had  adulterated  the 
coin  ;  and  that  the  emperor  restored  the  public  credit,  by 
delivering  out  good  money  in  exchange  for  the  bad,  which  the 
people  was  commanded  to  bring  into  the  treasury.^'^ 

We  might  content  ourselves  with  relating  this;  extraordinary 
transaction,  but  we  cannot  dissemble  how  much  in  its  present 
form  it  appears  to  us  inconsistent  and  incredible.  The  debase- 
ment of  the  coin  is  indeed  well  suited  to  the  administration  of 
Gallienus  ;  nor  is  it  unlikely  that  the  instruments  of  the  cor- 
ruption might  dread  the  inflexible  justice  of  Aurelian.  But 
the  guilt,  as  well  as  the  profit,  must  have  been  confined  to  a 
very  few  ;  nor  is  it  easy  to  conceive  bv  what  arts  tbey  could 
arm  a  people  whom  they  had  nijured,  against  a  monarch  whom 
they  had  betrayed.  We  might  naturally  expect,  that  such 
miscreants  should  have  shared  the  public  detestation  with  the 
informers  and  the  other  ministers  of  oppression  ;  and  that  the 
reformation  of  the  coin  should  have  been  an  action  equally 
popular  with  the  destruction  of  those  obsolete  accounts,  whicb 
by  tlie  emperor's  order  were  burnt  in  the  forum  of  Trajan. '■"• 
In  an  age  when  the  principles  of  commerce  were  so  imper 
foctly  understood,  the  most  desirable   end  might   perhaps  hv 


**  Hist.  Aiigusf.  p.  222.     Aurelian  calls  these  soldiers  Iliberi  Kipa 
nences,  Castriani,  diid  Ducisci. 

"  Zosinius,  1.  i.  ^.  56.     Eutropius,  ix.  14.     Aurel.  Victor. 
•"  Hist.  August,  p.  222.     Aurel.  Victor. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  363 

effected  by  harsh  and  injudicious  means ;  but  a  temporary 
grievance  of  such  a  nature  can  scarcely  excite  and  support  a 
serious  civil  war.  The  repetition  of  intolerable  taxes,  iiii[)oscd 
either  on  the  land  or  on  the  necessaries  of  life,  may  at  last 
provoke  those  who  will  not,  or  who  cannot,  relinquish  the'r 
country.  But  the  case  is  far  otherwise  in  every  operation 
which,  by  whatsoever  expedients,  restores  the  just  value  of 
money.  The  transient  evil  is  soon  obliterated  by  the  jierma- 
nent  benefit,  the  loss  is  divided  among  multitudes  ;  and  if  a 
few  wealthy  individuals  experience  a  sensible  diminution  of 
treasure,  with  their  riches,  they  at  the  same  time  lose  the 
degree  of  weight  and  importance  which  they  derived  from  the 
possession  of  them.  However  Aurelian  might  choose  to 
disguise  the  real  cause  of  the  insurrection,  his  reformation  of 
the  coin  could  furnish  only  a  faint  pretence  to  a  party  already 
powerful  and  discontented.  Rome,  though  deprived  of  free- 
dom, was  distracted  by  faction.  The  people,  towards  whom 
the  emperor,  hiuiself  a  plebeian,  always  expressed  a  peculiiii" 
fondness,  lived  in  perpetual  dissension  with  the  senate,  the 
equestrian  order,  and  the  Praetorian  guards.^^  Nothing  less 
than  the  firm  though  secret  conspiracy  of  those  orders,  of  the 
authority  of  the  first,  the  wealth  of  the  second,  and  the  arms 
of  the  third,  could  have  displayed  a  strength  capable  of  con- 
tending in  battle  with  the  veteran  legions  of  the  Danube,  which, 
under  the  conduct  of  a  martial  sovereign,  had  achieved  the 
conquest  of  the  West  and  of  the  East. 

\Vhatever  was  the  cause  or  the  object  of  this  rebellion, 
imputed  with  so  little  probability  to  the  workmen  of  the  mint, 
Auielian  used  his  victory  with  unrelenting  sigor.'-'-  lie  was 
naturally  of  a  severe  disposition.  A  peasant  and  a  soldier,  his 
nerves  yielded  not  easily  to  the  impressions  of  sympathy,  and 
he  could  sustain  without  emotion  the  sight  of  tortures  and  death. 
Trained  from  his  earliest  youth  in  the  exercwse  of  arms,  he  set 
too  small  a  value  on  the  life  of  a  citizen,  chastised  by  militarj' 
execution  the  slightest  ofiences,  and  transferred  the  slern  dis- 
cipline of  the  camp  into  the  civil  administration  of  the  laws 
His  love  of  justice  often  became  a  blind  and  furious  passion  • 


"  It  already  raj;ed  before  Aurclian's  return  from  Egv^/.  See 
Vopiscus,  who  quotes  an  original  letter.     Hist.  August,  p,  2i4. 

*■■'  Vopi.scus  in  Ilist-  August,  p.  222.  The  two  Victorr,.  Eutiopiut*. 
'X.  14  Zosimus  (1.  i.  p.  43)  mentior.s  Duly  three  son  .tors,  and  jilactJ 
theii  deiUli  bei'oie  the  eastern  war. 


364  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALI, 

and  whenever  he  deemed  his  own  or  the  public  safety  endan- 
gered, he  disregarded  the  rules  of  evidence,  and  the  proportion 
of  punishments.  The  unprovoked  rebellion  with  which  the 
Romans  rewarded  his  services,  exasperated  his  haughty  spirit. 
The  noblest  families  of  the  capital  were  involved  in  the  guilt 
or  suspicion  of  this  dark  conspiracy.  A  hasty  spirit  of  revenge 
urged  the  bloody  prosecution,  and  it  proved  fatal  to  one  of  the 
nephews  of  the  emperor.  The  executioners  (if  we  may  use 
the  expression  of  a  contemporary  poet)  were  fatigued,  the 
prisons  were  crowded,  and  the  unhappy  senate  lamented  the 
death  or  absence  of  its  most  illustrious  members.s-'  Nor  was 
the  pride  of  Aiirelian  less  offensive  to  that  assembly  than  his 
cruelty.  Ignorant  or  impatient  of  the  restraints  of  civil  insti- 
tutions, he  disdained  to  hold  his  power  by  any  other  title  than 
that  of  the  sword,  and  governed  by  right  of  conquest  an 
empire  which  he  had  saved  and  subdued.^^ 

It  was  observed  by  one  of  the  most  sagacious  of  the  Roman 
princes,  that  the  talents  of  his  predecessor  Aurelian  were 
better  suited  to  the  command  of  an  army,  than  to  the  govern- 
ment of  an  empire.^^  Conscious  of  the  character  in  which 
nature  and  experience  had  enabled  him  to  excel,  he  again  took 
the  field  a  few  months  after  his  triumph.  It  was  expedient  to 
exercise  the  restless  temper  of  the  legions  in  some  foreign 
war,  and  the  Persian  monarch,  exulting  in  the  shame  of 
Valerian,  still  braved  with  impunity  the  offended  majesty  of 
Rome.  At  the  head  of  an  army,  less  formidable  by  its  num- 
bers than  by  its  discipline  and  valor,  the  emperor  advanced  as 
lux  as  the  Straits  which  divide  Europe  from  Asia.  He  there 
experienced  that  the  most  absolute  power  is  a  weak  defence 
against  the  effects  of  despair.  He  had  threatened  one  of  his 
secretaries  who  was  accused  of  extortion  ;  and  it  was  known 
that  he  seldom  threatened  in  vain.  The  last  hope  which 
remained  for  the  criminal,  was  to  involve  some  of  the  principal 
officers  of  the  army  in  his  danger,  or  at  least  in  his  fears. 
Artfully  counterfeiting  his  master's  hand,  he  showed  them,  in 

•*  Nulla  catenati  feralis  pompa  senatAs 

Carniticum  lasaabit  opus  ;  nee  carccre  plcno 
Infelix  raros  numcrabit  curia  Patrcs. 

Calphurn.  Eclog.  i.  GO. 

**  According  to  the  younger  Victor,  he  sometimes  wore  the  diadem 
Deus  and  Dominus  appear  on  his  medals. 

•*  It  was  the  observation  of  Piocletian.  See  Vopiscus  in  Kia^ 
August,  p.  224. 


OF    THE    ROMAN     EMPIRE.  .?fi5 

A  long  and  blooily  list,  their  owr  names  devoted  to  death. 
Without  suspecting  or  examining  the  fraud,  they  resolved  to 
secure  their  lives  by  the  niunier  of  the  emperor.  On  his 
march,  between  Byzantium  and  Ileraclea,  Aurelian  was  sud 
denly  attacked  by  the  conspirators,  whose  stations  gave  them 
a  right  to  surround  his  person,  and  after  a  short  resistance, 
fell  by  the  hand  of  Mucapor,  a  general  whom  he  had  alwaya 
loved  and  trusted.  He  died  regretted  by  the  army,  detested 
by  the  senate,  but  universally  acknowledged  as  a  warlike  and 
fortunate  prince,  the  useful  though  severe  reformer  of  a 
degenerate  state .^^ 

**  Vopiaciis  in  Hist.  August,  p.  221.     Zofxmiu,  L  L  p.  67.    ButTop 
he  16.    Tjie  two  Vioton. 


CHAPTER    XII. 

CONDUCT    OF    TnE    ARMY    ANB     SENATE     AFTER    THE     DEATH    OF 

AURELIAN. REIGNS    OF    TACITUS,    PROBUS,   CARUS,  AND    HIS 

SONS. 

Such  was  uie  unhappy  condition  of  the  Roman  emperors, 
that,   whatever  might   be   their  conduct,  their  fate  was  com- 
monly the  same.     A  Ufe  of  pleasure  or  virtue,  of  severity  ox 
niildness,  of  indolence  or  glory,  alike  led  to  an  untimely  grave  ; 
and  almost  ever}'  reign  is  closed  by  the  same  disgusting  repe- 
tition of  treason  and  murder.    The  death  of  Aurelian,  however, 
'\s  remarkable  by  its  extraordinary  consequences.    The  legions 
admired,  lamented,  and  revenged  their  victorious  chief.     The 
artifice  of  his  perfidious  secretary  was  discovered  and  punished. 
The  deluded  conspirators  attended  the  funeral  of  their  injured 
sovereign,  with  sincere  or  well-feigned  contrition,  and  submit 
ted  to  the  unanimous  resolution  of  the  military  order,  which 
was  signified  by  the  following  epistle:  "  The  brave  and  fortu- 
nate armies  to  the  senate  and  people  of  Rome.  —  The  crime 
of  one  man,  and  the  error  of  many,  have  deprived  us  of  the 
late  emperor   Aurelian.     May  it    please  you,  venerable  lords 
and  fathers  !  to  place  iiim  in  the  number  of  the  gods,  and  to 
appoint  a  successor  whom  your  judgment  shall  declare  woilliy 
of  the  Imperial  purple  !     None  of  those,  whose  guilt  or  misfor- 
tune have  contributed  to  our  loss,  shall  ever  reign  over  us."  * 
The    Roman    senators    heard,    without    surprise,  that    another 
emperor    liad    been    assassinated    in    his  camp  ;    they  secretly 
rejoiced   in   tlie  fall  of  Aurelian  ;    but  the   modest  and  dutiful 
address   of    the    legions,    when    it    was   communicated    in    fidl 
assembly  by  the  consul,  diflfused    the  most  pleasing  astonish- 
ment.      Such     honors     as    fear    and     perhaps     esteem     could 
extort,   they   liberally   poured   forth   on    the   memory   of  theii 
deceased     sovereign.       Such     acknowledgments    as    gratitude 
could    inspire,    they    returned    to    the    faithful    armies    of   the 
republic,  wiio  entertained  so  just  a  sense  of  the  legal  authority 

'  Vopisciis  in  Hist   August,  p.  222.     Aiirclius  Victor  uipnticiis  a  for 
mal  (leputaliou  from  the  troops  to  tiifc  senate. 
3(i0 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE  367 

of  ihe  senate  in  the  choice  of  an  emperor.  Yet,  notwithstand. 
ing  this  flattering  appeal,  the  most  prudent  of  the  assembly 
declined  exposing  their  safety  and  dignity  to  the  caprice  of  an 
armed  multitude.  The  strength  of  the  legions  was,  indeed, 
a  pledge  of  their  sincerity,  since  those  who  may  command 
are  seldom  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  dissembling  ;  but  cou!<d 
it  naturally  be  expected,  that  a  hasty  repentance  would  correct 
the  inveterate  habits  of  fourscore  years  ?  Should  the  soldiera 
relapse  into  their  accustomed  seditions,  their  insolence  might 
disgrace  the  majesty  of  the  senate,  and  prove  fatal  to  the  object 
of  its  choice.  Motives  like  these  dictated  a  decree,  by  which 
the  election  of  a  new  emperor  was  referred  to  the  suflVaiie 
of  the  military  order. 

The  contention  that  ensued  is  one  of  the  best  attested,  but 
most  improbable  events  in  the  history  of  mankind.^  The 
troops,  as  if  satiated  with  the  exercise  of  power,  again  con- 
jured the  senate  to  invest  one  of  its  own  body  with  the  Impe- 
rial purple.  The  senate  still  persisted  in  its  refusal ;  the  army 
in  its  request.  The  reciprocal  offer  was  pressed  and  rejected 
at  least  three  times,  and,  whilst  the  obstinate  modesty  of  either 
party  was  resolved  to  receive  a  master  from  the  hands  of  the 
other,  eight  months  insensibly  elapsed  ;  an  amazing  period  of 
tranquil  anarchy,  during  which  the  Roman  world  remained 
without  a  sovereign,  without  a  usurper,  and  without  a  sedi- 
tion.* The  generals  and  magistrates  appointed  by  Aurelian 
continued  to  execute  their  ordinary  functions ;  and  it  is  ob- 
served, that  a  proconsul  of  Asia  was  the  only  considerable 
person  removed  from  his  office  in  the  whole  course  of  (he 
interregnum. 

An  event  somewhat  similar,  but  much  less  authentic,  is  sjp- 
posed  to  have  happened  after  the  death  of  Romulus,  who,  in 
his  life  and  character,  bore  some  affinity  with  Aurelian.  Ihe 
throne  was  vacant  during  twelve  months,  till  the  election  of  a 


*  Vopiscus,  our  pi-incipiil  a^ithority,  wrote  at  Rome,  sixteen  years 
only  after  the  death  of  Aurelian  ;  and,  besides  the  recent  notoriety 
of  the  facts,  constantly  draws  his  materiids  from  the  Journals  of  tlie 
Senate,  and  the  original  papers  of  the  Ulpian  library.  Zosimus  and 
Zonaras  appear  as  ignorant  of  this  transaction  as  they  were  in  gcuci&l 
of  the  lioman  constitution. 


•  The  interregnum  could  not  be  more  than  seven  months  ;  Aurelian  was 
assassinated  in  the  middle  of  March,  the  ye:ir  of  Rome  1028.  Tacitus  WM 
elected  the  25tli  yeptcmber  in  the  same  year  —  G. 


368  T.IE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

Sabine  philosopher,  and  the  public  peace  was  guarded  in  the 
same  manner,  by  the  union  of  the  several  orders  of  the  state 
But,  in  the  time  of  Numa  and  Romulus,  the  arms  of  the  peo- 
ple were  controlled  by  the  authority  of  the  Patricians  ;  and 
the  balance  of  freedom  was  easily  preserved  in  a  small  and 
virtuous  community .-^  The  decline  of  the  Roman  state,  far 
different  from  its  infancy,  was  attended  with  every  circum- 
stance that  could  banish  from  an  intex'regnum  the  prospect  of 
&bedien<*,e  and  harmony  :  an  immense  and  tumultuous  capital, 
a  wide  extent  of  empire,  the  servile  equality  of  despotism,  an 
army  of  four  hundred  thousand  mercenaries,  and  the  experi- 
ence of  frequent  revolutions.  Yet,  notwithstanding  all  these 
temptations,  the  discipline  and  memory  of  Aurelian  still 
restrained' the  seditious  temper  of  the  troops,  as  well  as  the 
fatal  ambition  of  their  leaders.  The  flower  of  the  legions 
maintained  their  stations  on  the  banks  of  the  Bosphorus,  and 
the  Imperial  standard  awed  the  less  powerful  camps  of  Rome 
and  of  the  provinces.  A  generous  though  transient  enthu- 
siasm seemed  to  animate  tlie  military  order ;  and  we  may 
hope  that  a  few  real  patriots  cultivated  the  returning  t'riend- 
ship  of  the  army  and  the  senate,  as  the  only  expedient  capa- 
ble of  restoring  the  republic  to  its  ancient  beauty  and  vigor. 

On  the  twenty-fifth  of  September,  near  eight  months  after 
the  murder  of  Aurelian,  the  consul  convoked  an  assembly  of 
the  senate,  and  reported  the  doubtful  and  dangerous  situation 
of  the  empire.  He  slightly  insinuated,  that  the  precarious 
loyalty  of  the  soldiers  depended  on  the  chance  of  every  hour, 
and  of  every  accident ;  but  he  represented,  with  the  most  con- 
vincing eloquence,  the  various  dangers  that  might  attend  any 
further  delay  in  the  choice  of  an  emperor.  Intelligence,  he 
said,  was  already  received,  that  the  Germans  had  passed  the 
Rhine,  and  occupied  some  of  the  strongest  and  most  opulent 
cities  of  Gaul.  The  ambition  of  the  Persian  king  kept  the 
East  in  perpetual  alarms  ;  Egypt,  Africa,  and  lllyricum,  were 
exposed  to  foreign  and  domestic  arms,  and  the  levity  of 
Syria  would  prefer  even  a  female  sceptre  to  the  sanctity  of 
the  Roman  laws.  The  consul,  then  addressing  iiimself  to 
Tacitus,  the  first  of  the  senators,^   required    his   opinion    on 

• 

'  Liv.  i.  17.  Dionys.  Halicarn.  1.  ii.  p.  115.  I'iutarch  in  Numa, 
p.  60.  The  first  of  these  writers  relates  the  story  like  an  orator,  tho 
«ecou(l  like  a  lawyer,  and  the  third  like  a  moralist,  and  none  of  them 
probably  without  some  intermixture  of  fable. 

*  Vopiscufi  (in  Hist.  August,  p.  227)  calls  him  "  i^rinaae  Bonteniia 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIBE.  36J> 

ihe  important  subject  of  a  proper  candidate  for  the  vacant 
throne. 

If  we  can  prefer  personal  merit  to  accidental  greatness,  we 
nhall  esteem  the  birth  of  Tacitus  more  truly  noble  than  tha* 
of  kings.  He  claimed  his  descent  from  the  philosopliic  his- 
torian, whose  writings  will  instruct  the  last  generationa  of 
mankind.5  "The  senator  Tacitus  was  then  seventy-five  years 
of  age,^  The  long  period  of  his  innocent  life  was  adorned 
with  wealth  and  honors.  He  had  twice  been  invested  with 
the  consulai  dignity,''  and  enjoyed  with  elegance  and  sobriety 
lis  arriple  patrimony  of  between  two  and  three  millions  ster- 
ling.® The  experience  of  so  many  princes,  whom  he  had 
esteemed  or  endured,  from  tlie  vain  follies  of  Elagabalus  to 
the  useful  rigor  of  Aurelian,  taught  him  to  form  a  just  estimate 
of  the  duties,  the  dangers,  and  the  temptations  of  their  sublime 
station.  From  the  assiduous  study  of  his  immortal  ancestor 
he  derived  the  knowledge  of  the  Roman  constitution,  and  of 
human  nature.^  The  voice  of  the  people  had  already  named 
Tacitus  as  the  citizen  the  most  worthy  of  empire.  The  un- 
grateful rumor  reached  his  ears,  and  induced  him  to  seek  the 
retirement  of  one  of  his  villas  in  Campania.  He  had  passed 
two  months  in  tlie  delightful  privacy  of  Baiae,  when  he  re- 
luctantly obeyed  the  summons  of  the  consul  to  resume  his 
honorable  place  in  the  senate,  and  to  a.ssist  the  republic  with 
his  counsels  on  this  important  occasion. 

consularis  ;  "  and  soon  afterwards  Princeps  sencUih.  It  is  natural  to 
suppose,  that  the  raonarchs  of  Rome,  disdaining  that  humble  title, 
resigned  it  to  the  naost  ancient  of  the  senators. 

*  The  only  objection  to  this  genealogy  is,  that  the  historian  wa* 
named  Cornelius,  the  emperor,  Claudius.  Eut  under  the  lower  em- 
pire, surnames  were  extremely  various  and  uncertuin. 

*  Zonuras,  1.  xii.  p.  637.  The  Alexandrian  Chronicle,  by  an  obvi- 
ous mistake,  transfers  that  age  to  Aurelian. 

'  In  the  year  273,  he  was  ordinary  consul.  But  he  must  have  been 
Buffcctus  many  years  before,  and  most  probably  under  Valerian. 

*  Bis  millies  octingenties.  Yopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  j).  229.  This 
gum,  according  to  the  old  standard,  was  equivalent  to  eight  hundred 
and  forty  thousand  Roman  pounds  of  silver,  each  of  the  value  of 
three  pounds  sterling.  But  in  the  age  of  Tacitus,  the  coin  had  lost 
much  of  its  weight  and  purity. 

'  After  his  accession,  he  gave  orders  that  ten  copies  of  the  histo- 
rian should  be  annually  transcribed  and  placed  in  the  public  libraries. 
The  Roman  libraries  have  long  since  perished,  and  the  most  valuable 
part  of  Tacitus  was  preserved  in  a  single  MS.,  and  discovered  in  a 
monastery  of  Westphalia.  See  Bayle,  Dictionnairo,  Art.  Tacite,  and 
Lipaius  ad  Annal.  ii.  9. 


370  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL  ' 

He  arose  to  speak,  when  from  every  quarter  of  ihe  house, 
ne  was  sauted  with  the  names  of  Augustus  and  emperor. 
^  Tacitus  Augustus,  the  gods  preserve  thee  !  we  chocse  thee 
for  our  sovereign  ;  to  thy  care  we  intrust  the  republic  and  tho 
world.  Accept  the  empire  from  the  authority  of  the  senate. 
It  is  due  to  thy  rank,  to  thy  conduct,  to  thy  manners."  A? 
soon  as  the  tumult  of  acclamations  subsided,  Taciffis  attempted 
to  decline  the  dangerous  honor,  and  to  express  his  wonder, 
that  they  should  elect  his  age  and  infirmities  to  succeed  the 
martial  vigor  of  Aurelian.  "  Are  these  Umbs,  conscript 
fathers !  fitted  to  sustain  the  weight  of  armor,  or  to  practise 
the  exercises  of  the  camp  ?  The  variety  of  climates,  and  the 
hardships  of  a  military  life,  would  soon  oppress  a  feeble  con- 
stitution, which  subsists  only  by  the  most  tender  management. 
My  exhausted  strength  scarcely  enables  me  to  discharge  the 
duty  of  a  senator;  how  insufficient  would  it  prove  to  the 
arduous  labors  of  war  and  government !  Can  you  hope,  that 
the  legions  will  respect  a  weak  old  man,  whose  days  have 
been  spent  in  the  shade  of  peace  and  retirement  ?  Can  you 
desire  that  I  should  ever  find  reason  to  regret  the  favorable 
opinion  of  the  senate  ?  "  ^^ 

The  reluctance  of  Tacitus  (and  it  might  possibly  be  sincere) 
was  encountered  by  the  affectionate  obstinacy  of  the  senate. 
Five  hundred  voices  repeated  at  once,  in  eloquent  confusion, 
that  the  greatest  of  the  Roman  princes,  Numa,  Trajan, 
Hadrian,  and  the  Antonines,  had  ascended  the  throne  in  a 
very  advanced  season  of  life  ;  that  the  mind,  not  the  body,  a 
sovereign,  not  a  soldier,  was  the  object  of  their  choice  ;  and 
that  they  expected  from  him  no  more  than  to  guide  by  his 
wisdom  the  valor  of  the  legions.  These  pressing  though 
tiunultuary  instances  were  seconded  by  a  more  regular  oration 
of  Metius  Falconius,  the  next  on  the  consular  bench  to  Tacitus 
himself.  He  reminded  the  assembly  of  the  evils  which  Rome 
had  endured  from  the  vices  of  headstrong  and  ca])ricious 
youths,  congratulated  them  on  the  election  of  a  virtuous  and 
experienced  senator,  and,  with  a  manly,  though  perhaps  a 
selfish,  freedom,  exhorted  Tacitus  to  remember  the  reasons 
of  his  elevation,  and  to  seek  a  successor,  not  in  his  own 
family,  but  in  the  republic.  The  speech  of  Falconius  was 
enforced  by  a  general  acclamation.  The  emperor  ulect  sub. 
aiitted  to  the  authority  of  his  country,  and  received  the  volun 


Vopiflcu3  in  Hist.  A.vtf  ust.  p.  227. 


OF    THE    ROiMAN    EMPIRE  371 

lary  homag<  of  liis  equals.  The  judgment  of  the  senate  was 
confirmed  by  the  consent  of  the  Roman  people,  and  of  the 
Pnetorian  guards.^i 

The  administration  of  Tacitus  was  not  unworthy  of  his  life 
and  principles.  A  grateful  servant  of  the  senate,  he  consid- 
ered that  national  council  as  the  author,  and  himself  as  the 
subject,  of  the  laws.^^  He  studied  to  heal  the  wounds  which 
Imperial  pride,  civil  discord,  and  military  violence,  had  in- 
flicted on  the  constitution,  and  to  restore,  at  least,  the  image 
of  the  ancient  republic,  as  it  had  been  preserved  by  the  policy 
of  Augustus,  and  the  virtues  of  Trajan  and  the  Antonines. 
It  may  not  be  useless  to  recapitulate  some  of  the  most  im- 
portant prerogatives  which  the  senate  appeared  to  have  re- 
gained by  the  election  of  Tacitus.'-^  1.  To  invest  one  of 
their  body,  under  the  title  of  emperor,  with  the  general  com- 
mand of  the  armies,  and  the  government  of  the  frontier 
provinces.  2.  To  determine  the  list,  or,  as  it  was  then  styled, 
the  College  of  Consuls.  They  were  twelve  in  number,  who, 
in  successive  pairs,  each,  during  tlie  sjjace  of  two  months, 
filled  the  year,  and  represented  the  dignity  of  that  ancient 
office.  The  authority  of  the  senate,  in  the  nomination  of  the 
consuls,  was  e.\ercised  with  such  independent  freedom,  that  no 
regard  was  paid  to  an  irregidar  request  of  the  emperor  in 
favor  of  his  brother  Florianus.  "  The  senate,"  exclaimed 
Tacitus,  with  the  honest  transport  of  a  patriot,  "  understand 
the  character  of  a  prince  whom  they  have  chosen."  3.  To 
appoint  the  proconsuls  and  presidents  of  the  provinces,  and 
to  confer  on  all  the  magistrates  their  civil  jurisdiction.  4.  To 
receive  appeals  through  the  intermediate  office  of  the  prcefect 
of  the  city  from  all  the  tribunals  of  the  empire.  5.  To  give 
force  and  validity,  by  their  decrees,  to  such  as  they  should 
approve  of  the  emperor's  edicts.  6.  To  these  several  branches 
of  authority  we  may  add  some  inspection  over  the  finances. 


"  Hist.  August,  p.  228.  Tacitus  addressed  the  PraDtorians  by  the 
app(ilation  of  sanctissimi  milites,  and  the  people  by  that  of  sacraiissimi 
Quirites. 

'*  111  his  manumissions  he  never  exceeded  the  number  of  a  hun- 
dred, as  limited  by  the  Caniniiin  law,  wliich  was  enacted  under 
Augustus,  and  at  length  repealed  by  Justinian.  See  Casaubon  ad 
'ocum  Vopisci. 

"  See  the  lives  of  Tacitus,  Florianus,  and  Probus,  in  the  Augustari 
History ;  we  may  be  well  assured,  that  whatever  the  soldier  gave,  th« 
(69  at  or  had  already  given. 


872  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

Since,  even   in   the  stern   reign   of  Aurelian,  it  was  ;n  their 
powei  to  divert  a  part  of  the  revenue  from  the  pubhc  service.^^ 

Circular  epistles  were  sent,  without  delay,  to  all  the  prin- 
cipal cities  of  the  empire,  Treves,  Milan,  Afjuileia,  Thessalo- 
nica,  Corinth,  Athens,  Antioch,  Alexandria,  and  Carthage,  to 
claim  their  obedience,  and  to  inform  them  of  the  happy  revo- 
lution, which  had  restored  the  Roman  senate  to  its  ancient 
dignity.  Two  of  these  epistles  are  still  extant.  We  likewise 
possess  two  very  singular  fragments  of  the  private  correspond- 
ence of  the  senators  on  this  occasion.  They  discover  the  most 
excessive  joy,  and  the  most  unbounded  hopes.  "  Cast  away 
your  indolence,"  it  is  thus  that  one  of  the  senators  addresses 
his  friend,  "  emerge  from  your  retirements  of  Baiae  and 
Puteoli.  Give  yourself  to  the  city,  to  the  senate.  Rome 
flourishes,  the  whole  republic  flourishes.  Thanks  to  the  Roman 
army,  to  an  army  truly  Roman ;  at  length  we  have  recovered 
our  just  authority,  the  end  of  all  our  desires.  We  hear  ap- 
peals, we  appoint  proconsuls,  we  create  emperors  ;  perhaps 
too  we  may  restrain  them  —  to  the  wise  a  word  is  sufiicient."  ^^ 
These  lofty  expectations  were,  however,  soon  disappointed  ; 
nor,  indeed,  was  it  possible  that  the  armies  and  the  provinces 
should  long  obey  the  luxurious  and  unwarlike  nobles  of  Rome. 
On  the  slightest  touch,  the  unsupported  fabric  of  their  prido 
and  power  fell  to  the  ground.  The  expiring  senate  displayed 
a  sudden  lustre,  blazed  for  a  moment,  and  was  extinguished 
forever. 

All  that  had  yet  passed  at  Rome  was  no  more  than  a  theat- 
rical representation,  unless  it  was  ratified  by  the  more  sub- 
stantial power  of  the  legions.  Leaving  the  senators  to  enjoy 
their  dream  of  freedom  and  ambition,  Tacitus  proceeded  to 
the  Thracian  camp,  and  was  there,  by  the  Pnetorian  prajfect, 
presented  to  the  assembled  troops,  as  the  prince  whom  they 
themselves  had  demanded,  and  whom  the  senate  had  bestowed. 
As  soon  as  the  prsefect  was  silent,  the  emperor  addressed  him- 
self to  the  soldiers  with  eloquence  and  propriety.  He  gratified 
their  avarice  by  a  liberal  distribution  of  treasure,  under  the 
names  of  pay  and  donative.  He  engaged  their  esteem  by  a 
spirited   declaration,  that  although   his  age  might  disable  him 


"  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.   216.      The  passage  is  perfectly 
elear,  yet  both  Casaubon  and  Salmasius  wish  to  correct  it. 

'*  Vo])iscu9  in  Hist.  August,  p.  230,  232,  233.     The  senators  eele 
brated  tlie  happy  restoration  with  hecatombs  and  public  rejoicings. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  373 

from  the  performance  of  military  exploits,  his  counsels  should 
never  be  unworthy  of  a  Roman  general,  the  successor  of  the 
brave  Aureliaii.^'^ 

Whilst  the  deceased  emperor  was  making  preparations  foi 
a  second  expedition  into  the  East,  he  had  negotiated  with  the 
Alani,*  a  Scythian  people,  who  pitched  their  tents  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  Lake  Mogotis.  Those  barbarians,  allured 
by  presents  and  subsidies,  had  promised  to  invade  Persia  wilh 
a  numerous  body  of  light  cavalry.  They  were  faithful  to 
their  engagements  ;  but  when  they  arrived  on  the  Roman 
frontier,  Aurelian  was  already  dead,  the  design  of  the  Persian 
war  was  at  least  suspended,  and  the  generals,  who,  during  the 
interregnum,  exercised  a  doubtful  authority,  were  unprepared 
either  to  receive  or  to  oppose  them.  Provoked  by  such  treat- 
ment, which  they  considered  as  trifling  and  perfidious,  the 
Alani  had  recourse  to  their  own  va4or  for  their  payment  and 
revenge  ;  and  as  they  moved  with  the  usual  swiftness  of  Tar- 
tars, they  had  soon  spread  themselves  over  the  provinces  of 
Pontus,  Cappadocia,  Cilicia,  and  Galatia.  The  legions,  who 
from  the  opposite  shores  of  the  Bosphorus  could  almost  dis- 
tinguish the  flames  of  the  cities  and  villages,  impatiently  urged 
their  general  to  lead  them  against  the  invaders.  The  conduct 
of  Tacitus  was  suitable  to  his  age  and  station.  He  convinced 
the  barbarians  of  the  faith,  as  well  as  the  power,  of  the  em- 
pire. Great  numbers  of  the  Alani,  appeased  by  the  punctua- 
discharge  of  the  engagements  which  Aurelian  had  contracted 
with  them,  relinquished  their  booty  and  captives,  and  quietly 
retreated  to  their  own  deserts,  beyond  the  Phasis.  Against 
the  remainder,  who  refused  peace,  the  Roman  emperor  waged, 
in  person,  a  successful  war.  Seconded  by  an  army  of  brave 
and  experienced  veterans,  in  a  few  weeks  he  delivered  the 
provinces  of  Asia  from  the  terror  of  the  Scythian  invasion. ''' 

But  the  glory  and  life  of  Tacitus  were  of  short  duration. 
Transported,  in   the  depth   of  winter,  from  the  soft  retirement 


'*  Hist.  August,  p.  228. 

1'  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  230.  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  57.  Zonaras, 
i  xii.  p.  637.  Two  passages  in  the  life  of  Probus  (p.  236,  238)  con 
vince  mc,  that  these  Scythian  invaders  of  Pontus  were  Alani.  If  we 
may  believe  Zosimus,  (1.  i.  p.  58,)  Plorianus  pursued  them  as  far  aa 
the  Cimmerian  Bosphorus.  But  ho  had  scarcely  time  for  so  long  and 
difficult  an  expedition, 

♦  On  the  Alani,  see  oh.  xxvi.  note  W.  — M. 


374  THE  decline;  and  fat.i, 

of  Caripania  to  the  foot  of  Mount  Caucasus,  he  sunk  under 
the  unaccustomed  hardships  of  a  military  life.  The  fatigues 
of  the  body  were  aggravated  by  the  cares  of  the  mind.  For 
a  while,  the  angry  and  selfish  passions  of  the  soldiers  had 
been  suspended  by  the  enthusiasm  of  public  virtue.  They 
soon  broke  out  with  redoubled  violence,  and  raged  in  the 
camp,  and  even  in  the  tent  of  the  aged  emperor.  His  mild 
and  amiable  character  served  only  to  inspire  contempt,  and 
he  was  incessantly  tormented  with  factions  which  he  could 
not  assuage,  and  by  demands  which  it  was  impossible  to  satis- 
fy. Whatever  flattering  expectations  he  had  conceived  of 
reconciling  the  public  disorders,  Tacitus  soon  was  convinced 
that  the  licentiousness  of  the  army  disdained  the  feeble  re- 
straint of  laws,  and  his  last  hour' was  hastened  by  anguish 
and  disappointment.  It  may  be  doubtful  whether  the  soldiers 
imbrued  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  this  innocent  prince. ^^  It 
is  certain  that  their  insolence  was  the  cause  of  his  death.  He 
expired  at  Tyana  in  Cappadocia,  after  a  reign  of  only  six 
months  and  about  twenty  days.^^ 

The  eyes  of  Tacitus  were  scarcely  closed,  before  hia 
brother  Florianus  showed  himself  unworthy  to  reign,  by  the 
hasty  usurpation  of  the  purple,  without  expecting  the  appro- 
bation of  the  senate.  The  reverence  for  the  Roman  constitu- 
tion, which  yet  influenced  the  camp  and  the  provinces,  was 
sufficiently  strong  to  dispose  them  to  censure,  but  not  to  pro- 
voke them  to  oppose,  the  precipitate  ambition  of  Florianus. 
The  discontent  would  have  evaporated  in  idle  murmurs,  had 
not  the  general  of  the  East,  the  heroic  Probus,  boldly  declared 
himself  the  avenger  of  the  senate.  The  contest,  however, 
was  still  unequal ;  nor  could  the  most  able  leader,  at  the  head 
of  the  effeminate  troops  of  Egypt  and  Syria,  encounter,  with 
any  hopes  of  victory,  the  legions  of  Europe,  whose  irresist- 
ible strength  appeared  to  support  the  brother  of  Tacitus.  But 
the  fortune  and  activity  of  Probus  triumphed  over  every  ob- 
stacle. The  hardy  veterans  of  his  rival,  accustomed  to  cold 
climates,  sickened  and  consumed  away  in  the  sultry  heats  of 


'*  Eutropius  and  Aurelius  Victor  only  say  tViat  he  died ;  Victor 
Junior  adds,  that  it  was  of  a  fever.  Zosimns  and  Zonaras  affirm,  that 
he  was  killed  by  the  soldiers.  Vopiscus  mentions  both  accounts,  and 
aecms  to  hesitate.  Yet  surely  these  jarring  opinions  are  easily  recon- 
ciled. 

'•  According  to  the  two  Victors,  he  reigned  exactly  two  hundred 


OF    THE    ROMAN     EMPIRE.  3*5 


Cilicia,  where  the  summer  proved  remarkably  unwhoicsornc. 
Their  numbers  were  diminished  by  frequent  desertion  ;  the 
passes  of  the  mountains  were  feebly  defended  ;  Tarsus 
opened  its  gates  ;  and  the  soldiers  of  Florianus,  when  they 
had  permitted  him  to  enjoy  the  Imperial  title  about  three 
months,  delivered  the  empire  from  civil  war  by  the  easy 
sacrihce  of  a  prince  whom  they  despised.^o 

The  perpetual  revolutions  of  the  throne  had  so  perfectly 
i-rased  every  notion  of  hereditary  right,  that  the  family  of  an 
unfortunate  emperor  was  incapable  of  exciting  the  jealousy 
of  his  successors.  The  children  of  Tacitus  and  Florianus 
were  permitted  to  descend  into  a  private  station,  and  to  min- 
gle with  the  general  mass  of  the  people.  Their  povertv 
indeed  became  an  additional  safeguard  to  their  innocence. 
When  Tacitus  was  elected  by  the  senate,  he  resigned  his 
ample  patrimony  to  the  public  service  ;2i  an  act  of  generosity 
specious  in  appearance,  but  which  evidently  disclosed  his  in- 
tention of  transmitting  the  empire  to  his  descendants.  The 
only  consolation  of  their  fallen  state  was  the  remembrance  of 
transient  greatness,  and  a  distant  hope,  the  child  of  a  flatter- 
ing prophecy,  that  at  the  end  of  a  thousand  years,  a  monarch 
of  the  race  of  Tacitus  should  arise,  the  protector  of  the  sen- 
ate, the  restorer  of  Rome,  and  the  conqueror  of  the  whole 
earth.22 

The  peasants  of  Illyricum,  who  had  already  given  Claudius 
and  Aurelian  to  the  sinking  empire,  had  an  equal  right  to 
glory  in  the  elevation  of  Probus.23  Above  twenty  years 
before,  the  emperor  Valerian,  with  his  usual  penetration,  had 
discovered  the  rising  merit  of  the  young  soldier,  on  whom  he 
conferred  the  rank  of  tribune,  long  before  the  age  prescribed 
by  the  military  regulations.  The  tribune  soon  justified  hig 
choice,  by  a   victory  over   a    great   body  of  Sarmalians,   in 

*"  Hist.  August,  p.  231.  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  58,  59.  Zonaras,  1,  xii. 
p.  637.  Aurclius  Victor  says,  that  Probus  assumed  the  eminre  in 
Illyricum  ;  an  opinion  which  (though  adopted  by  a  very  learned  man) 
would  throw  that  period  of  history  into  inextricable  confusion. 

*'  Hist.  August,  p.  229. 

"  lie  was  to  send  judges  to  the  Parthians,  Persians,  and  Sarina- 
tians,  a  president  to  Taprobani,  and  a  jiroconsul  to  the  Koman  island, 
(supposed  by  Casaubon  and  Salmasius  to  mean  Britain.)  Such  8 
history  as  mine  (says  Vopiscus  -with  proi)cr  modesty)  will  not  subsist 
h  thousand  years,  to  expose  or  justify  the  j)rcdittion. 
.  "  For  Iho  jnivate  life  of  Probus,  see  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  Au{;u8t  p» 
234—237. 


376  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

which  he  saved  the  life  of  a  near  relation  of  Valerian  ;  and 
deserved  to  receive  .from  the  emperor's  hand  the  collars, 
bracelets,  spears,  and  banners,  the  mural  and  the  civic  crown, 
and  all  the  honorable  rewards  reserved  by  ancient  Rome  for 
successful  valor.  The  third,  and  afterwards  the  tenth,  legion 
were  intrusted  to  the  command  of  Probus,  who,  in  every 
step  of  his  promotion,  showed  himself  superior  to  the  station 
which  he  filled.  Africa  and  Pontus,  the  Rhine,  the  Danube, 
the  Euphrates,  and  the  Nile,  by  turns  afforded  him  the  most 
splendid  occasions  of  displaying  his  personal  prowess  and  his 
conduct  in  war.  Aurelian  was  indebted  to  him  for  the  con- 
quest of  Egypt,  and  still  more  indebted  for  the  honest  courage 
with  which  he  often  checked  the  cruelty  of  his  master.  Taci- 
lus,  who  desired  by  the  abilities  of  his  generals  to  supply 
dis  own  deficiency  of  military  talents,  named  him  command- 
er-in-chief of  all  the  eastern  provinces,  with  five  times  the 
usual  salary,  the  promise  of  the  consulship,  and  the  hope  of 
a  triumph.  When  Probus  ascended  the  Imperial  throne,  he 
was  about  forty-four  years  of  age  ;2'*  in  the  full  possession  of 
his  fame,  of  the  love  of  the  army,  and  of  a  mature  vigor  of 
mind  and  body. 

His  acknowledged  merit,  and  the  success  of  his  arms 
against  Florianus,  left  him  without  an  enemy  or  a  competitor. 
Yet,  if  we  may  credit  his  own  professions,  very  far  from 
being  desirous  of  the  empire,  he  had  accepted  it  with  the 
most  sincere  reluctance.  "  But  it  is  no  longer  in  my  power," 
says  Probus,  in  a  private  letter,  "  to  lay  down  a  title  so  full 
of  envy  and  of  danger.  I  must  continue  to  personate  the 
character  which  the  soldiers  have  imposed  upon  me."^^  His 
dutiful  address  to  the  senate  displayed  the  sentiments,  or  at 
least  the  language,  of  a  Roman  patriot :  "  When  you  elected 
one  of  your  order,  conscript  fathers  !  to  succeed  the  emperor 
Aurelian,  you  acted  in  a  manner  suitable  to  your  justice  and 
wisdom.  For  you  are  the  legal  sovereigns  of  the  world,  and 
the  power  which  you  derive  from  your  ancestors  will  descend 
to  your  posterity.  Happy  would  it  have  been,  if  Florianus, 
instead  of  usurping  the  purple  of  his  brother,  like   a  private 


*  According  to  the  Alexandrian  chronicle,  he  was  fifty  at  the  tiino 
of  his  death. 

•*  The  letter  was  addressed  to  the  Prictorian  Praefcct,  whom  (on 
condition  of  his  jjood  behavior)  he  promised  to  continuo  in  hi» 
jficai  office.     See  Hist.  Aiigust.  p.  237. 


CF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  377 

inheritance,  had  expected  what  your  majesty  might  detcrm.ne 
either  in  his  fa\or,  or  in  that  of  any  other  person.  The  pru 
dent  soldiers  have  punished  his  rashness.  To  me  they  have 
ofTered  the  title  of  Augustus.  But  I  submit  to  your  clemency 
my  pretensions  and  my  merits."  2''  When  this  respectful 
epistle  was  read  by  the  consul,  the  senators  were  unable  to 
disguise  their  satisfaction,  that  Probus  should  condescend  thus 
humbly  to  solicit  a  sceptre  which  he  already  possessed.  They 
celebrated  with  the  warmest  gratitude  his  virtues,  his  exploits, 
and  above  all  his  moderation.  A  decree  immediately  passed, 
without  a  dissenting  voice,  to  ratify  the  election  of  the  eastern 
armies,  and  to  confer  on  their  cliicf  all  the  several  branches 
of  the  Imperial  dignity  :  the  names  of  Caesar  and  Augustus, 
the  title  of  Father  of  his  country,  the  right  of  making  in  the 
same  day  three  motions  in  the  senate,^'''  the  office  of  Pontifex 
Maximus,  the  tribunitian  power,  and  the  proconsular  com- 
mand ;  a  mode  of  investiture,  which,  though  it  seemed  to 
multiply  the  authority  of  the  emperor,  expressed  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  ancient  republic.  The  reign  of  Probus  correspond- 
ed with  this  fair  beginning.  The  senate  was  permitted  to 
direct  the  civil  administration  of  the  empire.  Their  faithful 
general  asserted  the  honor  of  the  Roman  arms,  and  often  laid 
at  their  feet  crowns  of  gold  and  barbaric  trophies,  the  fruits 
of  his.  numerous  victories.^  Yet,  whilst  he  gratified  their 
vanity,  he  must  secretly  have  despised  their  indolence  and 
weakness.  Though  it  was  every  moment  in  their  power  to 
repeal  the  disgraceful  edict  of  Gallienus,  the  proud  successors 
of  the  Scipios  patiently  acquiesced  in  their  exclusion  from  all 
military  employments.  They  soon  experienced,  that  those 
who  refuse  the  sword  must  renounce  the  sceptre. 

The  strength  of  Aurelian  had  crushed  on  every  side  the 
enemies  of  Rome  After  his  death  they  leemed  to  revive 
with  an  increase  of  fury  and  of  numbers.  They  were  again 
vanquished   by  the   active  vigor  of  Probus,  who,  in  a  short 

*'  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  237.  The  date  cf  the  letter  is 
assuredly  faulty.  Instead  of  Xon.  Februar.  we  may  read  Noiu 
All  (J  list. 

"  Hist.  August,  p.  238.  It  is  odd  that  the  senate  should  treat 
Probus  less  favorably  than  Marcus  Antoninus.  That  prince  had 
received,  even  before  the  death  of  Pius,  Jus  quintce  relatuxnis.  See 
Capitolin.  in  Hist.  August,  p.  24. 

*"*  See  the  dutiful  letter  of  Probus  to  the  senate,  after  his  German 
victories.     Hist.  August,  p.  *2;51). 
19 


378  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

reign  of  about  six  years,29  equalled  the  fame  of  ancient 
heroes,  and  restored  peace  and  order  to  every  province  of  the 
Roman  world.  The  dangerous  frontier  of  Rha3tia  he  so 
firmly  secured,  that  he  left  it  without  the  suspicion  of  an 
enemy.  He  broke  the  wandering  power  of  the  Sarmatian 
tribes,  and  by  the  terror  of  his  arms  compelled  those  barbari- 
ans to  relinquish  their  spoil.  The  Gothic  nation  courted  the 
alliance  of  so  warlike  an  emperor.^''  He  attacked  the  Isauri- 
ans  in  their  mountains,  besieged  and  took  several  of  theit 
strongest  castles,^!  and  flattered  himself  that  he  had  forever 
suppressed  a  domestic  foe,  whose  independence  so  deeply 
wounded  the  majesty  of  the  empire.  The  troubles  excited 
by  the  usurper  Firmus  in  the  Upper  Egypt  had  never  been 
perfectly  appeased,  and  the  cities  of  Ptolemais  and  Coptos 
fortified  by  the  alliance  of  the  Blemmyes,  still  maintained  an 
obscure  rebellion.  The  chastisement  of  those  cities,  and  of 
their  auxiliaries  the  savages  of  the  South,  is  said  to  have 
alarmed  the  court  of  Persia,^^  and  the  Great  King  sued  in 
vain  for  the  friendship  of  Probus.  Most  of  the  exploits  which 
distinguished  his  reign  were  achieved  by  the  personal  valor 
and  conduct  of  the  emperor,  insomuch  that  the  writer  of  his 
life  expresses  some  amazement  how,  in  so  short  a  time,  a 
single  man  could  be  present  in  so  many  distant  wars.  The 
remaining  actions  he  intrusted  to  the  care  of  his  lieutenants, 
the  judicious  choice  of  whom  forms  no  inconsiderable  part 
of  his  glory.  Carus,  Diocletian,  Maximian,  Constantius,  Gale- 
rius,  Asclepiodatus,  Annibalianus,  and  a  crowd  of  other  chiefs, 
who  afterwards  ascended  or  supported  the  throne,  were  trained 
to  arms  in  the  severe  school  of  Aurelian  and  Probus.33 

But  the  most  important  service  which  Probus  rendered  to 
the  republic  was  the  deliverance  of  Gaul,  and  the  recovery  of 

'^  The  date  and  duration  of  the  reign  of  Probus  are  very  correctlj 
ascortaiiicd  by  Cardinal  Noris  in  his  learned  work,  De  Epochis  Syro- 
Macodoniira,  p.  96 — 105.  A  passage  of  Eusebius  connects  the  second 
year  of  I'robus  with  the  seras  of  several  of  the  Syrian  cities. 

•■'^  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  239. 

^'  Zosimus  (1.  i.  p.  62 — 65)  tells  us  a  very  long  and  trifling  story 
of  Lycius,  the  Isaur'.an  robber. 

3*  Zofiim.  1.  i.  p.  65.  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  239,  240.  But 
't  seems  incredible  that  the  defeat  of  the  sas'agcs  of  ^Ethiopia  could 
atfect  the  Persian  monarch. 

^^  Ucsidcs  these  well-known  chiefs,  several  others  ai'e  named  by 
Vopiscus,  (Hist.  August,  p.  241,)  whose  actions  have  not  reached  oui 
ItQC^'lcdgo, 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  379 

sever  ty  flourishing  cities  oppressed  by  the  barbarians  of  Ger- 
many, wlio,  since  the  death  of  Aurelian,  had  ravaged  ihat  great 
province  with  impunity-^"*  Among  the  various  nnuhitude  of  those 
fierce  invaders  we  may  distinguish,  with  some  degree  of  clear- 
ness, three  great  armies,  or  rather  nations,  successively  van 
quished  by  the  valor  of  Probas.  He  drove  back  the  Franks 
uitj  their  morasses;  a  descriptive  circumstance  from  whence 
we  may  infer,  that  the  confederacy  known  by  the  manly 
appellation  of  Free,  already  occupied  the  flat  maritime 
country,  intersected  and  almost  overflown  by  the  stagnating 
waters  of  the  Rhine,  and  that  several  tribes  of  the  Frisians 
and  Batavians  had  acceded  to  their  alliance.  He  vanquished 
the  Burgundians,  a  considerable  people  of  the  Vandalic  race.* 
They  had  wandered  in  quest  of  booty  from  the  banks  of  the 
Oder  to  those  of  the  Seine.  They  esteemed  themselves  suf 
ficiently  fortunate  to  purchase,  by  the  restitution  of  all  their 
booty,  the  permission  of  an  undisturbed  retreat.  They  at- 
tempted to  elude  that  article  of  the  treaty.  Their  punishmen 
was  immediate  and  terrible."'^  But  of  all  the  invaders  of  Gaul, 
the  mast  formidable  were  the  Lygians,  a  distant  people,  who 
reigned  over  a  wide  domain  on  the  frontiers  of  Poland  and 
Silesia.36     In  the  Lygian  nation,  the  Arii  held  the  first  rank 

'«  See  the  Caesars  of  Julian,  and  Hist.  Au^st.  p.  238,  240,  241. 

'*  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  62.  Hist.  Augnst.  p.  240.  But  the  latter  sup- 
poses the  punishment  inflicted  with  the  consent  of  their  kings :  if 
BO,  it  was  partial,  like  the  offence. 

^'  See  Cluver.  Gerraania  Antiqua,  1.  iii.  Ptolemy  places  in  theii 
country  the  city  of  Calisia,  probably  Calish  in  Silosia.f 


*  It  was  only  under  the  emperors  Diocletian  and  Maximian,  that  the 
Burgundians,  in  concert  with  the  Alemanni,  invaded  the  interior  of  Gaui : 
ander  the  reign  of  Probus,  they  did  no  more  than  pass  the  river  which 
separated  them  from  the  Roman  Empire :  they  were  repelled.  Gatterer 
presumes  that  this  river  was  the  Danube ;  a  passage  in  Zosimus  appears 
to  me  rather  to  indicate  the  Rhine.  Zos.  1.  i.  p.  37,  edit.  H.  Etienne,  Ir'iil. 
—  G. 

On  the  origin  of  the  Burgundians  may  be  consulted  Malte  Brun,  Geogr 
vi.  p.  396,  (edit.  1831,)  who  observes  that  all  the  remains  of  the  I3urgun- 
iian  language  indicate  that  they  spoke  a  Gothic  dialect.  —  M. 

t  Luden  (vol.  ii.  501)  supposes  that  these  Aoyiu)V'u  have  been  erroneously 
Identified  with  the  Lygii  of  Tacitus.  Perhaps  one  fertile  source  of  mis- 
takes has  been,  that  the  Romans  have  turned  appellations  into  national 
names.  Malte  Brun  observes  of  the  Lygii,  "that  their  name  appears  Scla- 
vonian.  and  signifies  '  inhabitants  of  plains  ;  '  they  are  probably  the  Lifche» 
jf  tne  middle  ages,  and  the  ancestors  of  the  Poles.  We  find  among  thfl 
A.rii  the  worship  of  the  two  twin  gods  known  in  the  Sclavian  mythology." 
Malte  Brun,  vol.  i.  p.  278,  (edit.  1831.)— M. 

But  compare  Schafarik,  Slawische  AltcrthOmer,  l,p.  406.  They  were  of 
German  or  Keltish  descent,  occupying  the  Wcndish  (or  Slaviani  district 
Luhy-M.  1S45. 


880  THE    DECLINE    AND   FALL 

by  their  numbers  and  fierceness.  "The  Arii"  (It  is  thus 
that  they  are  described  by  the  energy  of  Tacitus)  "  st..dy  to 
improve  by  art  and  circumstances  the  innate  terrors  of  their 
barbarism.  Their  shields  are  black,  their  bodies  are  painted 
black.  They  choose  for  the  combat  the  darkest  hour  of  the 
night.  Their  host  advances,  covered  as  it  were  with  a  funeral 
shade  ;  •'^  nor  do  they  often  find  an  enemy  capable  of  sustain 
ing  so  strange  and  infernal  an  aspect.  Of  all  our  senses,  the 
eyes  are  the  first  vanquished  in  battle."  •'®  Yet  the  arms  and 
discipline  of  the  Romans  easily  discomfited  these  horrid  phan- 
toms. The  Lygii  were  defeated  in  a  general  engagement, 
and  Semno,  the  most  renowned  of  their  chiefs,  fell  alive  into 
the  hands  of  Probus.  That  prudent  emperor,  unwilling  to 
reduce  a  brave  people  to  despair,  granted  them  an  honorable 
capitulation,  and  permitted  them  to  return  in  safety  to  their 
native  country.  But  the  losses  which  they  sufTered  in  the 
march,  the  battle,  and  the  retreat,  broke  the  power  of  the 
nation  :  nor  is  the  Lygian  name  ever  repeated  in  the  history 
either  of  Germany  or  of  the  empire.  The  deliverance  of 
Gaul  is  reported  to  have  cost  the  lives  of  four  hundred  thou, 
sand  of  the  invaders  ;  a  work  of  labor  to  the  Romans,  and  of 
expense  to  the  emperor,  who  gave  a  piece  of  gold  for  the 
head  of  every  barbarian."'^  But  as  the  fame  of  warriors  is 
built  on  the  destruction  of  human  kind,  we  may  naturally 
suspect,  that  the  sanguinary  account  was  multiplied  by  the 
avarice  of  the  soldiers,  and  accepted,  without  any  very  severe 
examination  by  the  liberal  vanity  of  Probus. 

Since  the  expedition  of  Maximin,  the  Roman  generals  had 
confined  their  ambition  to  a  defensive  war  against  the  nations 
of  Germany,  vvho  perpetually  pressed  on  the  frontiers  of  the 
empire.  The  more  daring  Probus  pursued  his  Gallic  victories, 
passed  the  Rhine,  and  displayed  his  invincible  eagles  on  the 
banks  of  the  Elbe  and  the  Necker.  He  was  fully  convinced 
that  nothing  could  reconcile  the  minds  of  the  barbarians  to 
peace,  unless' they  experienced,  in  their  own  country,  the 
calamities  of  war.  Germany,  exhausted  by  the  ill  success  of 
the  last  emigration,  was  astonished  by  his  presence.  Nine 
of  the  most  considerable  princes  repaired  to  his  camp,  and  fel> 


"  Feralis  umbra,   is  the  expression  of  Tacitus :  it  is  surely  a  very 
bold  one. 

**  Tacit.  Gormania,  (c.  43.) 

*®  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  238. 


OK    THE    nOMAN    EMPiRE.  381 

prostrate  at  his  feet.  Such  a  treaty  was  humbly  received  by 
tlie  Germans,  as  it  pleased  the  conqueror  to  dictate.  He  ex- 
acted a  strict  restitution  of  the  effects  and  captives  which  they 
had  carried  away  from  the  |)rovinces  ;  and  obliged  their  own 
magistrates  to  punish  the  more  obstinate  robbers  who  pre- 
Bunjed  to  detain  any  part  of  the  spoil.  A  considerable  tribute 
of  corn,  cattle,  and  horses,  the  only  wealth  of  barbarians,  wag 
reserved  for  the  use  of  the  garrisons  which  Frobus  established 
on  the  limits  of  their  territory.  He  even  entertained  some 
thoughts  of  compelling  the  Germans  to  relinquish  the  exercise 
of  arms,  and  to  trust  their  diilerences  to  the  justice,  their  safe- 
ty to  the  power,  of  Rome.  To  accompl/sh  these  salutary 
ends,  the  constant  residence  of  an  Imperial  governor,  sup- 
ported by  a  numerous  army,  was  indispensably  requisite. 
Probus  therefore  judged  it  more  expedient  to  defer  the  exe- 
cution of  so  great  a  design  ;  which  was  indeed  rather  of 
specious  than  solid  utility.'^'^  Had  Germany  been  reduced 
into  the  state  of  a  province,  the  Romans,  with  immense  labor 
and  expense,  would  have  acquired  only  a  more  extensive 
boundary  to  defend  against  the  fiercer  and  more  active  barba- 
rians of  Scythia. 

Instead  of  reducing  the  warlike  natives  of  Germany  to  the 
condition  of  subjects,  Probus  contented  himself  with  the  hum- 
ble expedient  of  raising  a  bulwark  against  their  inroads.  The 
country  which  now  forms  the  circle  of  Swabia  had  been  left 
desert  in  the  age  of  Augustus  by  the  emigration  of  its  ancient 
inhabitants.^'  The  fertility  of  the  soil  soon  attracted  a  new 
colony  from  the  adjacent  provinces  of  Gaul.  Crowds  of  ad- 
venturers, of  a  roving  temper  and  of  desperate  fortunes, 
occupied  the  doubtful  possession,  and  acknowledged,  by  the 
payment  of  tithes,  the  majesty  of  the  empire.'-  To  protect 
these  new  subjects,  a  line  of  frontier  garrisons  was  gradually 
extended  from  the  Rhine  to  the  Danube.  About  the  reign  of 
Hadriiui,  wiien  that  iriode  of  defence  began  to  be  practised, 
these   garrisons    «vere    connected    and    covered    by   a  strong 


■*"  Ilis^t.  August,  p.  2H8,  239.  Yopiscus  quotes  a  letter  from  the 
.•mporpr  to  the  senate,  in  which  he  mentions  his  design  of  rcdui;uig 
Germany  into  a  province. 

■"  Strabo,  1.  vii.  According  to  Velleius  Paterculus,  (ii.  108,)  Mar- 
jboduus  led  his  Marcomanni  into  Bohemia ;  Cluvoriiw  (German. 
Anti^.  iii.  8)  proves  that  it  was  from  Swabia. 

*"  Ttiese  settlers,  from  the  payment  of  tithes,  were  donominatftd 
Oecumates      Tacit.  Gormania,  c.  29. 


882  TUE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

intrencliment  of  trees  and  palisades.  In  the  place  of  so  rude 
a  bulwark,  the  emperor  Probus  constructed  a  stone  wall  of  a 
considerable  heiglit,  and  strengthened  it  by  towers  at  conven- 
ient distances.  From  the  neighborhood  of  Newstadt  and 
Ratisbon  on  the  Danube,  it  stretched  across  hills,  valleys, 
rivers,  and  morasses,  as  far  as  Wimpfen  on  the  Necker,  and 
at  length  terminated  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhine,  after  a  wind- 
ing course  of  near  two  hundred  niiles.^^  This  important 
barrier,  uniting  the  two  mighty  streams  that  protected  the 
provinces  of  Europe,  seemed  to  fill  up  tlie  vacant  space 
through  which  the  barbarians,  and  particularly  the  Alemanni, 
could  penetrate  with  the  greatest  facility  into  the  heart  of  the 
empire.  But  the  experience  of  the  world,  fiom  China  to 
Britain,  has  exposed  the  vain  attempt  of  fortifying  any  exten- 
sive tract  of  country."  An  active  enemy,  who  can  select 
and  vary  his  points  of  attack,  must,  in  the  end.  discover  some 
feeble  spot,  or  some  unguarded  moment.  The  strength,  as 
well  as  the  attention,  of  the  defenders  is  divided  :  and  such  are 
the  blind  effects  of  terror  on  the  firmest  troops,  that  a  line 
broken  in  a  single  place  is  almost  instantly  deserted.  The 
fate  of  the  wall  which  Probus  erected  may  confirm  the  general 
observation.  Within  a  few  years  after  his  death,  it  was  over- 
thrown by  the  Alemanni.  Its  scattered  ruins,  universally 
ascribed  to  the  power  of  the  Dieraon,  now  serve  only  to  excite 
the  wonder  of  the  Swabian  peasant. 

**  See  notes  de  'lAbbe  de  la  Bleterie  k  la  Grermanie  de  Tacite,  p. 
183.  His  account  of  the  wall  is  chiefly  borrowed  (as  he  says  himself) 
from  the  Ahatia  Illustrata  of  Schoepflin. 

**  See  liecherches  sur  les  Chinois  ct  lea  Egyptiens,  torn.  ii.  p.  81 
— 102.  The  anonymous  author  is  well  acquainted  with  the  globe  in 
general,  and  with  Germany  in  particular  :  with  regard  to  the  latter, 
he  quotes  a  work  of  M.  Hanselman ;  but  he  seems  to  confound  the 
\yaU  of  Probus,  designed  against  the  Alemanni,  with  the  fortifica- 
tion of  the  Mattiaci,  constructed  in  the  neighborhood  of  Frankfort 
Ri;:iinst  the  Catti.* 


•  De  Pauw  is  well  known  to  have  been  the  author  of  this  work,  as  of 
the  liecherches  sur  les  Americains  before  quoted.  The  judf^nnent  of  M. 
Remusat  on  this  writer  is  in  a  very  different,  I  fear  a  juster  tone.  Quand 
au  lieu  de  recherchcr,  d'exaniiner,  d'i'tudier,  on  se  borne,  conime  cet  ecri- 
vain,  a  juger,  a  prononcer,  a  decider,  sans  connoitre  ni  I'histoire,  ni  les 
langues,  sans  recourir  anx  sources,  sans  mcme  se  douter  de  leur  existence, 
on  peut  en  imposer  pendant  quekiuo  temps  :\  des  lecteurs  prevenus  ou  peu 
instruits  ;  mais  le  mt'pris  qui  ne  manque  gu<'re  de  succcde-  a  cet  engouement 
fait  bientot  justice  de  ces  assertions  hazardees,  et  elles  retombent  iana 
Voubli  d'autant  phis  promptenient,  qu'elles  ont  etc  pjsees  avec  plus  de 
oonfiance  ou  de  tumoritc.     Sur  les  Langues  Tartares,  p.  2  Jl.  —  M. 


OF    THE    KOMAN    EMPIRE.  383 

Among  the  useful  conditions  of  peace  imposed  by  Frobus 
on  tlie  vanquislicd  nations  of  Germany,  was  tlie  obligation  of 
Bupi)lying  the  Roman  army  with  sixteen  thousand  recrilits,  the 
bravest  and  most  robust  of  their  youth.  The  emperor  dis- 
persed them  through  all  the  provinces,  and  distributed  this 
dangerous  reenforcement,  in  small  bands  of  fifty  or  sixty  each, 
nmong  the  national  troops ;  judiciously  observing,  that  the  aid 
which  the  republic  derived  from  the  barbarians  should  be  felt 
but  not  seen.-^^  Their  aid  was  now  become  necessary.  Tho 
feeble  elegance  of  Italy  and  the  internal  provinces  could  no 
longer  support  the  weight  of  arms.  The  hardy  frontiers  of 
the  Rhine  and  Danube  still  produced  minds  and  bodies  equal 
to  the  labors  of  the  camp  ;  but  a  perpetual  series  of  wars 
had  gradually  diminished  their  numbers.  The  infrequency  of 
marriage,  and  tbe  ruin  of  agriculture,  aflected  the  principles 
of  population,  and  not  only  destroyed  the  strength  of  the 
present,  but  intercepted  the  hope  of  future,  generations.  The 
wisdom  of  Probus  embraced  a  great  and  beneficial  j)lan  of 
replenishing  the  exhausted  frontiers,  by  new  colonies  of 
captive  or  fugitive  barbarians,  on  whom  he  bestowed  lands, 
cattle,  instruments  of  husbandry,  and  every  encouragement 
that  might  engage  them  to  educate  a  race  of  soldiers  for  the 
service  of  the  republic.  Into  Britain,  and  most  probably  into 
Cambridgeshire,'"^  he  transported  a  considerable  body  of  Van- 
dals. The  impossibility  of  an  escape  reconciled  them  to  their 
situation,  and  in  the  subseqdent  troubles  of  that  island,  they 
approved  themselves  the  most  faithful  servants  of  the  state."*^ 
Great  numbers  of  Franks  and  Gepldae  were  settled  on  the 
banks  of  the  Danube  and  the  Rhine.  A  hundred  thousand 
Bastarnse,  expelled  from  their  own  country,  cheerfully  accepted 
an  establishment  in  Thrace,  and  soon  imbibed  the  manners 
and  sentiments  of  Roman  subjects.'*^  But  tbe  expectations  of 
Probus  were  too  often  disajjpointcd.  The  impatience  and  idle- 
ness  of  the   barbarians  could    ill    brook  the   slow   labors  of 

**  lie  distributed  about  fifty  or  sixty  barbarians  to  a  Numerus,  aa 
it  >vas  then  called,  a  corps  with  whose  established  number  we  are  not 
exa(itly  acquainted. 

*«  Camden's  Britannia,  Introduction,  p.  136;  but  he  speaks  from  a 
very  doubtful  conjecture. 

"  Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  62.  According  to  Vopiscus,  another  body  of 
Vandals  was  less  faithful. 

*'  Hist.  August,  p.  240.  They  were  probably  expelled  by  tho 
Goths.     Zosim.  1.  i.  p.  66. 


384  THE    DECLINE    ANU    FALL 

agriculture.  Their  unconquerable  love  of  freedom,  rising 
against  despotism,  provoked  them  into  hasty  rebellions,  alike 
fatal  to  themselves  and  to  the  provinces  ;49  nor  could  these- 
artificial  supplies,  however  repeated  by  succeeding  emperors, 
restore  the  important  limit  of  Gaul  and  lUyricum  to  its  ancient 
and  native  vigor. 

Of  all  the  barbarians  who  abandoned  their  new  settlements, 
and  disturbed  the  public  tranquillity,  a  very  small  number 
returned  to  their  own  country.  For  a  short  season  they  might 
wander  in  arms  through  the  empire;  but  in  the  end  they  were 
surely  destroyed  by  the  power  of  a  warlike  emperor.  The 
successful  rashness  of  a  party  of  Franks  was  attended,  how- 
ever, with  such  memorable  consequences,  that  it  ought  not  to 
be  passed  unnoticed.  They  had  been  established,  by  Probus, 
on  the  sea-coast  of  Pontus,  with  a  view  of  strengthening  the 
frontier  against  the  inroads  of  the  Alani.  A  fleet  stationed  in 
one  of  the  harbors  of  the  Euxine  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Franks ;  and  they  resolved,  through  unknown  seas,  to  explore 
their  way  from  the  mouth  of  the  Phasis  to  that  of  the  Rhine. 
They  easily  escaped  through  the  Bosphorus  and  the  Helles- 
pont, and  cruising  along  the  Mediterranean,  indulged  their 
appetite  for  revenge  and  plunder  by  frequent  descents  on  the 
unsuspecting  shores  of  Asia,  Greece,  and  Africa.  The  opu- 
lent city  of  Syracuse,  in  whose  port  the  navies  of  Athens  and 
Carthage  had  formerly  been  sunk,  was  sacked  by  a  handful 
of  barbarians,  who  massacred  the'greatest  part  of  the  trembling 
inhabitants.  From  the  Island  of  Sicily,  the  Franks  proceeded 
to  the  columns  of  Hercules,  trusted  themselves  to  the  ocean, 
coasted  round  Spain  and  Gau\-  and  steering  their  triumphant 
course  through  the  British  Channel,  at  length  finished  their 
surprising  voyage,  by  landing  in  safety  on  the  Batavian  or 
Frisian  shores.^"  The  example  of  their  success,  instructing 
their  countrymen  to  conceive  the  advantages  and  to  despise 
the  dangers  of  the  sea,  pointed  out  to  their  enterprising  spirit 
a  new  road  to  wealth  and  glory. 

Notwithstanding  the  vigilance  and  activity  of  Probus,  it  was 
tlmost  impossible  that  he  could  at  once  contain  in  obedience 
Bvery  part  of  his  wide-extended  dominions.  The  barbarians, 
^vho  broke  their  chains,  had  seized  the  favorable  opportunity 
of  a  domestic  war.     When  the  emperor  marched   to  the  re- 


<9  Hist.  August,  p.  240. 

'"  Panegyr.  Vet.  v.  18.     Zosimus,  1.  i.  p.  66. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    E3IPIRE  HS5 

lief  cf  Gaul,  he  devolved  the  commano  of  the  East  on  Satur- 
ninus.  That  general,  a  man  of  merit  and  experience,  waa 
driven  into  rebellion  by  the  absence  of  his  sovereign,  the 
levity  of  the  Alexandrian  people,  the  pressing  instances  of  his 
friends,  and  his  own  fears ;  but  from  the  moment  of  his  ele- 
vation, he  never  entertained  a  hope  of  empire,  or  even  ol 
life.  "  Alas  !  "  he  said,  "  the  republic  has  lost  a  useful  ser- 
vant, and  the  rashness  of  an  hour  has  destroyed  the  services  of 
many  years.  You  know  not,"  continued  he,  "  the  misery  of 
sovereign  power  ;  a  sword  is  perpetually  suspended  over  our 
head.  We  dread  our  very  guards,  we  distrust  our  companions. 
The  choice  of  action  or  of  repose  is  no  longer  in  our  dis- 
position, nor  is  there  any  age,  or  character,  or  conduct,  that 
can  protect  us  from  the  censure  of  envy.  In  thus  exalting  me 
to  the  throne,  you  have  doomed  me  to  a  life  of  cares,  and  to 
an  untimely  fate.  The  only  consolation  which  remains  is,  the 
assurance  that  I  shall  not  fall  alone." ^^  But  as  the  former 
part  of  his  prediction  was  verified  by  the  victory,  so  the  latter 
was  disappointed  by  the  clemency,  of  Probus.  That  amiable 
prince  attempted  even  to  save  the  unhappy  Saturninus  from 
the  fury  of  the  soldiers.  He  liad  more  than  once  solicited  the 
usurper  himself  to  place  some  confidence  in  the  mercy  of  a 
sovereign  who  so  highly  esteemed  his  character,  that  he  had 
punished,  as  a  malicious  informer,  the  first  who  related  the 
improbable  news  of  his  defection. •''-  Saturninus  might,  per- 
haps, have  embraced  the  generous  ofier,  had  he  not  been  re- 
strained by  the  obstinate  distrust  of  his  adherents.  Their  guilt 
was  deeper,  and  their  hopes  more  sanguine,  than  those  of  their 
experienced  leader. 

The  revolt  of  Saturninus  was  scarcely  extinguished  in  the 
East,  before  new  troubles  were  excited  in  the  West,  by  the 
rebellion  of  Bonosus  and  Proculus,  in  Gaul.  The  m'ost  dis- 
tinguished merit  of  those  two  officers  was  their  respective 
prowess,  of  the  one  in  the  combats  of  Bacchus,  of  tiie  other 
in  those  of  Venus,  ^^  yet   neither  of  them   was  destitute   of 


*'  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  245,  246.  The  unfortunate  orator 
had  stiidiod  rhetoric  at  Carthage ;  anil  was  therefore  more  probably  a 
Moor  (Zosiin.  1.  i.  p.  GO)  than  a  Gaul,  as  Vopiscus  calls  him. 

**  Zonoras,  1.  xii.  p.  G.'58. 

"  A  very  surjirising  instance  is  rocordecl  of  the  prowess  of  Procu- 
lis.  He  had  taken  one  hundred  Sarinatian  virgins.  The  rest  of  the 
•tory  he  must  relate  in  lus  own  language  ;  •'  Ex   his  uni  nocte  de- 

19* 


886  TH£    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

courage  and  capacity,  and  both  sustained,  with  honor,  the  iu- 
gust  character  which  the  fear  of  punishment  had  engaged 
them  to  assume,  till  they  sunk  at  length  beneath  the  superioi 
genius  of  Probus.  He  used  the  victory  with  his  accustomed 
moderation,  and  spared  the  fortunes  as  well  as  the  Hves  of 
their  innocent  families.^** 

The  arms  of  Probus  had  now  suppressed  all  the  foreign  and 
domestic  enemies  of  the  state.  His  mild  but  steady  adminis- 
tration confirmed  the  reestablishment  of  the  public  tranquil- 
lity ;  nor  was  there  left  in  the  provinces  a  hostile  barbarian,  a 
tyrant,  or  even  a  robber  to  revive  the  memory  of  past  disor- 
ders. It  was  time  that  the  emperor  should  revisit  Rome,  and 
celebrate  his  own  glory  and  the  general  happiness.  The  tri- 
umph due  to  the  valor  of  Probus  was  conducted  with  a  mag- 
nificence suitable  to  his  fortune,  and  the  people  who  had  so 
lately  admired  the  trophies  of  Aurelian,  gazed  with  equal 
pleasure  on  those  of  his  heroic  successor.^^  We  cannot,  on 
this  occasion,  forget  the  desperate  courage  of  about  fourscore 
gladiators,  reserved,  with  near  six  hundred  others,  for  the 
inhuman  sports  of  the  amphitheatre.  Disdaining  to  shed  their 
blood  for  the  amusement  of  the  populace,  they  killed  their 
keepers,  broke  from  the  place  of  their  confinement,  and  filled 
the  streets  of  Rome  with  blood  and  confusion.  After  an  ob- 
stinate resistance,  they  were  overpowered  and  cut  in  pieces  by 
the  regular  forces  ;  but  they  obtained  at  least  an  honorable 
death,  and  the  satisfaction  of  a  just  revenge  ^^ 

The  military  discipline  which  reigned  in  the  camps  of  Pro- 
bus  was  less  cruel  than  that  of  Aurelian,  but  it  was  equally 
rigid  and  exact.  The  latter  had  punished  the  irregularities  of 
the  soldiers  with  unrelenting  severity,  the  former  prevented 
them  by  employing  the  legions  in  constant  and  useful  labors 
When  Probus  commanded  in  Egypt,  he  executed  many  con- 
siderable works  for  the  splendor  and  benefit  of  that  rich  coun- 
try. The  navigation  of  the  Nile,  so  important  to  Rome  itself, 
was  improved  ;  and  temples,  buildings,  porticos,  and  palaces, 

cem  inivi ;  oranes  tamen,  quod  in  me  crat,  mulieres  intra  dies  quiii- 
decim  reddidi."     Vopiscus  ia  Hist  Aus^ust.  p.  '24S. 

"  ProcuLus,  who  was  a  native  of  Alben^ue,  on  the  (Jenoese  coaft, 
armed  two  thoiisand  of  his  own  slaves.  His  riches  were  grent,  hut 
they  were  acquired  l)y  robbery.  It  was  afterwards  a  saying;  of  hifl 
family,  sibi  non  placere  esse  vel  principes  vcl  lati-ouos.  YopiHCU* 
in  Hist.  August,  p.  2i7. 

»»  Hist.  August,  p.  240. 

•*  Zotfini.  1.  i.  p.  6(j 


OF   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  387 

were  constructed  by  the  hands  of  the  soldiers,  who  acted  br 
Minis  as  architects,  as  engineers,  and  as  husbandmen."  It 
was  reported  of  Hannibal,  that,  in  order  to  preserve  his  troopa 
from  the  dangerous  temptations  of  idleness,  he  had  obliged 
them  to  form  large  plantations  of  olive-trees  along  the  coast 
Df  Africa.**  From  a  similar  principle,  Probus  exercised  his 
legions  in  covering  with  rich  vineyards  the  hills  of  Gaul  and 
Pannonia,  and  two  con^^iderable  spots  are  described,  which 
were  entirely  dug  and  planted  by  military  labor.*'  One  of 
these,  known  under  the  name  of  Mount  Almo,  was  situated 
near  Sirmium,  the  country  where  Probus  was  born,  for  which 
he  ever  retained  a  partial  aflection,  and  whose  gratitude  he 
endeavored  to  secure,  by  converting  into  tillage  a  large  and 
unhealthy  tract  of  marshy  ground.  An  army  thus  employed 
constituted  perhaps  the  most  useful,  as  well  as  the  bravest,  por- 
tion of  Roman  subjects. 

But  in  the  prosecution  of  a  favorite  scheme,  the  best  of 
men,  satisfied  with  the  rectitude  of  their  intentions,  are  sub- 
ject to  forget  the  bounds  of  moderation  ;  nor  did  Probus  him- 
self sulficiently  consult  the  patience  and  disposition  of  his 
fierce  legionaries."'  The  dangers  of  the  military  profession 
seem  only  to  be  compensated  by  a  life  of  pleasure  and  idle- 
ness ;  init  if  the  duties  of  tiie  soldier  are  incessantly  aggra- 
vated by  the  labors  of  the  peasant,  he  will  at  last  sink  under 
the  intoh'rable  burden,  or  shake  it  off  with  indignation.  The 
ini[)rudence  of  Probus  is  said  to  have  inflamed  the  discontent 
of  his  troops.  More  attentive  to  the  interests  of  mankind 
than  to  those  of  the  army,  he  expressed  the  vain  hope  that, 
by  the  establishment  of  universal  peace,  he  should  soon  abol- 
ish the  necessity  of  a  standing  and  mercenary  force.®^     Tlie 


'T  Hist.  August,  p.  236. 

**  Aiircl.  Victor,  in  Prob.  But  the  policy  of  Hannibal,  unnoticed  by 
anv  more  ancient  writer,  is  irreconcilable  with  the  history  of  his  life. 
He  left  Africa  wlieii  he  was  nine  years  old,  returned  to  it  when  he  was 
forty-five,  and  immediately  lust  his  army  in  the  decisive  battle  of  Zama. 
Livius,  XXX.  87. 

'^'■>  Hist.  August,  p.  210.  p:utrop.  ix.  17.  Aurel.  Victor,  in  Prob. 
Victor  Junior.  He  revoked  the  prohibition  of  Doniitian,  and  granted  » 
general  pi-rmission  of  planting  vines  to  the  Gauls,  the  liritons,  and  the 
I'hniionians. 

''■'  Julian  bestows  a  severe,  and  indeed  excessive,  censure  on  the  rigor 
of  Probus,  who,  as  he  thinks,  almost  deserved  his  fate. 

^^  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August.  ]).  2il.  He  lavishes  on  this  idle  hope  • 
Urge  stock  of  very  foolish  eloquence. 


388  THE    DECLINE    AND    Fa  LL 

unguarded  expression  proved  fatal  to  him.  In  one  of  the 
hottest  days  of  summer,  as  he  severely  urged  the  unwhole- 
some labor  of  draining  the  marshes  of  Sirmium,  the  soldiers, 
impatient  of  fatigue,  on  a  sudden  threw  down  their  tools, 
grasped  their  arms,  and  broke  out  into  a  furious  mutiny.  The 
emperor,  conscious  of  his  danger,  took  refuge  in  a  lofty  tower, 
constructed  for  the  purpose  of  surveying  the  progress  of  the 
work.^-  The  tower  was  instantly  forced,  and  a  thousand 
swords  were  plunged  at  once  into  the  bosom  of  the  unfor 
tunate  Probus.  The  rage  of  the  troops  subsided  as  soon  as 
it  had  been  gratified.  They  then  lamented  their  fatal  rash- 
ness, forgot  the  severity  of  the  emperor,  whom  they  had  mas- 
sacred,  and  hastened  to  perpetuate,  by  an  honorable  monu- 
ment, the  memory  of  his  virtues  and  victories.^-^ 

When  the  legions  had  indulged  their  grief  and  repentance 
for  the  death  of  Probus,  their  unanimous  consent  declared 
Carus,  his  Praetorian  praefect,  the  most  deserving  of  the  Impe- 
rial throne.  Every  circumstance  that  relates  to  this  prince 
appears  of  a  mixed  and  doubtful  nature.  He  gloried  in  the 
title  of  Roman  Citizen ;  and  affected  to  compare  the  purity  of 
his  blood  with  the  foreign  and  even  barbarous  origin  of  the 
preceding  emperors  ;  yet  the  most  inquisitive  of  his  contem- 
poraries, very  far  from  admitting  his  claim,  have  variously 
deduced  his  own  birth,  or  that  of  his  parents,  from  Illyricum 
from  Gaul,  or  from  Africa.*^''  Though  a  soldier,  he  had  re» 
ceived  a  learned  education  ;  though  a  senator,  he  was  invested 
with  the  first  dignity  of  the  army ;  and  in  an  age  when  the 
civil  and  military  professions  began  to  be  irrecoverably  sep- 
arated from  each  other,  they  were  united  in  the  person  of 
Carus.  Notwithstanding  the  severe  justice  which  he  exer- 
cised against  the  assassins  of  Probus,  to  whose  favoi  and 
esteem  he  was  highly  indebted,  he  could  not  escape  the  sus- 
picion of  being  accessory  to  a  deed  from  whence  he  derived 
the  principal  advantage.     He  enjoyed,  at  least,  before  his  ele- 


•*  Turris  ferrata.  It  seems  to  have  been  a  movable  tower,  and 
cased  with  iron. 

**  Probus,  et  vere  probus  situs  est ;  Victor  omnium  gentium  Bar- 
bararum  ;  victor  ctiam  tyrahnorum. 

**  Yet  all  this  may  be  conciliated.  He  was  bom  at  Narbonne  in 
Illyricura,  confounded  by  Eutropius  -with  the  more  famous  city  of 
that  name  in  Gaul.  His  father  niij^ht  be  an  African,  and  his  mo'hei 
a  noble  Koinan.  Carus  liinisolf  was  educated  in  the  '^apilal  6e« 
Sraliger,  Animadversion,  ad  Euscb.  Chron.  p.  241 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  389 

ration  an  acknowledged  character  of  virtue  and  abilities  ;  ^* 
but  his  auiterc  temper  insensibly  degenerated  info  morosenesa 
and  ciuelty;  and  the  iniperfect  writers  of  his  Hfe  ahnosl 
hesitate  whether  they  shall  not  rank  him  in  the  number  of 
Jloman  tyrants.^s  When  Cams  assumed  the  purple,  he  was 
about  sixty  years  of  age,  and  his  two  sons,  Carinus  and  Nu- 
merian,  had  already  attained  the  season  of  manhood.^' 

Tbe  authority  of  the  senate  expired  with  Probus  ;  nor  was 
the  repentance  of  the  soldiers  displayed  by  the  same  dutiful 
regard  for  the  civil  power,  which  they  had  testified  after  the 
unfortunate  death  of  Aurelian.  The  election  of  Carus  was 
decided  without  expecting  the  approbation  of  the  senate,  and 
the  new  emperor  contented  himself  with  announcing,  in  a 
cold  and  stately  epistle,  that  he  had  ascended  the  vacant 
throne.6^  A  behavior  so  very  opposite  to  that  of  his  amiable 
predecessor  afforded  no  favorable  presage  of  the  new  reign: 
and  the  Romans,  deprived  of  power  and  freedom,  asserted 
their  privilege  of  licentious  murmurs/*^  The  voice  of  con- 
gratulation and  flattery  was  not,  however,  silent ;  and  we  may 
still  peruse,  with  pleasure  and  contempt,  an  eclogue,  which 
was  composed  on  the  accession  of  the  emperor  Carus.  Two 
shepherds,  avoiding  the  noontide  heat,  retire  into  the  cave  of 
Faunus.  On  a  spreading  beech  they  discover  some  recent 
characters.  The  rural  deity  had  described,  in  j)rophetic 
verses,  the  felicity  promised  to  the  empire  under  the  reign  of 
so  great  a  prince.  Faunus  hails  the  approach  of  that  hero, 
who,  receiving  on  his  shoulders  the  sinking  weight  of  the 
Roman  world,  shall  e.xtinguish  war  and  faction,  and  once' 
again  restore  the  innocence  and  security,  of  the  golden  age.'^'^ 

It  is  more  than  probable,  that  these  elegant  trifles   neve? 


*•  Probus  had  requested  of  the  senate  an  equestrian  statue  and  8 
marble  palace,  at  the  public  expense,  as  a  just  recompense  of  the  flin» 
gular  merit  of  Carus.     YoiAscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  249. 

**  Vopiscus  in  Ilist.  August,  p.  242,  249.  Julian  excludes  iht- 
empcror  Carus  and  both  his  sons  from  the  banquet  of  the  Ctpsars. 

^  John  Malala,  torn.  i.  p.  401.  But  the  authority  of  that  ignorant 
Greek  is  very  slight.  He  ridiculously  derives  from  Carus  the  city 
of  Carrhae,  and  the  province  of  Curia,  the  latter  of  which  ia  men- 
tioned by  Homer. 

*"*  Hist.  August,  p.  249.  Carus  congratulated  the  senate,  that  one 
Df  their  own  order  was  made  emperor. 

•*  Hist.  August,  p.  242. 

""  See  the  first  eclogue  of  Calphurnius.  The  design  of  it  is  pTj> 
trcd  hj  Fontenelle  to  that  of  Virgil's  Pollio      Sec  torn.  iii.  p.  148. 


390  THE    DECLINE    ANT)    FALL 

reached  the  ears  of  a  veteran  general,  who,  with  the  consent 
of  the  legions,  was  preparing  to  execute  the  long-suspended 
design  of  the  Persian  war.  Before  his  departure  for  tliis  dis- 
tant expedition,  Carus  conferred  on  his  two  sons,  Carinus  and 
Numerian,  the  title  of  Csesar,  and  investing  the  former  with 
almost  an  equal  share  of  the  Imperial  power,  divected  the 
young  prince,  first  to  suppress  some  troubles  which  had  arisen 
in  Gaul,  and  afterwards  to  fix  the  seat  of  his  residence  at 
Rome,  and  to  assume  the  government  of  the  Western  prov- 
inces.'i  The  safety  of  Illyricum  was  confirmed  by  a  memo- 
rable defeat  of  the  Sarmatians  ;  sixteen  thousand  of  those 
barbarians  remained  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  the  number  of 
captives  amounted  to  twenty  thousand.  The  old  emperor, 
animated  with  the  fame  and  prospect  of  victory,  pursued  his 
march,  in  the  midst  of  winter,  through  the  countries  of  Thrace 
and  Asia  Minor,  and  at  length,  with  his  younger  son,  Nume- 
rian, arrived  on  the  coitfines  of  the  Persian  monarchy.  There, 
encamping  on  the  summit  of  a  lofty  mountain,  he  pointed  out 
to  his  troops  the  opulence  and  luxury  of  the  enemy  whom  they 
were  about  to  invade. 

The  successor  of  Artaxerxes,*  Varanes,  or  Bahram,  though 
he  had  subdued  the  Segestans,  one  of  the  most  warlike  nations 
of  Upper  Asia,'^^  was  alarmed  at  the  approach  of  the  Romans, 
and  endeavored  to  retard  their  progress  by  a  negotiation   of 

•'  Hist.  August,  p.  353.     Eutropius,  ix.  18.     Pagi,  Annal. 

'*  Agathias,  1.  iv.  p.  135.  AVe  find  one  of  his  sayings  in  the  BiD- 
liotheque  Orientale  ofil.  d'Herbelot.  "The  definition  of  humanity 
includes  all  other  virtues."  f 


*  Three  monar'^Vs  had  intervened,  Sapor,  (Shahpour,)  Hormisdas,  (Hor- 
mooz,)  Varanes  or  Baharam  the  First.  —  M. 

t  The  manner  in  which  his  life  was  saved  by  the  Chief  Pontiff  from  a 
conspiracy  of  his  nobles,  is  as  remarkable  as  his  saying.  "  By  the  advice 
(of  the  Pontiff)  all  tlic  nobles  absented  themselves  from  court.  The  king 
wandered  through  his  palace  alone.  He  saw  no  one ;  all  was  silence 
around.  He  became  alarmed  and  distressed.*  At  last  the  Chief  Pontiff 
ai)i)eared,  and  bowed  his  head  in  apparent  misery,  but  spoke  not  a  word 
The  king  entreated  him  to  declare  wliat  had  happened.  The  virtuous  man 
boldly  related  all  that  had  passed,  and  conjured  Bahram,  in  the  name  of 
his  glorious  ancestors,  to  chanfj;e  his  conduct  and  save  himself  from 
destruction.  The  king  was  inucli  moved,  professed  himself  most  penitent, 
and  said  he  was  resolved  his  future  life  should  prove  his  sincerity.  The 
Dverio}ed  High  Priest,  delighted  at  this  success,  made  a  signal,  at  which 
all  the  nobles  and  attendants  were  in  an  instant,  as  if  by  magic,  in  their 
usual  places.  The  monarch  now  perceived  that  oidyone  opinion  prevailed 
on  his  past  conduct.  He  repeated  tiierefore  to  1  is  nobles  all  he  had  said 
t)  the  Chief  Pontiff,  and  his  future  reigii  was  unstained  by  cruelty  ox 
oppression. ■'     Malcolm's  Persia,  i.  79. — M. 


OF    THI',    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  391 

peac;.  ITis  ambassadors  entered  tlie  camp  about  sunset,  at  the 
time  when  the  troops  were  satisfying  their  hunger  with  a  fru- 
gal repast.  The  Persians  expressed  tiieir  desire  of  bring  in- 
troduced to  the  presence  of  tlie  Roman  emperor.  They  were 
at  lengtli  conducted  to  a  soldier,  who  was  seated  on  the  grass. 
A  piece  of  stale  bacon  and  a  few  hard  peas  composed  his  su|)- 
per.  A  coarse  woollen  garment  of  purpli'  was  the  only  cir- 
cumstance that  announced  his  dignity.  The  conference  was 
conducted  with  the  same  disregard  of  courtly  elegance.  Cams, 
taking  off  a  cap  which  he  wore  to  conceal  his  baldness,  assured 
the  amba-isadors,  that,  unless  their  master  acknowledged  the 
superiority  of  Roine,  he  would  speedily  render  Persia  !is 
naked  of  trees  as  his  own  head  was  destitute  of  hair."*  at" it. 
withstanding  some  traces  of  art  and  preparation,  we  may  div 
cover  in  this  scene  the  manners  of  Carus,  and  the  severe  sim- 
plicity which  the  martial  princes,  who  succeeded  Gallienus^ 
liad  already  restored  in  the  Roman  camps.  The  ministers  of 
tiie  Great  King  trembled  and  retired. 

The  thrtiats  of  Carus  were  not  without  effect.  lie  ravaged 
Mesopotamia,  cut  in  pieces  whatever  ojjposed  his  passage, 
rna<le  himself  master  of  the  great  cities  of  Seh'ucia  and 
Ctesiphoii,  (which  seemed  to  have  surrendered  witiiout  resist 
ance,)  auvl  carried  his  victorious  arms  beyond  the  Tigris." 
He  had  seized  the  favorable  moment  for  an  invasion.  The 
Persian  councils  were  distracted  by  domestic  factions,  and  the 
greater  part  of  their  forces  were  detained  on  the  frontiers  of 
India.  Rome  and  the  East  received  with  transport  the  news 
of  such  important  advantages.  Flattery  and  hope  painted,  in 
the  most  lively  colors,  the  fall  of  Persia,  the  conquest  of 
Arabia,  the  submission  of  Egypt,  and  a  lasting  deliverance 
from  the  inroads  of  the  Scythian  nations."     But  the  reign  of 

■3  Svnesius  tells  this  story  of  Carinas  ;  and  it  is  much  more  natural 
to  understand  it  of  Carus,  than  (as  Petavius  and  Tilieniont  choose  to 
do)  of  Probus. 

■*  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  230.  Eutropius,  ix.  18.  The  two 
Victors. 

''"  To  the  Persian  victory  of  Carus  I  refer  tiie  dialogue  of  tho 
Pfuluixitiis,  wliicli  lias  so  lon;,^  been  an  object  of  dispute  among  tlie 
learned.  But  to  explain  and  justity  my  opinion,  would  require  a  die- 
Bcrtation.* 


*  Niel)uhr.  in  the  new  edition  of  the  Byzantine  Historians,  (vol.  xi.,)  hu« 
boldly  -issign.d  the  l'hiiop:itii>  to  the  tenth  century,  and  to  the  reign  of 
Nice])horus    I'hoeas.      .\n   opinion   so   decisively    pronouuced   by   Nieltuiir 


39*^  THE    DECLINE   ANP    FALL 

Cams  was  d'jstined  to  expose  the  vanity  of  predictions.  They 
were  scarcely  uttered  before  they  were  contradicted  by  hia 
death  ;  an  event  attended  with  such  ambiguous  circumstances, 
that  it  may  be  related  in  a  letter  from  his  own  secretary  to  the 
praefect  of  the  city.  "  Carus,"  says  he,  "  our  dearest  empe- 
ror, was  confined  by  sickness  to  his  bed,  when  a  furious  tem- 
pest arose  in  the  camp.  The  darkness  which  overspread  the 
sky  was  so  thick,  that  we  could  no  longer  distinguish  each 
other  ;  and  the  incessant  flashes  of  lightning  took  from  us  the 
knowledge  of  all  that  passed  in  the  general  confusion.  Imme- 
diately after  the  most  violent  clap  of  thunder,  we  heard  a 
sudden  cry  that  the  emperor  was  dead  ;  and  it  soon  appeared, 
that  his  chamberlains,  in  a  rage  of  grief,  had  set  fire  to  the 
royal  pavilion ;  a  circumstance  which  gave  rise  to  the  report 
that  Carus  was  killed  by  lightning.  But,  as  far  as  we  have 
been  able  to  investigate  the  truth,  his  death  was  the  natural 
effect  of  his  disorder."'^ 

The  vacancy  of  the  throne  was  not  productive  of  any  dis- 
turbance. The  ambition  of  the  aspiring  generals  was  checked 
by  their  natural  fears,  and  young  Numerian,  with  his  absent 
brother  Carinus,  were  unanimously  acknowledged  as  Roman 
2mperors.  The  public  expected  that  the  successor  of  Carus 
would  pursue  his  father's  footsteps,  and,  without  allowing  ihe 
Persians  to  recover  from  their  consternation,  would  advance 
Bword  in  hand  to  the  palaces  of  Susa  and  Ecbatana.'^'  But 
the  legions,  however  strong  in  numbers  and  discipline,  were 

'*  Hist.  Au£;ust.  p.  2")0.  Yet  Eutropius,  Fostus,  Rui'us,  the  two 
Victors,  Jerome,  Sidoiiius  ApoUinaris,  Syncellus,  and  Zonaras,  all 
ascribe  the  death  of  Carus  to  lightning. 

"  See  Ncmesian.  Cynegeticon,  v.  71,  &c. 


Bnd  favoniblv  received  by  Hase,  the  learned  editor  of  Leo  Diaconus,  com- 
maiids  respectful  cousideraMoii.  Bat  the  whole  tone  of  tlie  work  appears 
to  me  altogether  inconsi-^tent  with  any  periofi  in  which  pliilosophy  did  not 
stand,  as  it  were,  on  some  ground  of  equality  with  Christiaidty.  The 
doctrine  of  the  Trinity  is  sarcastically  introduced  rather  as  the  strango 
doctrine  of  a  new  religion,  than  the  established  tenet  of  a  faith  universally 
prevalent.  The  arguineut,  ado()ted  from  Solanns,  concerning  the  formula 
of  the  procession  of  the  Holy  (Jhost,  is  utterlv  worthess,  as  it  is  a  mere 
quotation  in  the  words  of  the  (Jospol  of  St.  John,  xv.  20.  The  only  argu- 
ment of  anv  value  is  the  historic  one.  from  the  allu-ion  to  tliu  recent 
violation  ot'  many  virgins  in  the  Ishiiul  of  Crete.  lUii  neither  is  the  hiu- 
EUiign  of,Niehuh"r  (juite  accurate,  nor  his  reference  to  the  Acroascs  of 
Theodosius  sati;factory.  When,  then,  couM  this  occurrence  take  place  1 
Why  not  in  the  devastation  of  the  island  by  the  (joihic  pirates,  duriii. 
tbe'roign  of  Claudius.  Hist.  Aug.  in  Claud,  p  614  edit  \  ai .  Lugd.  lit 
1661.  — M. 


OF   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  393 

dismayed  by  the  most  abject  superstition.  Noiwithstanding 
all  the  arts  that  were  practised  to  disguise  the  manner  of  the 
late  emperor's  death,  it  was  found  impossible  to  remove  the 
opinion  of  the  muhitude,  and  the  power  of  opinion  is  irresisti- 
ble. Places  or  persons  struck  with  lightning  were  considered 
l)y  the  ancients  with  pious  horror,  as  singularly  devoted  to  the 
wrath  of  Heaven."^  An  oracle  was  remembered,  which 
m'arked  the  River  Tigris  as  the  fatal  boundary  of  the  Roman 
arms.  The  troops,  terrified  with  the  fate  of  Carus  and  with 
their  own  danger,  called  aloud  on  young  Numerian  to  obey 
the  will  of  the  gods,  and  to  lead  them  away  from  this  inaus- 
picious scene  of  war.  The  feeble  emperor  was  unable  to 
subdue  their  obstinate  prejudice,  and  the  Persians  wondered 
at  the  unexpected  retreat  of  a  victorious  enemy."^ 

The  intelligence  of  the  mysterious  fate  of  the  late  emperor 
was  soon  carried  from  the  frontiers  of  Persia  to  Rome  ;  and 
the  senate,  as  well  as  the  provinces,  congratulated  the  acces- 
sion of  the  sons  of  Carus.  These  fortunate  youths  were 
strangers,  however,  to  that  conscious  superiority,  either  of  birth 
or  of  merit,  which  can  alone  render  the  possession  of  a  throne 
easy,  and  as  it  were  natural.  Born  and  educated  in  a  private 
station,  the  election  of  their  father  raised  them  at  once  to  the 
rank  of  princes  ;  and  his  death,  which  happened  about  six- 
teen months  afterwards,  left  them  the  unexpected  legacy  of  a 
vast  empire.  To  sustain  with  temper  this  rapid  elevation,  an 
uncommon  share  of  virtue  and  prudence  was  requisite  ;  and 
Carinus,  the  elder  of  the  brothers,  was  more  than  commonly 
deficient  in  those  qualities.  In  the  Gallic  war  he  discovered 
some  degree  of  personal  courage  ;^''  but  from  the  moment  of 
his  arrival  at  Rome,  he  abandoned  himself  to  the  luxury  of  the 
capital,  and  to  the  abuse  of  his  fortune.  He  was  soft,  vet 
cruel  ;  devoted  to  pleasure,  but  destitute  of  taste;  and  though 
exquisitely  susceptible  of  vanity,  indiflerent  to  the  public 
esteem.  In  the  course  of  a  few  months,  he  successively  married 
and  divorced  nine  wives,  most  of  whom  he  left  pregnant  ;  and 
notwithstanding  this  legal  inconstancy,  found  time  to  indulge 

""  See   Fostus  and  his  commentators   on  tlie  word   Scribnuio7ium 
/'fctes struck  by  li<^htning  were  surrounded  with  a  wall;  things  were 
buried  \Wth  mysicrious  ceremony. 

'*  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  250.  Aiirelius  Victor  ^cems  t« 
believe  the  prediction,  and  to  approve  the  retreat. 

*"  Nemesian  Cynrigeticon,  v.  69.  lie  wis  a  contemporary,  but  tt 
poet. 


394  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

such  a  variety  of  irregular  appetites,  as  brought  dishonor  on 
himself  and  on  the  noblest  houses  of  Rome.  He  beheld  with 
inveterate  hatred  all  those  who  might  remember  his  former 
obscurity,  or  censure  his  present  conduct.  He  banished,  or 
put  to  death,  the  friends  and  counsellors  whom  his  father  had 
placed  about  him,  to  guide  his  inexperienced  you'h  ;  and  he 
persecuted  with  the  meanest  revenge  his  school-fellows  and 
companions,  who  had  not  sufficiently  respected  the  latent 
majesty  of  the  emperor.  With  the  senators,  Carinus  affected 
a  lofty  and  regal  demeanor,  frequently  declaring,  that  he 
designed  to  distribute  their  estates  among  the  populace  of 
Rome.  From  the  dregs  of  that  populace  he  selected  his 
favorites,  and  even  his  ministers.  The  palace,  and  even  the 
Imperial  table,  were  filled  with  singers,  dancers,  prostitutes, 
and  all  the  various  retinne  of  vice  and  folly.  One  of  his  door- 
keepers "^1  he  intrusted  with  the  government  of  the  city.  In 
the  room  of  the  Praetorian  prsefect,  whom  he  put  to  death, 
Carinus  substituted  one  of  the  ministers  of  his  looser  pleasures. 
Another,  who  possessed  the  same,  or  even  a  more  infamous, 
title  to  favor,  was  invested  with  the  consulship.  A  confidential 
secretar}'^,  who  had  acquired  uncommon  skill  in  the  art  of  for- 
gery, delivered  the  indolent  emperor,  with  his  own  consent, 
from  the  irksome  duty  of  signing  his  name. 

When  the  emperor  Carus  undertook  the  Persian  war,  he 
was  induced,  by  motives  of  affection  as  well  as  policy,  to 
secure  the  fortunes  of  his  family,  by  leaving  in  the  hands  of 
his  eldest  son  the  armies  and  provinces  of  the  West.  The 
intelligence  which  he  soon  received  of  the  conduct  of  Cari- 
nus filled  him  with  shame  and  regret ;  nor  had  he  concealed 
his  resolution  of  satisfying  the  republic  by  a  severe  act  of  jus- 
tice, and  of  adopting,  in  the  place  of  an  unworthy  son,  the 
brave  and  virtuous  Constantius,  who  at  that  time  was  gov- 
ernor of  Dalmatia.  But  the  elevation  of  Constantius  was  for 
a  while  deferred  ;  and  as  soon  as  the  father's  death  had 
released  Carinus  from  the  control  of  fear  or  decency,  he  dis- 
played to  the  Romans  the  extravagancies  nf  Elagabalus, 
aggravated  by  the  cruelty  of  Domitian.^- 


*'  Cancellarius.  This  word,  so  humbliJ  in  its  origin,  has,  by  a  sin- 
gula fortune,  risen  into  the  title  of  the  first  great  office  of  state  in 
the  monarchies  of  Europe.  See  Casaubon  and  Salmasius,  ad  Hist, 
August,  p.  253. 

**  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  253,  254.     Eutropivis,  ix    19.     "V'ic- 


or    THE     ROMAN    EMPIRE  395 

The  only  merit  of  the  administrat'um  of  Cnriniis  that  history 
could  record,  or  poetry  celebrate,  was  the  uncommon  spiea- 
dor  with  which,  in  his  own  and  his  brother's  name,  he  exhib- 
ited the  Roman  games  of  tlie  theatre,  the  circus,  and  the 
amphitlieatre.  More  than  twenty  years  afterwards,  when  the 
courtiers  of  Diocletian  represented  to  their  frugal  sovereign 
the  fume  and  popularity  of  his  munificent  predecessor,  1\« 
acknowledged  that  the  reign  of  Carinus  had  indeed  been  a 
reign  of  pleasure.^^  But  this  vain  prodigality,  which  the  pru- 
dence  of  Diocletian  might  justly  despise,  was  enjoyed  with 
surprise  and  transport  by  the  Roman  people.  The  oldest  of 
the  citizens,  recollecting  the  spectacles  of  former  days,  the 
triumphal  pomp  of  Probus  or  Aurelian,  and  the  secular  games 
of  the  emperor  Philip,  acknowledged  that  they  were  all  sur- 
passed by  the  superior  magnificence  of  Carinus.^'* 

The  spectacles  of  Carinus  may  therefore  be  best  iliustrated 
by  the  observation  of  some  particulars,  which  histoiy  has  con- 
descended to  relate  concerning  those  of  his  predecessors.  If 
we  confine  ourselves  solely  to  the  hunting  of  wild  beasts,  how- 
ever we  may  censure  the  vanity  of  the  design  or  the  cruelty 
of  the  execution,  we  are  obliged  to  confess  that  neither  before 
nor  since  the  time  of  the  Romans  so  much  art  and  expense 
have  ever  been  lavished  for  the  amusement  of  the  people. ^^ 
By  the  order  of  Probus,  a  great  quantity  of  large  trees,  torn 
up  by  the  roots,  were  transplanted  into  the  midst  of  the  circus 
The  spacious  and  shady  forest  was  immediately  filled  with  a 
thousand  ostriches,  a  thousand  stags-  a  thousand  fallow  deer, 
and  a  thousand  wild  boars  ;  and  all  his  variety  of  game  wad 
abandoned  to  the  riotous  impetuosity  of  the  multitude.  The 
tragedy  of  the  Succeeding  day  consisi.-jd  in  the  massacre  ol 
a  hundred  lions,  an  equal  number  of  lionesses,  two  hundred 
leopards,  and  three  hundred  bears.'*'^     1  he  collection  prepared 


tor  Junior.  The  reign  of  Diocletian  indeed  was  so  long  and  prosper- 
ous, that  it  must  have  been  very  unfavorable  to  the  re^jutation  of 
Carinus. 

*•  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  254.  He  calls  him  Carus,  b\it  the 
sense  is  sufficiently  obvious,  and  the  words  were  often  confounded. 

**  See  Calphurnius,  Eelofj.  vii.  43.  We  may  observe,  that  the 
spectacles  of  Probus  were  stil.  rcccn;,  and  that  the  poet  is  seconded 
by  the  historian. 

'"'  The  plulosopher  Montaigne  (Essais,  1.  iii.  6)  g^ves  a  very  jxist 
and  lively  view  of  Roman  magnificence  in  these  spectacles. 

••  Vopiscus  in  Ilis^.  August,  p   240 


896  THE    DECLINK    AND    FALL 

by  the  younger  Gordian  for  his  triumph,  and  which  his  suc- 
cessor exhibited  in  the  secuhir  games,  was  less  lemarkable  by 
the  number  than  by  the  singularity  of  the  animals.  Twenty 
zebras  displayed  their  elegant  forms  and  variegated  beauty  to 
the  eyes  of  the  Roman  people.*''  Ten  elks,  and  as  many 
'  caraelopards,  the  loftiest  and  most  harmless  ci-eatures  that 
wander  over  the  plains  of  Sarmatia  and  Ethiopia,  were  con- 
trasted with  thirty  African  hyaenas  and  ten  Indian  tigers,  the 
most  implacable  savages  of  the  torrid  zone.  The  unoffending 
strength  with  which  Nature  has  endowed  the  greater  quadru- 
peds, was  admired  in  the  rhinoceros,  the  hippopotamus  of  the 
Nile,'^  and  a  majestic  troop  of  thirty-two  elephants. ^^  While 
the  populace  gazed  with  stupid  wonder  on  the  splendid  show, 
the  naturalist  might  indeed  observe  the  figure  and  properties 
of  so  many  different  species,  transported  from  every  part  of 
the  ancient  world  into  the  amphitheatre  of  Rome.  But  this 
accidental  benefit,  which  science  might  derive  from  fully,  is 
surely  insufficient  to  justify  such  a  wanton  abuse  of  the  public 
riches.  There  occurs,  however,  a  single  instance  in  the  first 
Punic  war,  in  wliich  the  senate  wisely  connected  this  amuse- 
ment of  the  multitude  with  the  interest  of  the  state.  A  con- 
biderable  number  of  elephants,  taken  in  the  defeat  of  the  Car- 
thaginian army,  were  driven  through  the  circus  by  a  few 
slaves,  armed  only  with  blunt  javelins.^**  The  useful  spectacle 
served  to  impress  the  Roman  soldier  with  a  just  contempt  for 
those  unwieldy  animals  ;  and  he  no  longer  dreaded  to  encoun- 
ter them  in  the  ranks  of  war. 

The  hunting  or  exhibition  of  wild  beasts  was  conducted  with 
a  magnificence  suitable  to  a  people  who  styled  themselves  the 
masters  of  the  world  ;  nor  was  the  edifice  appropriated  to  that 
entertainment  less  expressive  of  Roman  greatness.     Posterity 


"7  Tlicy  are  called  Onagri ;  but  the  number  is  too  iueonsiderable  for 
mere  wild  asses.  Cuper  (de  Elephantis  Exercitat.  ii.  7)  lias  proved 
from  Uppiau,  Dion,  and  an  anonymous  Greek,  that  zebras  have  been 
seen  at  Kome.  They  were  brought  from  some  island  of  the  ocean, 
j)erliai)s  Madasjascar. 

*"**  Carinus  K^'ve  a  hippopotamus,  (see  Calphurn.  Eclotr.  vi.  66  )  In 
the  latter  spectaules,  I  do  not  recollect  any  crocodiles,  of  which  Augus- 
tus once  exiiibited  thirty -six.     Dion  Cassius,  I.  Iv  p.  781. 

>*^  Cai)itolin.  in  Hist.  August,  p.  1G4,  1G5.  We  are  not  acquainted 
with  the  anin:!al9  wliieh  he  calls  arclulcontes ;  some  read  irqoleoniet, 
fthers  aijriolccnU-a:  both  corrections  are  very  nugatory. 

'"J  i'liu.  IL'st.  Natur.  viii.  6,  from  the  annals  of  Piso. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  391 

admires,  and  will  long  admire,  the  awful  remains  of  the 
ampliilheatre  of  Titjs,  which  so  well  deserved  the  epithet  of 
Colossal.-"  It  was  a  building  of  an  elliptic  figure,  live  hun- 
dred and  sixty-four  feet  in  length,  and  four  hundred  and  sixty- 
seven  in  breadth,  founded  on  fourscore  arches,  and  rising,  with 
four  successive  orders  of  architecture,  to  the  height  of  one 
hundred  and  forty  feet.^"^  The  outside  of  the  edifice  was 
encrusted  with  marble,  and  decorated  with  statues.  Tli«j 
slopes  of  the  vast  concave,  which  formed  the  inside,  were  filled 
and  surrounded  with  sixty  or  eighty  rows  of  scats  of  marble 
likewise,  covered  with  cushions,  and  capable  of  receiving  with 
ease  about  fourscore  thousand  spectators.^-*  Sixty-four  I'omi' 
tories  (for  by  that  name  the  doors  were  very  aptly  distin- 
guished) poured  forth  the  immense  multitude  ;  and  the 
entrances,  passages,  and  staircases  were  contrived  with  such 
exquisite  skill,  that  each  person,  whether  of  the  senatorial,  the 
equestrian,  or  the  plebeian  order,  arrived  at  his  destined  place 
without  trouble  or  confusion.^'*  Nothing  was  omitted,  which, 
in  any  respect,  could  be  subservient  to  the  convenience  and 
pleasure  of  the  spectators.  They  were  protected  from  the  sun 
and  rain  by  an  ample  canopy,  occasionally  drawn  over  their 
heads.  The  air  was  continually  refreshed  by  the  playing  of 
fountains,  and  profusely  impregnated  by  the  grateful  scent  of 
aromatics.  hi  the  centre  of  the  edifice,  the  arena.,  or  stage, 
was  strewed  with  the  finest  sand,  and  successively  assumed  the 
most  different  forms.  At  one  moment  it  seemed  to  rise  out 
of  the  earth,  like  the  garden  of  the  Hesperides,  and  was 
afterwards  broken  into  the  rocks  and  caverns  of  Thrace.  The 
subterraneous  pipes  conveyed  an  inexhaustible  supply  of 
water ;  and  what  had  just  before  appeared  a  level  plain,  might 
be  suddenly  converted  into  a  wide  lake,  co\ered  with  armed 

*'  See  Maffei,  Verona  lUustrata,  p.  iv.  1.  i.  c.  2. 

*^  Maffei,  1.  ii.  c.  2.  The  height  was  very  much  cxagj,eratecl  by 
the  ancients.  It  reached  almost  to  the  heavens,  according  to  Cal- 
phurnius,  (Eclog.  vii.  23,)  and  surpassed  the  ken  of  human  sight 
according  to  Ammianus  Marccllinus  (xvi.  10.)  Yet  how  trilling  to 
the  great  pyramid  of  Egypt,  which  rises  500  feet  perpendicular  ! 

"  According  to  dill'erent  copies  of  Victor,  we  read  77,000,  or 
87,000  spectators ;  but  Maffei  (1.  ii.  c.  12)  iinds  room  on  the  open 
seats  for  no  more  than  34,000.  The  remainder  were  contained  in  the 
upper  covered  galleries. 

**  See  Miilfci,  1.  ii.  c.  5 — 12.  lie  treats  the  very  difllcult  subject 
with  all  possible  clearness,  and  likt  an  architect,  as  well  as  an  anti* 
juau-ian. 


398  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

vessels,  and  replenished  with  the  monsters  of  the  deep."*  In 
the  decoration  of  these  scenes,  the  Roman  emperors  displa3'^ed 
their  wealth  and  liberality  ;  and  we  read  on  various  occasions 
that  the  whole  furniture  of  the  amphitheatre  consisted  either 
of  silver,  or  of  gold,  or  of  amber.*®  The  poet  who  describes 
the  g-imes  of  Carinus,  in  the  character  of  a  shepherd,  attracted 
to  the  capital  by  the  fame  of  their  magnificence,  atHrms  that 
the  nets  designed  as  a  defence  against  the  wild  beasts,  were 
of  gold  wire  ;  that  the  porticos  were  gilded ;  and  that  the  belt 
or  circle  which  divided  the  several  ranks  of  spectators  from 
each  other  was  studded  with  a  precious  mosaic  of  beautiful 
stones.'^ 

In  the  midst  of  this  glittering  pageantry,  the  emperor  Carinus, 
secure  of  his  fortune,  enjoyed  tlie  acclamations  of  the  people, 
the  flattery  of  his  courtiers,  and  the  songs  of  the  poets,  who, 
for  want  of  a  more  essential  merit,  were  reduced  to  celebrate 
the  divine  graces  of  his  person.®*  In  the  same  hour,  but  at 
the  distance  of  nine  hundred  miles  from  Rome,  his  brother 
expired  ;  and  a  sudden  revolution  transferred  into  the  hands  of 
a  stranger  the  sceptre  of  the  house  of  Carus.^® 

The  sons  of  Carus  never  saw  each  other  after  their  father's 
death.  The  arrangements  wliich  their  new  situation  required 
were  probably  deferred  till  the  return  of  the  younger  brother 
to  Rome,  where  a  triumph  was  decreed  to  the  young  emperors 
for  iMie  glorious  success  of  the  Persian  war.^""  It  is  uncertain 
whether  they  intended  to  divide  between  them  the  adminis- 
tration, or  the  provinces,  of  the  empire ;  but  it  is  very  unlikelv 
that    their    union    would    have  proved    of  any  long  duration 


^5  Calphurn.  Eclog.  vii.  64,  73.  These  lines  are  curious,  and  the 
whole  eclogue  has  been  of  intinite  use  to  Mattel.  Calphurnius,  as  weil 
as  Martial,  (see  his  first  book,)  was  a  poet ;  but  when  they  described 
the  ainphitlieatre,  tlicy  both  wrote  from  their  own  senses,  and  to  those 
of  the  Romans. 

**  Consult  riin.  Hist.  Natur.  xx.xiii.  16,  xxxvii.  11. 

•7  lialtcus  en  gemmis,  en  inlita  portieus  auro 

Certatim  radiant,  «&,c.     Calphurn.  vii. 

**  Et  Martis  vultus  et  Apollinis  esse  putavi,  says  Calphurnius ;  but 
John  Malala,  who  had  perhaps  seen  pictures  of  Carinus,  describes  hira 
■8  thick,  short,  and  white,  torn.  i.  p.  403. 

"'■'  With  regard  to  the  time  when  these  Roman  games  were  celebrated, 
Scaliger,  Salmasius,  and  Cupur  have  given  themselves  a  great  deal  of 
trouble  to  perplex  a  very  clear  subject. 

I'J^  Nemesianus  (in  the  Cynegeticon*  seems  to  anticipate  in  his  fan  !▼ 
that  auspicious  day. 


OF    THE    SOMAN    EMPIRE.  399 

The  jealousy  of  power  must  have  been  inflamed  by  the  oj)po- 
sition  of  characters.  In  the  most  corrupt  of  times,  Carinus 
was  unworthy  to  live :  Numerian  deserved  to  reign  in  a 
happier  period.  His  afTable  manners  and  gentle  virtues 
secured  him,  as  soon  as  they  became  known,  the  regard  and 
affections  of  the  public.  Me  possessed  the  elegant  accom- 
plishments of  a  poet  and  orator,  which  dignify  as  well  aa 
adorn  the  humblest  and  the  most  exalted  station.  His  elo- 
quence, however  it  was  applauded  by  the  senate,  was  formed 
not  so  much  on  the  model  of  Cicero,  as  on  that  of  the  modern 
declaimers ;  but  in  an  age  very  far  from  being  destitute  of 
poetical  merit,  he  contended  for  the  prize  with  the  most  cele- 
brated of  his  contemporaries,  and  still  remained  the  friend  of 
his  rivals ;  a  circumstance  which  evinces  either  the  goodness 
of  his  heai1,  or  the  superiority  of  his  genius.i"^  But  the 
talents  of  Numerian  were  rather  of  the  contemplative  than 
of  the  active  kind.  When  his  father's  elevation  reluctantly 
forced  him  from  the  shade  of  retirement,  neither  his  temper 
nor  his  pursuits  had  qualified  him  for  the  command  of  armies. 
His  constitution  was  destroyed  by  the  hardships  of  the  Persian 
war ;  and  he  had  contracted,  from  the  heat  of  the  climate, "^^ 
such  a  weakness  in  his  eyes,  as  obliged  him,  in  the  course  of 
a  long  retreat,  to  confine  himself  to  the  solitude  and  darkness 
of  a  tent  or  litter.  The  administration  of  all  affairs,  civil  as 
well  as  military,  was  devolved  on  Arrius  Aper,  the  Prretorian 
prtefect,  who  to  the  power  of  his  important  office  added  the 
honor  of  being  father-in-law  to  Numerian.  The  Imperial 
pavilion  was  strictly  guarded  by  his  most  trusty  adherents ; 
and  during  many  days,  Aper  delivered  to  the  army  the  sup- 
posed mandates  of  their  invisible  sovereign. ^^^^ 

It  was  not  till  eight  months  after  the  death  of  Carus,  that 
the  Roman  army,  returning  by  slow  marches  from  the  banks 
of  the  Tigris,  arrived  on  those  of  the  Thracian  Bosphorus. 
The  legions  halted  at  Chalcedon  in  Asia,  while  the  court 
passed  over  to  Heraclea,  on  the   European  side  of  the  Pro- 

""  He  won  all  the  crowns  from  Nemosianus,  with  whom  ho  vied 
in  didactic  i)oetry.     The  senate  erected  a  statue  to  the  son  of  ( ^arua, 
with  a  very  ambiguous  inscription,  "  To  the  most  powerful  of  orators.' 
Bee  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  2.51. 

"'*  A  more  natural  cause,  at  least,  than  that  assigned  by  Vopiscus, 
I  Hist.  i\ugust.  p.  251,)  incessantly  weeping  tor  his  father's  deaih. 

'*  In  the  Persian  war,  Aper  was  suspected  of  a  design  to  betra* 
Carufl.     Hist,  August,  p.  250. 


too  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

pontis  ''^''  But  a  report  soon  circulated  through  the  camp,  «l 
first  in  secret  whispers,  and  at  length  in  loud  clamors,  of  tho 
emperor's  death,  and  of  the  presumption  of  his  ambitious 
minister,  who  still  exercised  the  sovereign  power  in  the  name 
of  a  prince  who  was  no  more.  The  impatience  of  the  soldiers 
could  not  long  support  a  state  of  suspense.  With  rude  curi- 
osity they  broke  into  the  Imperial  tent,  and  discovered  only 
the  corpse  of  Numerian.i^^  The  gradual  decline  of  his 
health  might  have  induced  them  to  believe  that  his  death  was 
natural  ;  but  the  concealment  was  interpreted  as  an  evidence 
of  guilt,  and  the  measures  which  A  per  had  taken  to  secure 
his  election  became  the  immediate  occasion  of  his  ruin. 
Yet,  even  in  the  transport  of  their  rage  and  grief,  the  troops 
observed  a  regular  proceeding,  which  proves  how  firmly  disci- 
pline had  been  reestablished  by  the  martial  successors  of 
Gallienus.  A  general  assembly  of  the  army  was  appointed  to 
be  held  at  Chalcedon,  whither  Aper  was  transported  in  chains, 
as  a  prisoner  and  a  criminal.  A  vacant  tribunal  was  erected 
m  the  midst  of  the  camp,  and  the  generals  and  tribunes  formed 
a  great  military  council.  They  soon  announced  to  the  multi- 
tude that  their  choice  had  fallen  on  Diocletian,  commander  of 
the  domestics  or  body-guards,  as  tlie  person  the  most  capable 
of  revenging  and  succeeding  their  beloved  emperor.  The 
future  fortunes  of  the  candidate  depended  on  the  chance  or 
conduct  of  the  present  hour.  Conscious  that  the  station  which 
he  had  filled  exposed  him  to  some  suspicions,  Diocletian 
ascended  the  tribunal,  and  raising  his  eyes  towards  the  Sun, 
made  a  solemn  profession  of  his  own  innocence,  in  the 
presence  of  that  all-seeing  Deity. '^^^  Then,  assuming  the 
tone  of  a.  sovereign  and  a  judge,  he  commanded  that  Aper 
should  be  brought  in  chains  to  the  foot  of  the  tribunal.  "  This 
man,"  said  he,  "  is  the  murderer  of  Numerian  ;  "  and  without 
giving  him  time  to  enter  on  a  dangerous  justification,  drew  his 
Bword,  and  buried  it  in  the  breast  of  the  unfortunate  prtcfect 
A   charge   supported   by,  such   decisive    proof   was   admitted 

104  ■\yg  j^je  obli5i;cd  to  the  Alexandrian  Chronicle,  p.  274,  for  the 
knowledge  ot  the  time  and  place  where  Diocletian  was  elected 
emperor. 

'"*  Hist.  August,  p.  2-51.  Eutrop.  ix.  88.  Ilieronym.  in  Chron. 
Accordinf^  to  these  judicious  writers,  the  death  of  Numerian  was  dis- 
covered by  the  stench  of  his  dead  body.  C'ould  no  aromatics  be  f'rand 
in  thfi  Imjierial  household  ? 

'"•  Aurel  Victor.     Eutropius,  ix.  20.     Hicronym.  in  Cliron. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  401 

•without  contradiction,  and  the  legions,  with  repeated  acclama' 
tions,  acknowledged  the  justice  and  authority  of  the  emperor 
Diocletian.'ov 

Before  we  enter  upon  the  memorable  reign  of  that  prince, 
It  will  be  proper  to  punish  and  dismiss  the  unworthy  brother 
of  Numerian.  Carinus  possessed  arms  and  treasures  sufficient 
to  support  his  legal  title  to  the  empire.  But  his  personal  vices 
overbalanced  every  advantage  of  birth  and  situation.  The 
mosf  faithful  servants  of  the  father  despised  the  incapacity, 
and  dreaded  the  cruel  arrogance,  of  the  son.  The  hearts  of 
the  people  were  engaged  in  favor  of  his  rival,  and  even  the 
senate  was  inclined  to  prefer  a  usurper  to  a  tyrant.  The  arts 
of  Diocletian  inflamed  the  general  discontent ;  and  the  winter 
was  employed  in  secret  intrigues,  and  open  preparations  for  a 
civil  war.  In  the  spring,  the  forces  of  the  East  and  of  the 
West  encountered  each  other  in  the  plains  of  Margus,  a  small 
city  of  Maesia,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Danube. ^''^  The 
troopc,  so  lately  returned  from  the  Persian  war,  had  acquired 
their  glory  at  the  expense  of  health  and  numbers  ;  nor  were 
they  in  a  condition  to  contend  with  the  unexhausted  strength 
of  the  legions  of  Europe.  Their  ranks  were  broken,  and,  for 
a  moment,  Diocletian  despaired  of  the  purple  and  of  life. 
But  the  advantage  which  Carinus  had  obtained  by  the  valor 
of  his  soldiers,  he  quickly  lost  by  the  infidelity  of  his  officers. 
A  tribune,  whose  wife  he  had  seduced,  seized  the  opportunity 
of  revenge,  and,  by  a  single  blow,  extinguished  civil  discord 
in  the  blood  of  the  adulterer.^"^ 


'**^  Vopiscus  in  Hist.  August,  p.  252.  The  reason  why  Diocletian 
killed  Aper,  (a  wild  boar,)  was  founded  on  a  prophecy  and  a  pun,  &a 
foolish  as  they  are  well  known. 

'"*  Eutropius  marks  its  situation  very  accurately ;  it  was  between 
the  Mons  Aureus  and  Virainiacum.  M.  d'Anville  (Geographic  An- 
cleune,  torn.  i.  p.  304)  places  Margus  at  Kastolatz  •  in  Servia,  a  httle 
below  Belgrade  and  Semendria. 

'"•  Hiat.   August,  p.  254.      Eutropius,  ix.   20.     Aturelius   Victor 
Victor  et  Epitome. 

•  KuUicza.  -  Eton  Atlas.  —  M 
20 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

THE    REIGN    OF    DIOCLETIAN    AND   HIS    THREE   ASSOCIATES,  MAX- 

IMIAN,     GALERIUS,      AND     CONSTANTIUS.  GENERAL      REES- 

TABLISIIMENT  OF  ORDER  AND    TRANQUILLITY. THE  PERSIAi> 

WAR,    VICTORY,   AND     TRIUMPH. THE     NEW     FORM     OF    AI> 

MINISTRATION. ABDICATION  AND    RETIREMENT    OF    DIOCLE- 
TIAN   AND    MAXIMIAN. 

As  the  reign  of  Diocletian  was  more  illustrious  than  that 
of  any  of  his  predecessors,  so  was  his  birth  more  abject  and 
obscure.  The  strong  claims  of  merit  and  of  violence  had 
frequently  superseded  the  ideal  prerogatives  of  nobility ;  but 
a  distinct  line  of  separation  was  hitherto  preserved  between 
the  free  and  the  servile  part  of  mankind.  The  parents  of 
Diocletian  had  been  slaves  in  the  house  of  Anulinus,  a 
Roman  senator ;  nor  was  he  himself  distinguished  by  any 
other  name  than  that  which  he  derived  from  a  small  town  in 
Dalmatia,  from  whence  his  mother  deduced  her  origin. ^  It  is, 
however,  probable  that  his  father  obtained  the  freedom  of  the 
family,  and  that  he  soon  acquired  an  office  of  scribe,  which 
was  commonly  exercised  by  persons  of  his  condition.^  Fa- 
vorable oracles,  or  rather  the  consciousness  of  superior  merit, 
prompted  his  aspiring  son  to  pursue  the  profession  of  arms  and 
the  hopes  of  fortune ;  and  it  would  be  extremely  curious  to 
observe  the  gradation  of  arts  and  accidents  which  enabled 
hirn  in  the  end  to  fulfil  those  oracles,  and  to  display  that  merit 
to  the  world.  Diocletian  was  successively  promoted  to  the 
government  of  Maisia,  the  honors  of  the  consulship,  and  the 
important  command  of  the  guards  of  the  palace.     He  distin- 

*  Eutro]).  ix.  19.  Victor  in  Epitome.  The  town  seems  to  hare 
been  properly  called  Doclia,  from  a  small  tribe  of  lUyrians,  (see  Cel- 
Hrius,  Geograph.  Antiqna,  torn.  i.  p.  303  ;)  and  the  original  name  of 
the  fortunate  slave  was  probably  Docles  ;  he  first  lengthened  it  to  tha 
Grecian  harmony  of  Dioclcs,  and  at  length  to  the  Roman  majesty  of 
J)iocletianus.  He  likewise  assumed  the  Patrician  name  of  Valerius, 
and  it  is  usually  given  him  by  Aurclius  Victor. 

2  See  Uacicr  on  the  sLxth  satire  oi  the  econd  book  of  Iloraoe 
f^*rnel.  NepoB.  in  Vit.  Eumen  c-  I. 

402 


OF    THE    HOMAN    EMPIRE.  403 

gu'.shed  his  ahililies  in  the  Persian  war;  and  afier  the  death 
of  iVumerian,  the  slave,  by  the  confessvon  and  judgment  of  liis 
rivals,  was  declared  the  most  worthy  of  the  imperial  lljone. 
The  malice  of  religious  zeal,  whilst  it  arraigns  the  savage 
*ierceness  of  his  colleague  Maximian,  has  affected  to  cast  sus- 
picions on  the  personal  courage  of  the  emperor  Diocletian.^ 
It  would  not  be  easy  to  persuade  us  of  the  cowardice  of  o 
soldier  of  fortune,  who  acquired  and  preserved  the  esteem  of 
the  legions,  as  well  as  the  favor  of  so  many  warlike  prmcea. 
Yet  even  calumny  is  sagacious  enough  to  discover  and  ic 
attack  the  most  vulnerable  part.  The  valor  of  Diocletian 
was  never  found  inadequate  to  his  duty,  or  to  the  occasion; 
but  he  appears  not  to  have  possessed  the  daring  and  generous 
spirit  of  a  hero,  who  courts  danger  and  fame,  disdains  artifice, 
and  boldly  challenges  the  allegiance  of  his  equals.  His  abili- 
ties were  useful  rather  than  splendid  ;  a  vigorous  mind,  im- 
proved by  the  experience  and  study  of  mankind  ;  dexterity 
and  application  in  business  ;  a  judicious  mixture  of  liberality 
and  economy,  of  mildness  and  rigor  ;  profound  dissimulation, 
under  the  disguise  of  military  frankness  ;  steadiness  to  pursue 
his  ends  ;  flexibility  to  vary  his  means  ;  and,  above  all,  the 
great  art  of  submitting  his  own  passions,  as  well  as  those  of 
others,  to  the  interest  of  his  ambition,  and  of  coloring  his 
ambition  with  the  most  specious  pretences  of  justice  and  pub- 
lic utility.  Like  Augustus,  Diocletian  may  be  considered  as 
the  founder  of  a  new  empire.  Like  the  adopted  son  of 
Caesar,  he  was  distinguished  as  a  statesman  rather  than  as  a 
warrior ;  nor  did  either  of  those  princes  employ  force,  when 
ever  their  purpose  could  be  effected  by  policy. 

The  victory  of  Diocletian  was  remarkable  for  its  singulai 
mildness.  A  people  accustomed  to  applaud  the  clemency  of 
the  conqueror,  if  the  usual  punishments  of  death,  exile,  and 
confiscation,  were  inflicted  with  any  degree  of  temper  and 
equity,  beheld,  with  the  most  pleasing  astonishment,  a  civil 
war,  the  flames  of  which  were  extinguished  in  the  field  of 
battle.  Diocletian  received  into  his  confidence  Aristobulus, 
the  principal  minister  of  the  house  of  Carus,  respected  the 
lives,  the  fortunes,  and   the  dignity,  of  his  adversaries,  and 

*  Lactantius  (or  whoever  was  the  author  of  the  little  treatise  De 
ilortibiLS  I'ersecutoium)  accuses  Dioclotian  of  timiditij  in  two  pluees. 
c  7,  8.  lu  chap.  9  ho  says  o*"  bim,  "  erat  in  omni  tumultu  metii  uio- 
»U8  et  ai  imi  diijcctiis 


404  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

even  continued  in  their  respective  stations  the  greater  iiumoer 
of  tlie  servants  of  Carinus.'*     It  is  not  improbable  that  motives 
of  prudence  might  assist  the  humanity  of  the  artful  Dalma- 
dan  :    of  these  servants,  many   had   purchased  his   favor  by 
secret  treachery ;  in  others,  he  esteemed  their  grateful  fidelity 
to  an  unfortunate  master.     The  discerning  judgment  of  Aure 
lian,  of  Probus,  and  of  Carus,  had   filled  the  several  depart 
ments  of  the  state  and  army  with  officers  of  approved  merit, 
vv'hose  removal  would  have  injured  the  public  service,  with- 
out promoting  the  interest  of  the  successor.     Such  a  conduct, 
however,  displayed  to  the  Roman  world  the   fairest  prospect 
of  the  new  reign,  and  the  emperor  affected  to  confirm  this 
favorable  prepossession,  by  declaring,  that,  among  all  the  vir 
tues  of  his  predecessors,  he  was  the   most  ambitious  of  imi- 
tating the  humane  philosophy  of  Marcus  Antoninus.^ 

The  first  considerable  action  of  his  reign  seemed  to  evince 
his  sincerity  as  well  as  his  moderation.  After  the  example  of 
Marcus,  he  gave  himself  a  colleague  in  the  person  of  Maxim- 
ian,  on  whom  he  bestowed  at  first  the  title  of  Csesar,  and  after- 
wards that  of  Augustus.6  But  the  motives  of  his  conduct,  as 
well  as  the  object  of  his  choice,  were  of  a  very  different 
nature  from  those  of  his  admired  predecessor.  By  investing 
a  luxurious  youth  with  the  honors  of  the  purple,  Marcus  had 
discharged  a  debt  of  private  gratitude,  at  the  expense,  indeed, 
of  the  happiness  of  the  state.  By  associating  a  friend  and  a 
fellow-soldier  to  the  labors  of  government,  Diocletian,  in  a 
time  of  public  danger,  provided  for  the  defence  both  of  the 
East  and  of  the  West.  Maximian  was  born  a  peasant,  and, 
like  Aurelian,  in  the  territory  of  Sirmium.     Ignorant  of  letters,' 

*  In  this  encomium,  Aurelius  Victor  seemr5  to  convey  a  just,  though 
Indirect,  censure  of  the  cruelty  of  Constantius.  It  appears  from  the 
Fasti,  that  Aristobulus  remained  prajfect  of  the  city,  and  that  he 
ended  with  Diocletian  the  consulship  which  he  had  commenced  with 
Carinus. 

*  Aurelius  Victor  styles  Diocletian,  "  Parcntcm  potius  quam  Dom- 
inum."     See  Hist.  August,  p.  30. 

*  The  question  of  the  time  when  Maximian  received  the  I.onors  of 
Caesar  and  Augustus  has  divided  modern  critics,  and  given  occasion 
to  a  great  deal  of  learned  wrangling.  I  have  follo\>;cd  M.  de  Tille- 
mont,  (Histoire  des  Empcrcurs,  tom.  iv.  p.  500 — 505.)  who  has  weighed 
the  several  reasons  and  difficulties  with  his  scrupulous  accuracy  * 

'  In  an  oration  delivered  before  him,  (Pancgyr.  Vet.  ii.  8,)  Mamcr- 
tinus  expresses  a  doubt,  whether  his  hero,  in  imitating  the  conduct  of 


Eckhc  I  concurs  in  this  view,  viii.  p.  15.  —  M. 


OF    THE    ftOMAN    EMPIRE.  405 

careless  of  laws,  the  rusticity  of  his  appearance  an.i  manners 
still  betrayed  in  the  most  elevated  fortune  the  meanness  of  hia 
extraction.  War  \va;  the  only  art  whicli  he  professed.  In  a 
lon<f  course  of  service,  he  had  distinguished  l)imself  on  every 
frontier  of  the  empire ;  and  though  his  military  tali-nts  were 
formed  to  obey  rather  than  to  command,  though,  perhaps,  he 
never  attained  the  skill  of  a  consummate  general,  he  was  ca- 
pable, by  his  valor,  constancy,  and  experience,  of  executing 
the  most  arduous  undertakings.  Nor  were  the  vices  of  Max- 
imian  less  usefu!  to  his  benefactor.  Insensible  to  pity,  and 
fearless  of  consequences,  he  was  the  ready  instrument  of 
every  act  of  cruelty  which  the  policy  of  that  artful  prince 
might  at  once  suggest  and  disclaim.  As  soon  as  a  bloody 
sacrifice  had  been  offered  to  prudence  or  to  revenge,  Diocle- 
tian, by  his  seasonable  intercession,  saved  the  remaining  few 
whom  he  had  never  designed  to  punish,  gently  censured  the 
severity  of  his  stern  colleague,  and  enjoyed  the  comparison 
of  a  golden  and  an  iron  age,  which  was  universally  applied  to 
their  opposite  maxims  of  government.  Notwithstanding  the  dif- 
ference of  their  characters,  the  two  emperors  maintained,  on  the 
throne,  that  friendship  which  they  had  contracted  in  a  private 
station.  The  haughty,  turbulent  spirit  of  Maximian,  so  fatal, 
afterwards,  to  himself  and  to  the  public  peace,  was  accustomed 
to  respect  the  genius  of  Diocletian,  and  confessed  the  ascend- 
ant of  reason  over  brutal  violence.^  From  a  motive  either  of 
pride  or  superstition,  the  two  emperors  assumed  the  titles,  the 
one  of  Jovius,  the  other  of  Herculius.  Whilst  the  motion  of 
the  world  (such  was  the  language  of  their  venal  orators)  was 
maintained  by  the  all-seeing  wisdom  of  Jupiter,  the  invincible 
arm  of  Hercules  purged  the  earth  from  monsters  and  tyrants.^ 


Hannibal  and  Scijjio,  had  over  heard  of  their  names.  From  thence 
we  may  fairly  infer,  that  Muximian  was  more  desirous  of  being 
considered  as  a  soldier  than  as  a  man  of  letters  :  and  it  is  in  this 
manner  that  we  can  often  translate  the  lanijuage  o.f  flattery  into  tliat 
of  truth. 

"  Lactantius  de  M.  P.  c.  8.  Aurelius  Victor.  As,  among  the  Pane- 
gyrics, we  tind  onitions  pronounced  in  praise  of  Maximian,  and  others 
7»-hic-h  flatter  his  adversaries  at  his  expense,  we  derive  some  knowledge 
from  the  contrast. 

*  Sec  the  second  and  tliird  Panegyrics,  particularly  iii.  3,  10,  14  ; 
but  it  would  bo  tedious  to  copy  the  diffuse  and  affected  expressions 
of  their  false  elociuence.  With  regard  to  the  titles,  consult  AureL 
Victor,  Lactantius  de  M.  P.  c.  52.  Spanhcim  de  Usu  Iwimisma'um; 
fcc.     Disseitat.  iii.  8 


106  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

But  even  the  omnipotence  of  Jovius  and  Herculius  waa 
insuflicient  to  sustain  the  weight  of  the  public  administration. 
The  prudence  of  Diocletian  discovered  that  the  empire,  as- 
sailed on  every  side  by  the  barbarians,  required  on  every  side 
the  presence  of  a  great  army,  and  of  an  emperor.  With  this 
view,  he  resolved  once  mo'-e  to  divide  his  unwieldy  power, 
and  with  the  inferior  title  of  CcBsars*  to  confer  on  two  gen- 
erals of  approved  merit  an  equal  share  of  the  sovereign  au- 
vhority.'"  Galerius,  surnamed  Armentarius,  from  his  origina' 
profession  of  a  herdsman,  and  Constantius,  who  from  his  pale 
complexion  had  acquired  the  denomination  of  Chlorus,!^  were 
the  two  persons  invested  with  the  second  honors  of  the  Impe- 
rial purple.  In  describing  the  country,  extraction,  and  man- 
ners of  Herculius,  we  have  already  delineated  those  of  Gale- 
rius, who  was  often,  and  not  improperly,  styled  the  younger 
Maximian,  though,  in  many  instances  both  of  virtue  and  abil- 
ity, he  appears  to  have  possessed  a  manifest  superiority  over 
the  elder.  The  birth  of  Constantius  was  less  obscure  than 
that  of  his  colleagues.  Eutropius,  nis  father,  was  one  of  the 
most  considerable  nobles  of  Dardania,  and  his  mother  was  the 
niece  of  the  emperor  Claudius.^^  Although  the  youth  of 
Constantius  had  been  spent  in  arms,  he  was  endowed  with  a 
mild  and  amiable  disposition,  and  the  popular  voice  had  long 
since  acknowledged  him  worthy  of  the  rank  which  he  at  last 
attained.  To  strengthen  the  bonds  of  political,  by  those  of 
domestic,  union,  each  of  the  emperors  assumed  the  character 
of  a  father  to  one  of  the  Caesars,  Diocletian  to  Galerius,  and 
Maximian  to  Constantius  ;  and  each,  obliging  them  to  repudi- 
ate their  former  wives,  bestowed  his  daughter  in  marriage  on 
his  adopted  son. ^3     These  four  princes  distributed  among  them- 

'•  Aurelius  Victor.  Victor  in  Epitome.  Eutrop.  ix.  22.  Lactant. 
de  M.  P.  c.  8.     Hicronym.  in  Chron. 

"  It  is  only  among  the  modern  Greeks  that  Tillemont  can  discover 
his  appellation  of  Chlorus.  Any  remarkable  degree  of  paleness  seems 
inconsistent  with  the  rubor  mentioned  in  Panegyric,  v.  19. 

"  Julian,  the  grandson  of  Constantius,  boasts  that  his  family  waa 
derived  from  the  warlike  Msesians.  Misopogon,  p.  348.  The  Darda- 
nians  dwelt  on  the  edge  of  Muesia. 

'*  Galerius  married  Valeria,  the  daughter  of  Diocletian ;  if  wa 
?pcak  with  strictness,  Theodora,  the  wile  of  Constantius,  was  daugh- 
ter oidy  to  the  wile  of  ilaximian.     Spanhcim,  Dissertat.  x.i.  2. 


•  On  the  relative  power  of  the  August!  and  'he  Ceesars,  consult  a  .»!•- 
lertatioQ  at  the  end  of  Mauso's  Leben  Constat tius  des  Grossen.  —  M. 


OF    THE    nOMAN    EMPIRE  4(W 

selves  the  wide  extent  of  the  Roman  empire.  The  c]efenco"of 
Gaul,  S])ain,^''  and  Britain,  was  intrusted  to  ConstanMus  :  (Vale- 
rius was  stationed  on  the  banks  of"  tlie  Danube,  as  the  safeguard 
of  the  lllyrian  provinces.  Italy  and  Africa  were  considered 
as  the  department  of  Maximian  ;  and  for  his  peculiar  portion 
Dioceti'in  reserved  Thrace,  Efrypt,  and  the  rich  countrif-.s  of 
Asia.  Every  one  was  sovereign  within  his  own  jurisdiction  • 
hut  their  united  authority  extended  over  the  whole  monarchy, 
and  each  of  them  was  prepared  to  assist  his  colleagues  with 
his  counsels  or  presence.  The  Cajsars,  in  their  ex-ilted  rank, 
revered  the  majesty  of  the  emperors,  and  the  three  younger 
princes  invariably  acknowledged,  by  their  gratitude  and  obe- 
dience, the  common  parent  of  their  fortunes.  The  suspicious 
jealousy  of  power  found  not  any  place  among  them  •,  and  the 
singular  happiness  of  their  union  has  been  compared  to  a 
chorus  of  music,  whose  harmony  was  regulated  and  main- 
tained by  the  skilful  hand  of  tho  first  artist.^^ 

This  important  measure  was  not  carried  into  execution  till 
about  six  years  after  the  association  of  Maximian,  and  that 
interval  of  time  had  not  been  destitute  of  memorable  incidents. 
But  we  have  preferrer',  for  the  sake  of  perspicuity,  first  to 
describe  the  more  perfect  form  of  Diocletian's  government, 
and  afterwards  to  relate  the  actions  of  his  reign,  following 
rather  the  natural  order  of  the  events,  than  the  dates  of  a  very 
doubtful  chronology. 

The  first  exploit  of  Maximian,  though  it  is  mentioned  in  a 
few  words  by  our  imperfect  writers,  deserves,  from  its  singu- 
larity, to  be  recorded  in  a  history  of  human  manners.  He 
suppressed  the  peasants  of  Gaul,  who,  under  the  appellation  of 
Bagauda3,i6  had  risen  in  a  general  insurrection ;  vory  similar 
to  those  which  in  the  fourteenth  century  successively  afiiicted 

'*  This  division  agrees  with  that  of  the  foiir  pra-fectures  ;  yet  there 
is  gome  reason  to  doubt  whether  Spain  was  not  a  province  of  Max- 
iiuian.     Sec  Tillcinont,  torn.  iv.  p.  517.* 

'*  Julian  in  Ca;sarib.  p.  315.  Spanheim's  notes  to  tho  French 
translation,  p.  122.  • 

■^  The  general  name  of  Bagaudm  (in  the  signification  of  rebels) 
continued  till  the  fifth  century  in  Gaul.  Some  critics  derive  it  from  a 
Celtic  word  Dagad,  a  tumultuous  assembly.  Scaliger  ad  Euseb.  Du 
Cange  Glossar.  [Compare  S.  Turner,  Anglo-Sax.  History,  i.  214.  —  M.| 


*  According  to  Aurelius  Victor  and  other  authorities,  Thrace  belonged 
fo  the  division  of  Galcrius.  See  TilloTuoiit,  iv.  30  But  t!ie  laws  of  l)io 
jli'tian  a/eiii  general  dated  in  lUyria  or 'J'hrace.  —  W. 


108  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

both  France  and  England.^'''  It  should  seem  that  very  many 
of  those  institutions,  referred  by  an  easy  solution  to  the  feudii. 
system,  are  derived  from  the  CeUic  barbarians.  When  Ca?sar 
subdued  the  Gauls,  that  great  nation  was  already  divided  into 
three  orders  of  men  ;  the  clergy,  the  nobility,  and  the  common 
people.  The  first  governed  by  superstition,  the  second  by 
arms,  but  the  third  and  last  was  not  of  any  weight  or  account 
in  their  public  councils.  It  was  very  natural  for  the  plebeians, 
oppressed  by  debt,  or  apprehensive  of  injuries,  to  implore  the 
])rotection  of  some  powerful  chief,  who  acquired  over  tlieir 
persons  and  property  the  same  absolute  right  as,  among  the 
Greeks  and  Romans,  a  master  exercised  over  his  slaves.^^ 
The  greatest  part  of  the  nation  was  gradually  reduced  into  a 
state  of  servitude  ;  compelled  to  perpetual  labor  on  the  estates 
of  the  Gallic  nobles,  and  confined  to  the  soil,  either  by  the 
real  weight  of  fettei-s,  or  by  the  no  less  cruel  and  forcible 
restraints  of  the  laws.  During  the  long  series  of  troubles 
which  agitated  Gaul,  from  the  reign  of  Gallienus  to  that  of 
Diocletian,  the  condition  of  these  servile  peasants  was  pecu- 
liarly miserable  ;  and  they  experienced  at  once  the  complicated 
tyranny  of  their  masters,  of  the  barbarians,  of  the  soldiers 
and  of  the  officers  of  the  revenue. '^ 

Their  patience  was  at  last  provoked  into  despai/.  On  ever)' 
side  they  rose  in  multitudes,  armed  with  rustic  weapons,  and 
with  irresistible  fury.  The  ploughman  became  a  foot  soldier, 
the  shepherd  mounted  on  horseback,  the  deserted  villages  and 
open  towns  were  abandoned  to  the  flames,  and  the  ravages  of 
the  peasants  equalled  those  of  the  fiercest  barbarians.-"  They 
asserted  the  natural  rights  of  men,  but  they  asserted  those 
rights  with  the  most  savage  cruelty.  The  Gallic  nobles,  justly 
dreading  their  revenge,  either  took  refuge  in  the  fortified  cities, 
or  fled  from  the  wild  scene  of  anarchy.  The  peasants  reigned 
without  control ;  and  two  of  their  most  daring  leaders  had  the 
*blly  and  rashness  to  assume  the  Imperial  ornaments.^i     Their 


''  Chroniquc  de  Froissart,  vol.  i.  c.  182,  ii.  73,  79.     The  naiveti  of 
his  story  is  lost  in  our  best  modem  writers. 

"*  Ctesar  do  Bell.  Gallic,  vi.  13.     Orgctorix,  tlie  Helvetian,  could 
Rrrn  for  his  defence  a  body  of  ten  thousand  slaves. 

•  Their  oppression  and  misery  are  acknowledged  by  Eumenius, 
(Panegyr.  vi.  8,j  Gallias  cfTeratas  injuriis. 

*"  Panegyr.  \  et.  ii.  4.     Aurelius  Victor. 

*'  ^lianus   and   Amandus.      Wo   have   medals  coined   by  them. 
Goltzius  in  Thes.  II.  A.  p.  117,  121. 


OF    THE    KUMAN    EMriRE.  409 

power  soon  expired  at  tlie  approach  of  the  legions.  Th« 
strength  of  union  and  discipline  obtained  an  easy  victory  over 
1  licentious  and  divided  multitude.-^  A  severe  retaliation  waa 
inflicted  on  the  peasants  who  were  found  in  arms  ,  the  atfrighted 
remnant  returned  to  their  respective  habitations,  and  their 
unsuccessful  effort  for  freedom  served  only  to  confirm  their 
slavery.  So  strong  and  uniform  is  the  current  of  popular  pas- 
sions, that  we  might  almost  venture,  from  very  scanty  materials. 
to  relate  the  particulars  of  this  war;  but  we  are  not  disposed 
to  believe  that  the  principal  leaders,  TElianus  and  Amandus, 
were  Christians,^^  or  to  insinuate,  that  the  rebellion,  as  it  hap- 
pened in  the  time  of  Luther,  was  occasioned  by  the  abuse  of 
those  benevolent  principles  of  Christianity,  which  inculcate 
the  natural  frp^dom  of  mankind. 

Maximian  had  no  sooner  recovered  Gaul  from  the  hands  of 
the  peasants,  than  he  lost  Britain  by  the  usurpation  of  Carau- 
sius.  Ever  since  the  rash  but  successful  enterprise  of  the_ 
Franks  under  the  reign  of  Probus,  their  daring  countrymen 
had  constructed  squadrons  of  light  brigantines,  in  which  they 
incessantly  ravaged  the  provinces  adjacent  to  the  ocean.'^"*  To 
repel  their  desultory  incursions,  it  was  found  necessary  to  create 
a  naval  power;  and  the  judicious  measure  was  prosecuted  with 
prudence  and  vigor.  Gcssoriacum,  or  Boulogne,  in  the  straits 
of  the  British  Channel,  was  chosen  by  the  emperor  for  the  sta- 
tion of  the  Roman  fleet ;  and  the  command  of  it  was  intrusted 
to  Carausius,  a  Menapian  of  the  meanest  origin,-^  but  who  harl 
long  signalized  his  skill  as  a  pilot,  and  his  valor  as  a  soldier. 
The   integrity  of  the  new  admiral   corresponded   not  with  his 

'"  Lcvibus  prceliis  domuit.     Eutrop.  ix.  20. 

"  The  fact  rostra  indeed  on  very  slight  authority,  a  life  of  St.  Babo- 
linus,  which  is  probably  of  the  seventh  century.  See  Duchtsne 
Scriptoros  Ker.  Francicar.  torn.  i.  p.  662. 

*•  Aurelius  Victor  calls  them  Germans.  Eutropius  (ix.  21)  p^v«s 
them  the  name  of  Saxons.  But  Eutropius  lived  in  the  ensuing  cen- 
tury, and  seems  to  use  the  languat^e  of  his  own  times. 

"  The  three  expressions  of  iMitropius,  Aurelius  Victor,  and  Eume- 
nias  "  vilissime  natus,"  "  Bataviie  alumnus,"  and  "  Menapiir  cirrs," 
Kive  us  a  very  doubtful  account  of  the  birth  of  Carausius.  Dr. 
Stukcly,  however,  (Hist,  of  Oarausius,  p.  62,)  chooses  to  make  him  a 
TLitive  of  St.  David's  and  a  prince  of  the  hlood  royal  of  Biitaiu.  Tlie 
firnncr  idea  he  had  found  in  Kichiurd  of  Ciienccster,  p.  4-i.* 


•  The  Mcnapians  were  settled  between  the  Scheldt  and  the  Mcuse   Ui 
tbe  northern  part  of  Brabant.     D'Anville,  Geogr.  Anc.  i.  U3.  — U 
20* 


410  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

ubibtios.  When  the  German  pu-ates  sailed  from  their  own 
harbors,  he  connived  at  their  passage,  but  he  dibgently  inter- 
cepted their  return,  and  appropriated  to  his  own  use  an  ample 
sliare  of  the  spoil  which  they  had  acquired.  The  wealth  of 
Carausius  was,  on  this  occasion,  very  justly  considered  as  an 
evidence  of  his  guilt;  and  Maximian  had  already  given  orders 
for  his  death.  But  the  crafty  Menapian  foresaw  and  prevented 
the  severity  of  the  emperor.  By  his  liberality  he  had  attached 
to  his  fortunes  the  f^eet  which  he  commanded,  and  secured  tlie 
barbarians  in  his  interest.  From  the  port  of  Boulogne  he  sailed 
over  to  Britain,  persuaded  the  legion,  and  the  au.xiliaries  which 
guarded  that  island,  to  embrace  his  party,  and  boldly  assum- 
ing, with  the  Imperial  purple,  the  title  of  Auguuus,  defied  the 
justice  and  the  arms  of  his  injured  sovereign.^^ 

When  Britain  was  thus  dismembered  from  the  empire,  its 
importance  was  sensibly  felt,  and  its  loss  sincerely  lamented. 
The  Romans  celebrated,  and  perhaps  magnified,  the  extent  of 
that  noble  island,  provided  on  every  side  with  convenient 
harbors  ;  the  temperature  of  the  climate,  and  the  fertility  of 
the  soil,  alike  adapted  for  the  production  of  corn  or  of  vines; 
the  valuable  minerals  with  which  it  abounded  ;  its  rich  pa.stures 
covered  with  innumerable  flocks,  and  its  woods  free  from  wild 
beasts  or  venomous  serpents.  Above  all,  they  regretted  the 
large  amount  of  the  revenue  of  Britain,  whilst  they  confessed, 
ihat  such  a  province  well  deserved  to  become  the  seat  of  an 
independent  monarchy.'"  During  the  space  of  seven  years  it 
was  possessed  by  Carausius;  and  fortune  continued  propitious 
to  a  rebellion  supported  with  courage  and  ability.  The  British 
emperor  defended  the  frontiers  of  his  dominions  against  the 
Caledonians  of  the  North,  invited,  from  the  continent,  a  great 
number  of  skilful  artists,  and  displayed,  on  a  variety  of  coins 
that  are  still  extant,  his  taste  and  opulence.  Born  on  the 
confines  of  the  Franks,  he  courted  the  friendship  of  that  for- 
midable people,  by  the  flattering  imitation  of  their  dress  and 
manners.     The  bravest  of  their" youth  ne  enlisted  among  hia 


**  Panegyr.  v.  12.  Britain  at  this  time  was  secure,  and  slightly 
giiardtd. 

"  PanegvT.  Yet.  v.  11,  vii.  9.  The  orator  Eumcnius  wished  to  exalt 
tlie  glory  of  the  hero  (Constantius)  with  the  imijortance  of  the  ccin- 
quest.  Notwithstanding  our  laudable  partiality  for  our  native,  country, 
it  is  diifii  ult  to  eoneoivc,  that,  in  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  c(  ntury, 
England  deserved  all  those  commendations.  A  century  and  a  lialf 
»>efovc,  it  hardly  paid  its  own  establishment.     See  Appian  in  PrCKPiu 


OP   THE    nOMAN    EMriRE.  411 

land  or  sea  force>* :  and,  in  return  for  their  useful  alliance,  he 
communicated  to  the  barbarians  the  dangerous  knowledf^e  of 
military  and  naval  arts.  Carausius  still  preserved  the  posses- 
sion of  Boulogne  and  the  adjacent  country.  His  fleets  rode 
triumphant  in  tlie  channel,  commanded  the  mouths  of  the 
Seine  and  of  the  Rhine,  ravaged  the  coasts  of  the  ocean,  and 
diffused  beyond  the  columns  of  Hercules  the  terror  of  liij 
name.  Under  his  command,  Britain,  destined  in  a  future  age 
to  obtain  the  empire  of  the  sea,  already  assumed  its  natural 
and  respectable  station  of  a  maritime  power. '^^ 

By  seizing  the  fleet  of  Boulogne,  Carausius  had  deprived 
his  master  of  the  means  of  pursuit  and  revenge.  And  when, 
after  a  vast  expense  of  time  and  labor,  a  new  armament  was 
launched  into  the  water,^  the  Imperial  troops,  unaccustomed 
to  that  element,  were  easily  baffled  and  defeated  by  tlie  veteran 
sailors  of  the  usurper.  This  disappointed  effort  was  soon 
productive  of  a  treaty  of  peace.  Diocletian  and  his  colleague, 
who  justly  dreaded  the  enterprising  spirit  of  Carausius,  resigned 
to  liim  tlie  sovereignty  of  Britain,  and  reluctantly  admitted 
tiieir  perfidious  servant  to  a  participation  of  the  Imperial 
honors.^"  But  the  adoption  of  the  two  Caesars  restored  new 
vigor  to  the  Roman  arms ;  and  while  the  Rhine  was  guarded 
by  the  presence  of  Maximian,  his  brave  associate  Constanlius 
assumed  the  conduct  of  tlie  Britisli  war.  His  first  enterprise 
was  again.-t  the  important  place  of  Boulogne.  A  stupendous 
mole,  raised  across  the  entrance  of  the  harbor,  intercepted  all 
hop(;s  of  relief.  The  town  surrendered  after  an  obstinate 
defence ;  and  a  considerable  part  of  the  naval  strength  of 
Carausius  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  besiegers.  During  the 
three  years  which  Constantius  employed  in  preparing  a  fleet 

"  As  a  great  number  of  medals  of  Caraushis  are  still  presen'cd,  he 
is  become  a  very  favorite  object  of  antiquarian  curiosity,  and  every 
cireumstatice  of  his  life  and  actions  has  been  investigated  with  saga- 
cious accuracy.  Dr.  Stukely,  in  particular,  has  devoted  a  large  vol- 
ume to  the  British  emperor.  I  have  used  his  materials,  and  rejected 
aiost  of  his  fanciful  conjectures. 

'*  "When  Mamcrtinus  pronounced  his  first  panegyric,  the  naval 
preparations  of  Maximian  wore  completed  ;  and  the  orator  presaged 
<ci  assured  victory.  His  silence  in  the  second  panegyric  might  alono 
jiform  us  that  the  expedition  had  n(jt  succeeded. 

'"  Aurelius  Victor,  Eutropius,  and  the  medals,  (Pax  Augg.,)  inform 
IS  of  this  temporary  reconciliation  ;  though  I  will  not  presuroo  (as 
Dr.  Stukely  has  done,  Medallic  History  of  Carausius,  p.  86,  &c.\  t* 
uiseit  the  identical  articles  of  the  treaty. 


412  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

adequate  to  the  conquest  of  Britain,  he  secired  the  coast  of 
Gaul,  invaded  the  country  of  the  Franks,  and  deprived  the 
Usjrper  of  the  assistance  of  those  powerful  allies. 

Before  the  preparations  vv-ere  finished,  Constantius  received 
t)>e  intelligence  of  the  tyrant's  death,  and  it  was  considered  as 
p.  sure  presage  of  the  approaching  victory.  The  servants  of 
Carausius  imitated  the  example  of  treason  which  he  had 
given.  He  was  murdered  by  his  first  minister,  Allectus,  and 
the  assassin  succeeded  to  his  power  and  to  his  danger.  But 
he  possessed  not  equal  abilities  either  to  exercise  the  one  or 
to  repel  the  other.  He  beheld,  with  anxious  terror,  the  oppo- 
site shores  of  the  continent  already  filled  with  arms,  with 
troops,  and  with  vessels  ;  for  Constantius  had  very  prudently 
divided  his  forces,  that  he  might  likewise  divide  the  attention 
and  resistance  of  the  enemy.  The  attack  was  at  length  made 
by  the  principal  squadron,  which,  under  the  command  of  the 
praefect  Asclepiodatus,  an  officer  of  distinguished  merit,  had 
been  assembled  in  the  mouth  of  the  Seine.  So  imperfect  in 
those  times  was  the  art  of  navigation,  that  orators  have  cele- 
brated the  daring  courage  of  the  Romans,  who  ventured  to  set 
sail  with  a  side-wind,  and  on  a  stormy  day.  The  weather 
proved  favorable  to  their  enterprise.  Under  the  cover  of  a 
thick  fog,  they  escaped  the  fleet  of  Allectus,  which  had  been 
stationed  off  the  Isle  of  Wight  to  receive  them,  landed  in 
safety  on  some  part  of  the  western  coast,  and  convinced  the 
Britons,  that  a  superiority  of  naval  strength  will  not  always 
protect  their  country  from  a  foreign  invasion.  Asclepiodatus 
had  no  sooner  disembarked  the  imperial  troops,  than  he  set 
fire  to  his  ships ;  and,  as  the  expedition  proved  fortunate,  his 
heroic  conduct  was  universally  admired.  The  usurper  had 
posted  himself  near  London,  to  expect  the  formidable  attack 
of  Constantius,  who  commanded  in  person  the  fleet  of  Bou- 
logne ;  but  the  descent  of  a  new  enemy  required  his  immedi- 
ate presence  in  the  West.  He  performed  this  long  march  in 
BO  precipitate  a  manner,  that  he  encountered  the  whole  force 
>f  the  praefect  with  a  small  body  of  harassed  and  disheartened 
troops.  The  engagement  was  soon  terminated  by  the  total 
defeat  and  death  of  Allectus  ;  a  single  battle,  as  it  has  often 
happened,  decided  the  fate  of  this  great  island  ;  and  when 
Constantius  landed  on  the  shores  of  Kent,  he  found  them  cov- 
ered  with  obedient  subjects.  Their  acclamations  were  loud 
and  unanimous;  and  the  virtues  of  the  conriaeror  may  induce 
•w  to  believe,  that  they  sincerely   rejoiced  in  a  revolution 


OF    THE    R0MA:<    EMPlRR.  Al'j 

ivhicli,  aAer  a  separation  of  ten  years,  restored  Britain   to  the 
body    )f  the  Roman  empire.'" 

Britain  had  none  but  domestic  enemies  to  dread  ;  and  as 
long  as  the  governors  preserved  tlieir  fidcility,  and  the  troops 
iJicir  discipline,  the  incursions  of  the  naked  savages  of  Scot- 
land or  Ireland  could  never  materially  aflect  the  safety  of  the 
province.  The  peace  of  the  continent,  and  the  defence  of  the 
principal  rivers  which  bounded  the  empire,  were  objects  of 
far  greater  difficulty  and  imjjortance.  The  policy  of  Diocle- 
tian, which  inspired  the  councils  of  his  associates,  (Provided 
for  the  public  tranquillity,  by  encouraging  a  spirit  of  dissen- 
uion  among  the  barbarians,  and  by  strengthening  the  fortifica- 
tions of  the  Roman  limit.  In  the  East  he  fixed  a  line  of  camps 
from  Egypt  to  the  Persian  dominions,  and  for  every  camp,  he 
instituted  an  adequate  number  of  stationary  troops,  commanded 
hy  their  respective  officers,  and  supplied  with  every  kuid  of 
nrms,  from  the  new  arsenals  which  he  had  formed  at  Antioch. 
Emesa,  and  Damascus.^-  Nor  was  the  precaution  of  the  em- 
peror less  watchful  against  the  well-known  valor  of  the  barba- 
rians of  Europe.  From  the  mouth  of  the  Rhine  to  that  of  tlie 
Danube,  the  ancient  camps,  towns,  and  citadels,  w^m'c  dili- 
gently reestablished,  and,  in  the  most  exposed  |)laccs,  new 
ones  were  skilfully  constructed  :  the  strictest  vigilance  was 
introduced  among  the  garrisons  of  the  frontier,  and  every 
expedient  was  practised  that  could  render  the  long  chain  of 
fortifications  firm  and  impenetrable.^^  A  barrier  so  resoect- 
able  was  seldom  violated,  and  the  barbarians  often  turned 
against  each  other  their  disappomtcd  rage.  The  Goths,  the 
Vandals,  the  Gepidai,  the  Burgundians,  the  Alemanni,  wasted 
each  other's  strength  by  destructive  hostilities  :  and  whoso 
ever  vanquished,  they  vanquished  the  enemies  of  Rome.  The 
subjects  of  Diocletian  enjoyed  the  bloody  spectacle,  and  con- 
gratulated each  other,  that  the  mischiefs  of  civil  war  weie 
now  experienced  only  by  the  barbarians.^'* 

"  With  regard  to  the  recovery  of  Britain,  we  obtain  a  few  hintj 
from  Aurclius  Victor  and  Eutropius. 

"  Jolin  Malala,  in  Chron.  Antiochcn.  torn.  i.  p.  408,  409. 

^^  Zosim.  1.  i.  p.  3.  That  partial  historian  seems  to  celebrate  tha 
vigilance  of  Diocletian,  with  a  design  of  exposing  the  negligence  of 
Constantino  ;  we  may,  however,  listen  to  an  orator  :  "  Nam  quid  ego 
alarum  et  cohortium  castra  perccnseam,  toto  liheni  et  Istri  et  Euplira- 
tis  limits  restituta."     Panegyr.  Vet.  iv,  18. 

**  Kuunt  omnea  in  aanguinom  suum  poptili,   quibus  non  contigit 


il4 


THh    DECLINE    AND    FAIX 


Notwithstauding  the  policy  of  Diocletian,  it  was  impossible 
to  maintain  an  equal  and  undisturbed  tranquillity  during  a 
ff  ign  dC  tvventy  years,  and  along  a  frontier  of  many  hundred 
miles.  Sometimes  the  barbarians  suspended  their  domestic 
animosities,  and  the  relaxed  vigilance  of  the  garrisons  some- 
times gave  a  passage  to  their  strength  or  dexterity.  When- 
ever the  provinces  were  invaded,  Diocletian  conducted  himself 
with  triat  calm  dignity  which  he  always  affected  or  possessed  ; 
reserved  his  presence  for  such  occasions  as  were  worthy  oi 
his  interposition,  never  exposed  his  person  or  reputation  to 
any  unnecessary  danger,  insured  his  success  by  every  means 
that  prudence  could  suggest,  and  displayed,  with  ostentation, 
the  consequences  of  his  victory.  In  wars  of  a  more  difficult 
nature,  and  more  doubtful  event,  he  employed  the  rough  valoi 
of  Maximian  ;  and  that  faithful  soldier  was  content  to  ascribe 
his  own  victories  to  the  wise  counsels  and  auspicious  influenct 
of  his  benefactor.  But  after  the  adoption  of  the  two  Caesars, 
the  emperors  themselves,  retiring  to  a  less  laborious  scene  of 
action,  devolved  on  their  adopted  sons  the  defence  of  the  Dan- 
ube and  of  the  Rhine.  The  vigilant  Galerius  was  nevei 
reduced  to  the  necessity  of  vanquishing  an  army  of  barbari- 
ans on  the  Roman  territory.^s  The  brave  and  active  Constan- 
tius  delivered  Gaul  from  a  very  furious  inroad  of  the  Ale- 
manni ;  and  his  victories  of  Langres  and  Vindonissa  appeai 
to  have  been  actions  of  considerable  danger  and  merit.  As 
he  traversed  the  open  country  with  a  feeble  guard,  he  was 
encompassed  on  a  sudden  by  the  superior  multitude  of  the 
enemy.  He  retreated  with  difficulty  towards  Langres  ;  but, 
in  the  general  consternation,  the  citizens  refused  to  open  their 
gates,  and  the  wounded  prince  was  drawn  up  the  wall  by 
the  means  of  a  rope.  But,  on  the  news  of  his  distress,  the 
Roman  troops  hastened  from  all  sides  to  his  relief,  and  before 
the  evening  he  had  satisfied  his  honor  and  revenge  by  the 
slaughter  of  six  thousand  Allemani.^^'^     From  the  monuments 


Ciiss  Romanis,  obstinataeque  feritatis  popnas  nunc  sponte  persolvunt. 
Panegyr.  Vet.  iii.  16.  Mamcrtinus  illustrates  the  fact  by  the  exam- 
ple of  almost  all  the  nations  of  the  world. 

**  He  complained,  though  not  with  the  strictest  truth.  "Jam  flux- 
i3se  annos  quiiidccim  in  quibus,  in  lUyrico,  ad  ripam  Danubii  relega- 
tu8  cum  gentibus  barbaris  luctaret."   Lactant.  de  M.  1'.  c.  18. 

^*  In  the  Greek  text  of  Eusebius,  we  read  six  thousand,  a  num- 
Dcr  which  I  have  preferred  to  the  sixty  thousand  of  Jcromi\  Otosi- 
aa  Eutropius,  and  his  Greek  translator  Paeanius. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE  415 

of  ihose  times,  the  obscure  traces  of  several  other  victories 
over  the  barbarians  of  Sarmatia  and  Germany  might  possibly 
be  collected  ;  but  the  tedious  search  would  not  be  rewarded 
either  with  amusement  or  with  instruction. 

The  conduct  which  the  emperor  Probus  had  adopted  in  the 
disposal  of  the  vanquished,  was  imitated  by  Diocletian  and  his 
nssociates.  The  captive  barbarians,  exchanging  death  for 
slavery,  were  distributed  among  the  provincials,  and  assigned 
to  those  districts  (in  Gaul,  the  territories  of  Amiens,  Beauvaia, 
Cambray,  Treves,  Langres,  and  Troves,  are  particularly 
specified  ^^)  which  had  been  depopulated  by  the  calamities  of 
war.  They  were  usefully  employed  as  shepherds  and  hus- 
bandmen, but  were  denied  the  exercise  of  arms,  except  when 
it  was  found  expedient  to  enroll  them  in  the  military  service. 
Nor  did  the  emperors  refuse  the  property  of  lands,  with  a  less 
servile  tenure,  to  such  of  the  barbarians  as  solicited  the  pro- 
lection  of  Rome.  They  granted  a  settlement  to  several  colo- 
nies of  the  Carpi,  the  Bastarnae,  and  the  Sarmatians  ;  and,  by 
a  dangerous  indulgence,  permitted  them  in  some  measure  to 
retain  their  national  manners  and  independence.*'^  Among 
the  provincials,  it  was  a  subject  of  flattering  exultation,  that 
the  barbarian,  so  lately  an  object  of  terror,  now  cultivated 
their  lands,  drove  their  cattle  to  the  neighboring  fair,  and 
contributed  by  his  labor  to  the  public  plenty.  They  congrat- 
ulated their  masters  on  the  powerful  accession  of  subjects  and 
soldiers ;  but  they  forgot  to  observe,  that  multitudes  of  secret 
enemies,  insolent  from  favor,  or  desperate  from  oppression, 
were  introduced  into  the  heart  of  the  empire. ^^ 

While  the  Cajsars  exercised  their  valor  on  the  banks  of  the 
Rhine  and  Danube,  the  presence  of  the  emperors  was  re- 
quired on  the  southern  confines  of  the  Roman  world.  From 
the  Nile  to  Mount  Atlas,  Africa  was  in  arms.  A  confederacy 
of  five  Moorish  nations  issued  from  their  deserts  to  invade  the 


^'  Panegyr.  Vet.  vii.  21. 

'*  There  was  a  settlement  of  the  Sarmatians  in  tlie  neighborhood  ol 
IVcvos,  which  seems  to  have  been  dcsei-ted  by  those  lazy  barbarians  ; 
Aiuoaius  speaks  of  them  in  his  Mosella :  — 

"  Unite  iter  ingredioris  neniornsn  per  avia  solum, 
Et  nulla  liuniani  spectans  vestigia  cultus  ; 

Ari-aque  SaummatGin  niiper  inetata  colonis. 

njerf.  wua  a  town  of  the  Carpi  ir  the  Lower  M;esia. 
*  bee  the  rhetorical  exultation  of  Eumenius.     Panegyr.  viL  9. 


41b  THK    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

peaceful  provinces.^^  Juaan  had  assumed  the  purple  at  Car 
thage.41  Achilleus  at  Alexandria,  and  even  the  Blemmyes, 
renewed,  or  rather  continued,  their  incursions  into  the  Uppei 
Egypt.  Scarcely  any  circumstances  have  been  preserved  of 
the  exploits  of  Maximian  in  the  western  parts  of  Africa  ;  but 
it  appears,  by  the  event,  that  the  progress  of  his  arms  was 
rapid  and  decisive,  that  he  vanquished  the  fiercest  barbarians 
of  Mauritania,  and  that  he  removed  them  from  the  mountains 
whose  inaccessible  strength  had  inspired  their  inhabitants  with 
a  lawless  confidence,  and  habituated  them  to  a  life  of  rapine 
and  violence.4'2  Diocletian,  on  his  side,  opened  the  campaign 
in  Egypt  by  the  siege  of  Alexandria,  cut  off  the  aqueducts 
which  conveyed  the  waters  of  the  Nile  into  every  quarter  of 
that  immense  city,'*^  ^^d  rendering  his  camp  impregnable  to 
the  sallies  of  the  besieged  multitude,  he  pushed  his  reiterated 
attacks  with  caution  and  vigor.  After  a  siege  of  eight  months, 
Alexandria,  wasted  by  the  sword  and  by  fire,  implored  the 
clemency  of  the  conquerar,  but  it  experienced  the  full  extent 
of  his  severity.  Many  thousands  of  the  citizens  perished  in 
a  promiscuous  slaughter,  and  there  were  few  obnoxious  per- 
sons in  Egypt  who  escaped  a  sentence  either  of  death  or  at 
least  of  exile.44  The  fate  of  Busiris  and  of  Coptos  was  still 
more  melancholy  than  that  of  Alexandria  :  those  proud  cities, 
the  former  distinguished  by  its  antiquity,  the  latter  enriched 
by  the  passage  of  the  Indian  trade,  were  utterly  destroyed  by 
the  arms  and  by  the  severe  order  of  Diocletian.''^  The  char- 
acter of  the  Egyptian  nation,  insensible  to  kindness,  but 
extremely  susceptible   of  fear,  could  alon»  justify  this  excea- 

*"  Scaliger  (Animadvers.  ad  Euseb.  p.  243)  decides,  in  hi8  usual 
manner,  that  the  Quinque  f,'cntiani,  or  five  African  nations,  were  the 
five  great  cities,  the  Pcntapolis  of  the  inoffensive  province  of 
Cyreno. 

♦'  After  his  defeat,  Julian  stabbed  himself  with  a  dagger,  and  im- 
mediately leaped  into  the  flames.     Victor  in  Epitome. 

**  Tu  ferocissimos  Mauritanite  populos  inaccessis  montium  jun'is  et 
natural!  munitione  fidentes,  expugnasti,  rccepLsti,  transtulisti.  °Pan- 
egjT.  Yet.  vi.  8. 

*'  See  the  description  of  Alexandria,  in  Hirtius  de  Bel.  Alcxandrin. 
c.  6. 

_  "  Eutrop.  ix.  24.  Orosius,  vii.  25.  John  Malala  in  Chron.  An- 
tioch.  p.  409,  410.  Yet  Eumoiiius  assures  us,  that  Egypt  was  paci- 
fied by  the  clemency  of  Diocletian. 

**  Eusebius  (in  Chron.)  places  their  destruction  several  vears  soon 
er,  and  at  a  time  when  Egyjit  itself  was  in  a  stati  of  rebellion  againf 
the  Komans. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE  411 

Bivr  rigor.  T.ie  seditions  of  Alexandria  had  often  affected 
the  tranquillity  and  subsistence  of  Rome  itself.  Since  the 
usurpation  of  Firmus,  the  province  of  Upper  Egypt,  inces- 
santly relapsing  into  rebellion,  had  embraced  the  alliance  of 
the  savages  of  ^Ethiopia.  The  number  of  the  Blemmyes, 
scattered  between  the  Island  of  Meroe  and  the  Red  Sea,  was 
very  inconsi^lerable,  their  disposition  was  unwarlike,  their 
weapons  rude  and  inotfensive.""^  Yet  in  the  public  disorders, 
these  barbarians,  whom  antiquity,  shocked  with  the  deformity 
of  their  figure,  had  almost  excluded  from  the  human  species, 
presumed  to  rank  themselves  among  the  enemies  of  Rome."*' 
Such  had  bee j  the  unworthy  allies  of  the  Egyptians  ;  and  while 
the  attention  of  the  state  was  engaged  in  more  serious  wars 
their  vexatious  inroads  might  again  harass  the  repose  of  the 
province.  With  a  view  of  opposing  to  the  Blemmyes  a  suita- 
ble adversary,  Diocletian  persuaded  the  Nobatnc,  or  people  of 
Nubia,  to  remove  from  their  ancient  habitations  in  the  deserts 
of  Libya,  and  resigned  to  them  an  extensive  but  unprofitable 
territory  above  Syene  and  the  cataracts  of  the  Nile,  with  the 
stipulation,  that  they  should  ever  respect  and  guard  the  fron- 
tier of  the  empire.  The  treaty  long  subsisted ;  and  till  the 
establishment  of  Christianity  introduced  stricter  notions  of 
religious  worship,  it  was  annually  ratified  by  a  solemn  sacri- 
fice in  the  Isle  of  Elephantine,  in  which  the  Romans,  as  well 
as  the  barbarians,  adored  the  same  visible  or  invisible  powers 
of  the  universe.''^ 

At  the  same  time  that  Diocletian  chastised  the  past  crimeg 
of  the  Egyptians,  he  provided  for  their  future  safety  and  hap- 
piness by  many  wise  regulations,  which  were  confirmed  and 
enforced  under  the  succeeding  reigns.'*^     One  very  rem.irka- 

*^  Strabo,  1.  xvii.  p.  1,  172.  Pomponius  Mela,  1.  i.  c.  4.  HLs 
words  are  curious  :  "  Intra,  si  credere  libet,  vix  homines  inagisque 
iiemilcri ;  iEgipanes,  ct  Blemmyes,  et  Satyri." 

*'  Ausus  sese  inserere  t'ortunae  et  provacare  anna  Rouiana. 

**  See  Procopius  de  Bell.  Persic.  1.  i.  c.  19.* 

*'  He  fixed  the  public  allowance  of  corn,  for  the  people  of  Alex- 
pndria,  at  two  millions  of  medimni ;  about  four  hundred  thousand 
quM-tcr.   Chron.  Paschal,  p.  276.    Procop.  Hist   Arciiu.  c.  26. 


•  Compare,  on  the  epoch  of  the  final  extirpation  of  the  rites  of  Pagan- 
um  from  the  Isle  of  Phila;,  (Elephantine,)  wliich  subsisted  till  the  edict 
of  Theodosius,  in  the  sixth  century,  a  dissertation  of  M.  Letronne,  ou 
eertrdr.  Greek  inscriptions.  The  dissertation  contains  some  very  interest- 
ing observations  on  tlie  conduct  and  policy  of  Diocletian  in  Egypt.  Mater 
pimr  rilist.  du  Christianisme  en  Egvpte,  Nubie,  et  AbyssiniCj  Paris,  1832 


tl8  THE    DETLINE    AND    FALL 

ble  edict  which  lie  published,  instead  of  being  ccndemned  as 
the  efTect  of  jealous  tyranny,  deserves  to  be  applauded  as  an 
act  of  prudence  and  humanity.  He  caused  a  diligent  inquiry 
to  be  made  "  for  all  the  ancient  books  which  treated  of  the 
admirable  art  of  making  gold  and  silver,  and  without  pity, 
committed  them  to  the  flames;  apprehensive,  as  we  are 
assured,  lest  the  opulence  of  the  Egyptians  should  inspire 
them  with  confidence  to  rebel  gigainst  the  empire."  ^o  But 
if  Diocletian  had  been  convinced  of  the  reality  of  that  valua- 
ble art,  far  from  extinguishing  the  memory,  he  would  have 
converted  the  operation  of  it  to  the  benefit  of  the  public 
revenue.  It  is  much  more  likely,  that  his  good  sense  discov- 
ered to  him  the  folly  of  such  magnificent  pretensions,  and 
that  he  was  desirous  of  preserving  the  reason  and  fortunes 
of  his  subjects  from  the  mischievous  pursuit.  It  may  be 
remarked,  that  these  ancient  books,  so  liberally  ascribed  to 
Pythagoras,  to  Solomon,  or  to  Hermes,  were  the  pious  frauds 
of  more  recent  adepts.  The  Greeks  were  inattentive  either 
to  the  use  or  to  the  abuse  of  chemistry.  In  that  immense 
register,  where  Pliny  has  deposited  the  discoveries,  the  arts, 
and  the  errors  of  mankind,  there  is  not  the  least  mention  of 
the  transmutation  of  metals  ;  and  the  persecution  of  Diocle- 
*aan  is  the  first  authentic  event  in  the  history  of  alchemy. 
The  conquest  of  Egypt  by  the  Arabs  diffused  that  vain  sci- 
ence over  the  globe.  Congenial  to  the  avarice  of  the  human 
heart,  it  was  studied  in  China  as  in  Europe,  with  equal  eager- 
ness, and  with  equal  success.  The  darkness  of  the  middle 
ages  insured  a  favorable  reception  to  every  tale  of  wonder, 
and  the  revival  of  learning  gave  new  vigor  to  hope,  and 
suggested  more  specious  arts  of  deception.  Philosophy,  with 
the  aid  of  experience,  has  at  length  banished  the  study  of 
alchemy  ;  and  the  present  age,  however  desirous  of  riches,  is 
content  to  seek  them  by  the  humbler  means  of  commerce 
and  industry. ^1 

The  reduction  of  Egypt  was  immediately  followed  by  the 
Persian  war.  It  was  reserved  for  the  reign  of  Diocletian  to 
vrnnquish  that  powerful  nation,  and  to  extort  a  confession  fron» 


""»  John  Antioch.  in  Excerp.  Valesian.  p.  834.  Suidas  in  Diocle- 
tian. . 

*'  Roc  a  short  history  and  confutation  of  Alchemy,  in  the  woTks 
ol  that  philosophical  compiler,  La  Motho  le  Vayer,  torn  i.  p.  32 
— 35H. 


or    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  419 

the  successors  of  Artaxerxes,  of  the  superior  majesty  of  th^ 
Roman  empire. 

We  liave  observed,  under  the  reign  of  Valerian,  that  Ar- 
menia was  subdued  by  the  perfidy  and  the  arms  of  the 
Persians,  and  that,  after  the  assassination  of  Chosroes,  his  son 
Tiridates,  the  infant  heir  of  the  monarchy,  was  saved  by  the 
fidelity  of  his  friends,  and  educated  under  the  protection  of  the 
emperors.  Tiridates  derived  from  his  exile  such  advan'agen 
as  he  could  never  have  obtained  on  the  throne  of  Armenia; 
tne  early  knowledge  of  adversity,  of  mankind,  and  of  the 
Roman  discipline.  He  signalized  his  youth  by  deeds  of  valor, 
and  displayed  a  matchless  dexterity,  as  well  as  strength,  in 
every  martial  exercise,  and  even  in  the  less  honorable  contests 
of  the  Olympian  games.^^  Those  qualities  were  more  nobly 
exerted  in  the  defence  of  his  benefactor  Licinius.^^  That 
officer,  in  the  sedition  which  occasioned  the  death  of  Probus, 
was  exposed  to  the  most  imminent  danger,  and  the  enraged 
soldiers  were  forcing  their  way  into  his  tent,  when  they  were 
checked  by  the  single  arm  of  the  Armenian  prince.  The 
gratitude  of  Tiridates  contributed  soon  afterwards  to  his  res- 
toration. Licinius  was  in  every  station  the  friend  and  com- 
p{mionof  Galerius,  and  the  merit  of  Galerius,  long  before  he  wag 
raised  to  the  dignity  of  Caesar,  had  been  known  and  esteemed 
by  Diocletian.  In  the  third  year  of  that  emperor's  reign  Tiridates 
was  invested  with  the  kingdom  of  Armenia.  The  justice  of  the 
measure  was  not  less  evident  than  its  expediency.  It  was  time 
lo  rescue  from  the  usurpation  of  the  Persian  monarch  an  impor- 
tant territory,  which  since  the  reign  of  Nero,  had  been  always 
granted  under  the  protection  of  the  empire  to  a  younger  branch 
of  the  house  of  Arsaces.^ 

When  Tiridates  appeared  on  the  frontiers  of  Armenia,  ho 
was  received  with  an  unfeigned  transport  of  joy  and  loyalty. 

*'  See  the  education  and  strength  of  Tiridates  in  the  Armenian 
history  of  Moses  of  Choreno,  1.  ii.  c.  76.  lie  could  seize  two  wild 
bulls  hy  the  horns,  and  break  thena  olf  with  his  hands. 

"■''  If  we  give  credit  to  the  younger  Victor,  who  supposes  that  in 
the  year  ;123  Licinius  was  only  sixty  years  of  age,  he  could  scarcely 
be  the  same  person  as  the  patron  of  Tiridates  ;  but  we  know  from 
mnch  better  authority,  (Euseb.  Ilist.  Ecclesiast.  1.  x.  c.  8,)  that 
Licinius  was  it  that  time  in  the  last  period  of  old  age  :  sixteen  yearj 
before,  he  is  represented  with  gray  hairs,  and  as  the  contemporary 
of  Cialenus.  See  Lactant.  c.  32.  Licinius  was  probably  bom  about 
the  year  2o0 
.     M  See  the  six.ty-secrnd  and  sixty-third  books  of  Dion  Cassius. 


420  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

During  twenty-s:x  years^  the  country  had  experienced  the  re>t 
and  imaginary  hardships  of  a  foreign  yoke.  The  Persian 
monarchs  adorned  their  new  conquest  with  magnificent  build 
ings  ;  but  those  monuments  had  been  erected  at  the  expense 
of  the  people,  and  were  abhorred  as  badges  of  slavery.  The 
apprehension  of  a  revolt  had  inspired  the  most  rigorous  pre- 
cautions :  oppression  had  been  aggravated  by  insult,  and  the 
consciousness  of  the  public  hatred  had  been  productive  of  every 
measure  that  could  render  it  still  more  implacable.  We  have 
already  remarked  the  intolerant  spirit  of  the  Magian  religion. 
The  statues  of  the  deified  kings  of  Armenia,  and  the  sacred 
images  of  the  sun  and  moon,  were  broke  in  pieces  by  the  zeal 
of  the  conqueror  ;  and  the  perpetual  fire  of  Ormuzd  was  kin- 
dled and  preserved  upon  an  altar  erected  on  the  summit  of 
Mount  Bagavan.^^  It  was  natural,  that  a  people  exasperated 
by  so  many  injuries,  should  arm  with  zeal  in  the  cause  of  their 
independence,  their  religion,  and  their  hereditaiy  sovereign. 
The  torrent  bore  down  every  obstacle,  and  the  Persian  gar- 
risons retreated  before  its  fury.  The  nobles  of  Armenia  flew 
to  the  standard  of  Tiridates,  all  alleging  their  past  merit,  ofTe" 
ing  their  future  service,  and  soliciting  from  the  new  king  those 
honors  and  rewards  from  which  they  had  been  excluded  with 
disdain  under  the  foreign  government.^^  The  command  of 
the  army  was  bestowed  on  Artavasdes,  whose  father  had  saved 
the  infancy  of  Tiridates,  and  whose  family  had  been  mas- 
sacred for  that  generous  action.  The  brother  of  Artavasdes 
obtained  the  government  of  a  province.  One  of  the  first  mili- 
tary dignities  was  conferred  on  the  satrap  Otas,  a  man  of 
singular  temperance  and  fortitude,  who  presented  to  the  king 
his  sister^"  and  a  considerable  treasure,  both  of  which,  in 
a  sequestered  fortress,  Otas  had  preserved  from  violation. 
Among  the  Armenian  nobles  appeared  an  ally,  whose  fortunes 

**  Moses  of  Chorene.  Hist.  Armcn.  1.  ii.  c.  74.  The  statues  had 
been  erected  by  Valarsaces,  who  reigned  in  Armenia  about  130  yoarsj 
before  Christ,  and  was  the  first  king  of  the  family  of  Arsaccs,  (see 
Moses,  Hist.  Armen.  1.  ii.  2,  3.)  The  deitication  of  the  Arsacides  is 
mentioned  by  Justin,  (.vli.  5,)  and  by  Anmii  mus  Marcellinus, 
(xxxiii.  6.) 

**  The  Armenian  nobility  was  numerous  and  powerful.  Moses 
mentions  many  families  which  were  distinguishea  under  the  reign 
5f  Valarsaees,  (1.  ii.  7,)  and  which  still  subsisted  in  his  own  time, 
about  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century.  See  the  preface  of  hi* 
Editors. 

"  She  was  named  Chosroiduchta,  and  had  not  the  oa  patulum  'ika 


OF    THE    ROMATl     E.IPIRE.  421 

Hie  too  remarkable  to  pass  unnoticed.  His  name  was  Mamgo,t 
Ins  origin  was  Scythian,  and  the  horde  which  aclcnowlefiged 
his  authority  had  encamped  a  very  few  years  before  on  the 
skirts  of  the  Chinese  empire,-''^  which  at  that  time  extended  as 
far  as  the  neighborhood  of  Sogdiana.-''^  Having  incurred  the 
displeasure  of  his  master,  Mamgo,  with  his  followers,  retired 
to  tlie  banks  of  the  Oxus,  and  implored  the  protection  of 
Sapor.  Tiie  emperor  of  China  claimed  the  fugitive,  and 
alleged  the  rights  of  sovereignty.  The  Persian  niv^narch 
pleaded  the  laws  of  hospitality,  and  with  some  difTicu'ty 
avoided  a  war,  by  the  promise  that  he  would  banish  IMatngo 
to  tiie  uttermost  parts  of  the  West,  a  punishment,  as  he  de- 
scribed it,  not  less  dreadful  than  death  itself.     Armenia  was 


otlier  women.     (Hist.  Armcn.  1.  ii.  c.  79.)     I'do  not  understand  th« 

expression.* 

'"  [n  Itic  Armenian  Histnrv,  (L  ii.  78,)  a.s  well  as  in  the  Geography, 
(p.  307,)  (.'iiina  is  called  Zeiiia,  or  Zeiiastan.  It  is  ctiaracterizetl  by  the 
protluction  of  silk,  by  the  opulence  of  the  natives,  and  by  their  love  of 
peace,  above  all  the  otlier  nations  of  the  earth. J 

^'^  Vou-ti,  tlie  first  eni|)eror  of  th(>  seventh  dynasty,  who  then  reijrned 
in  Cliina,  had  political  transactions  with  FeruMiia,  a  province  of  Sog- 
diana.  and  is  said  to  have  received  a  lioni.m  enil)assy,  (Histoire  des 
Huns,  toni.  i.  p.  88.)  In  those  ages  the  (Chinese  kept  a  garrison  at 
Kasligar,  and  oiu-  of  their  generals,  about  the  time  of  Trajan,  marched 
as  far  as  the  ('as])ian  iSea.  With  regard  to  the  intercourse  between 
Chhia  and  the  western  countries,  a  curious  memoir  of  M.  de  (iuignea 
may  be  consulted,  in  the  Academic  des  Inscriptions,  torn,  x.xii.  j).  oo5.^ 


*  Os  patulu'n  signifies  merely  a  large  and  widely  opening  mouth.  Ovid 
(Metain.  xv.  513)  «ays,  speaking  of  the  monster  who  attacked  Hippolytus, 
pntulo  partem  maris  evoniit  ore.  Probably  a  wide  mouth  was  a  commoa 
defect  among  the  Armenian  women.  —  G. 

t  .Manigo  (acconling  to  M.  St.  Martin,  note  to  Le  Beau,  Ii.  21.3)  belonged 
t')  t!u^  imperial  race  of  Hon,  who  had  filled  the  throne  of  China  for  four 
hundred  years.  Dethrmied  by  the  u.<iurping  race  of  Wei,  Mamgo  found  a 
lio-|iitalili'  rei'epti(  n  in  I'ersia  in  the  reign  of  Arde.schir.  'I'lie  emperor  of 
China  having  ileuianded  the  suriender  of  the  I'ugiTive  and  his  jiartisans, 
Siipor,  'hen  king,  threatened  with  war  both  by  liome  and  China,  coun- 
selird  M;\Tn!.'o  to  retire  into  Armenia.  "I  have  ex|)elled  him  from  my  do- 
n)inioii~,  (lie  answered  the  Chinese  ambassadoi-;)  I  have  banished  him  to  tli» 
extnjniity  of  the  earth,  wlierc  the  sun  sets;  I  have  dismissed  him  to  certaia 
death."     Cf>mpare  Mem.  sur  rArmenie,  ii.  25. —  .M. 

J  See  St.  Martin,  Mem.  sur  I'Armenie,  i.  30-}. 

\  I'lie  Chini'se  .'\inials  mention,  under  the  ninth  year  of  Yan-hi,  whicL 
coriespoeds  with  tlie  year  Itjti  .1.  C,  an  embassy  which  arrivei'  from  'l'a-th>in, 
iri  I  was  sent  liy  a  [a'ince  called  An-thun,  W!io  c.-ni  be  no  other  than  Alarcui 
Aurelius  An'oniniis,  who  th'^n  ruled  over  the  Romans.  St.  Martin.  M^m. 
.on-  rArmenie,  ii.  30.  See  also  Klaproth.  Tableaux  Hi'itori'jues  de  I'Asie 
».  09      The  embassy  ciiiue  by  )v-ui  n,  Tonquin.  — M. 


422  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

chosan  for  the  place  of  exile,  and  a  large  district  was*  assigned 
to  the  Scythian  horde,  on  which  they  might  feed  their  flocks 
and  herds,  and  remove  their  encampment  from  one  place  to 
another,  according  to  the  different  seasons  of  the  year.  They 
were  employed  to  repel  the  invasion  of  Tiridates  ;  but  their 
leader,  after  weighing  the  obligations  and  injuries  which  he 
had  received  from  the  Persian  monarch,  resolved  to  abandon 
his  party.  The  Armenian  prince,  who  was  well  acquainted 
with  the  merit  as  well  as  power  of  Mamgo,  treated  him  with 
distinguished  respect ;  and,  by  admitting  him  into  his  confi- 
dence, acquired  a  brave  and  faithful  servant,  who  contributed 
very  effectually  to  his  restoration.*'" 

For  a  while,  fortune  appeared  to  favor  the  enterprising 
valor  of  Tiridates.  He  not  only  expelled  the  enemies  of  his 
family  and  country  from  the  whole  extent  of  Armenia,  but  in 
the  prosecution  of  his  revenge  he  carried  his  arms,  or  at  least 
his  incursions,  into  the  heart  of  Assyria.  The  historian,  who 
has  preserved  the  name  of  Tiridates  from  oblivion,  celebrates, 
with  a  degree  of  national  enthusiasm,  his  personal  prowess  ; 
and,  in  the  true  spirit  of  eastern  romance,  describes  the  giants 
and  the  elephants  that  fell  beneath  his  invincible  arm.  It  is 
from  other  information  that  we  discover  the  distracted  state 
of  the  Persian  monarchy,  to  which  the  kmg  of  Armenia  was 
indebted  for  some  part  of  his  advantages.  The  throne  was 
disputed  by  the  ambition  of  contending  brothers  ;  and  Hormuz, 
after  exerting  without  success  the  strength  of  his  own  party, 
had  recourse  to  the  dangerous  assistance  of  the  barbarians 
who  inhabited  the  banks  of  the  Caspian  Sea.*>i  The  civil  war 
was,  liowever,  soon  terminated,  either  by  a  victory  or  by  a 
leconciliation  ;  and  Narses,  who  was  universally  acknowledged 
as  king  of  Persia,  directed  his  whole  force  against  the  foreign 
enemy.  The  contest  then  became  loo  unequal  ;  nor  was  the 
valor  of  the  hero  aTjle  to  withstand  the  power  of  the  monarch. 
Tiridates,  a  second  time  expelled  from  the  throne  of  Armenia, 


**  See  Hist.  Armon.  1.  ii.  c.  81. 

••  Ipsos  Persas  ipsuraque  Regem  ascitis  Saccis,  et  Russis,  et  Gollis 
petit  frater  Ormies.  Panegyric.  Vet.  iii.  1.  The  Saccaewere  a  nation 
of  wandering  Scythians,  who  encamped  towards  the  sources  of  the 
Oxus  and  the  Jaxartes.  The  Gclli  were  the  inhabitants  of  Ghilan,  along 
the  Caspian  Sea,  and  who  so  long,  under  the  name  of  Dilemites, 
infested  the  Persian  monarchy.  Se3  d'llcrbdot,  Biliothcqae  Ori 
Gntale. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  423 

once  more  took  refuge  in.  the  court  of  the  empeiiors.*  Nurses 
soon  reestablished  his  authority  over  the  revolted  province  , 
and  loudly  complaining  of  the  protection  afforded  by  tht 
Romans  to  rebels  and  fugitives,  aspired  to  the  conquest  of  the 
East.62 

Neither  prudence  nor  honor  could  permit  the  emperors  to 
forsake  the  cause  of  the  Armenian  king,  and  it  was  resolved 
to  exert  the  force  of  the  empire  in  the  Persian  war.  Diocletian, 
with  the  calm  dignify  which  he  constantly  assumed,  fixed  his 
own  station  in  the  city  of  Antioch,  from  whence  he  prepared 
and  directed  the  military  opcrations.*^^  fhe  conduct  of  the 
legions  was  intrusted  to  the  intrepid  valor  of  Galerius,  who, 
for  that  important  purpose,  was  removed  from  the  banks  of  the 
Danube  to  those  of  the  Eluphratcs.  The  armies  soon  encoun- 
tered each  other  in  the  plains  of  Mesopotamia,  and  two  battles 
were  fought  with  various  and  doubtful  success  ;  but  the  third 
engagement  was  of  a  more  decisive  nature  ;  and  the  Roman 
army  received  a  total  overthrow,  which  is  attributed  to  the 
rashness  of  Galerius,  who,  with  an  inconsiderable  body  of 
troops,  attacked  the  innumerable  host  of  the  Persians. ^4  But 
the  consideration  of  the  country  that  was  the  scene  of  action 
may  suggest  another  reason  for  his  defeat.  The  same  ground 
on  which  Galerius  was  vanquished,  had  been  rendered  mem- 
orable by  the  death  of  Crassus,  and  the  slaughter  of  ten 
legions.  It  was  a  plain  of  more  than  sixty  miles,  which 
extended  from  the  hills  of  Carrhae  to  the  Euphrates  ;  a  smooth 
and  barren  surface  of  sandy  desert,  without  a  hillock,  without 


*^  Moses  of  Chorene  takes  no  notice  of  this  second  revolution, 
which  I  have  been  obliged  to  collect  from  a  passage  of  Ammianua 
Marcellinus,  (1.  xxiii.  c.  5.)  Lactantius  speaka  of  the  ambition  of 
Narses  :  "  Concitatus  domcsticis  excmplis  avi  sui  Saporis  ad  occupan- 
dura  orientcm  magnis  copiis  inhiabat."     Dc  Mort.  Persecut.  c.  9. 

*'  We  may  readily  believe,  that  Lactantius  ascribes  to  cowardice 
the  conduct  of  Diocletian.  Julian,  in  hw  oration,  says,  that  he 
remained  with  all  the  forces  of  the  empire ;  a  very  hyperbolical 
expression. 

**  Our  five  abbrcNaators,  Eutropius,  Festus,  the  two  Victors,  and 
Orosius,  all  relate  the  last  and  great  battle  ;  but  Orosius  is  the  only 
one  who  speaks  of  the  two  former. 


•  M.  St.  Martin  represents  this  differently.  Le  roi  de  Perse  •  •  *  profito 
d'un  voyage  que  Tiridate  avoit  fait  :'i  Rome  pour  attaqucr  ce  rovaume. 
This  reads  like  the  evasion  of  the  national  historians  to  disguise  t!ho  fact 
li»creditable  to  their  hero,    bee  Mem.  but  I'Armenie,  i.  304.  —  M. 


124  THE    DECLINt    AND    FALL 

a  tree,  and  without  a  spring  of  fresh  water.^^  The  steady 
nifantry  of  the  Romans,  fainting  with  heat  and  thirst,  could 
neitlier  hope  for  victory  if  they  preserved  their  ranks,  nor 
break  their  ranks  without  exposing  tliemselves  to  the  most 
imminent  danger.  In  this  situation  they  were  gradually 
encompassed  by  the  superior  numbers,  harassed  by  ♦he  rapid 
evolutions,  and  destroyed  by  the  arrows  of  the  barbarian  cav- 
alry. The  king  of  Armenia  had  signalized  his  valor  in  the 
battle,  and  acquired  personal  glory  by  the  public  misfortune 
He  was  pursued  as  ftii  as  the  Euphrates  ;  his  horse  was 
wounded,  and  it  appeared  impossible  for  him  to  escape  tho 
victorious  enemy.  In  this  extremity,  Tiridates  embraced  the 
only  refuge  which  he  saw  before  him  :  he  dismounted  and 
olunged  into  the  stream.  His  armor  was  heavy,  the  river 
very  deep,  and  at  those  parts  at  least  half  a  mile  in  breadth  ;6S 
vet  such  was  his  strength  and  dexterity,  that  he  reached  in 
safety  the  opposite  bank.'"''  With  regard  to  the  Roman  gen- 
eral, we  are  ignorant  of  the  circumstances  of  his  escape  ;  but 
when  he  returned  to  Antioch,  Diocletian  received  him,  not 
with  the  tenderness  of  a  friend  and  colleague,  but  with  the 
indignation  of  an  offended  sovereign.  The  haughtiest  of  men, 
clothed  in  his  purple,  but  humbled  by  the  sense  of  his  fault  and 
misfortune,  was  obliged  to  follow  the  emperor's  chariot  above 
a  mile  on  foot,  and  to  exhibit,  before  the  whole  court,  the 
spectacle  of  his  disgrace.^^ 

As  soon  as  Diocletian  had  indulged  his  private  resentment, 
and  asserted  the  majesty  of  supreme  power,  he  yielded  to 
ihe  submissive  entreaties  of  the  Csesar,  and  permitted  him  to 
retrieve  his  own  honor,  as  well  as  that  of  the  Roman  arms. 
[n  the  room  of  the  unwarlike  troops  of  Asia,  which  had  most 
probably  served  in  the  first  expedition,  a  second  army  was 
drawi.  from  the  veterans  and  new  levies  of  the  Illyrian  fron- 
tier, and  a  considerable  body  of  Gothic  auxiliaries  were  taken 


"**  Tho  nature  of  the  country  is  finely  described  hy  Plutarch,  in  the 
life  of  Crassus  ;  and  by  Xcnophon,  in  the  first  book  of  the  Anabasis. 

*>  See  Foster's  Dissertation  in  the  second  volume  of  the  tianslation 
of  the  Anabasis  by  Spelman  ;  which  I  will  venture  to  recommend  aa 
one  of  the  best  versions  extant. 

*'  Hist.  Armcn.  1.  ii.  c.  76.  I  have  transferred  this  exploit  of  Tiri- 
dates from  an  imaginary  defeat  to  the  real  one  of  Galcrius. 

••*  Ammian.  MarceUin.  1.  xiv.  The  mile,  in  the  hands  of  Eutro- 
pius,  (Lx.  24,)  of  Fcstus,  (c.  25.)  and  of  Orosius,  (viL  25,)  easily 
increased  to  several  miles. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMI  IRE.  425 

into  tlie  Imperial  pay.^s  At  the  head  of  a  chosen  army  of 
Iwenty-five  thousand  men,  Galerius  again  passed  the  Eu- 
phrates ;  but,  instead  of  exposing  his  legions  in  the  opec 
plains  of  Mesopotamia,  he  advanced  tlirough  tiie  mountains  of 
Armenia,  where  he  found  the  inhabitants  devoted  to  his  cause 
and  the  country  as  favorable  to  the  operations  of  infantry  as  it 
was  inconvenient  for  the  motions  of  cavalry.""  Adversity  had 
confirmed  the  Roman  discipline,  while  the  barbarians,  elated 
by  success,  were  become  so  negligent  and  remiss,  that  in  the 
moment  when  they  least  expected  it,  they  were  surprised  by 
the  active  conduct  of  Galerius,  w  ho,  attended  only  by  two 
horsemen,  had  with  his  own  eyes  secretly  exammed  the  state 
and  position  of  their  camp.  A  surprise,  especially  in  the 
night  time,  was  for  the  most  part  fatal  to  a  Persian  army 
"  Their  horses  were  tied,  and  generally  shackled,  to  prevent 
their  running  away  ;  and  if  an  alarm  happened,  a  Persian  had 
his  housing  to  fix,  his  horse  to  bridle,  and  his  corselet  to  put  on, 
before  he  could  mount."  'i  On  this  occasion,  the  impetuous 
attack  of  Galerius  spread  disorder  and  dismay  over  the  camp 
of  the  barbarians.  A  slight  resistance  was  followed  by  o 
dreadful  carnage,  and,  in  the  general  confusion,  the  wounded 
monarch  (for  Narses  commanded  his  armies  in  person)  fled 
towards  the  deserts  of  Media.  His  sumptuous  tents,  and  those 
of  his  satraps,  afforded  an  immense  booty  to  the  conqueror 
and  an  incident  is  mentioned,  which  proves  the  rustic  but 
martial  ignorance  of  the  legions  in  the  elegant  superfluities  of 
life.  A  bag  of  shining  leather,  filled  with  pearls,  fell  into  the 
hands  of  a  private  soldier  ;  he  carefully  preserved  tlie  bag 
but  he  threw  away  its  contents,  judging  that  whatever  was  of 
no  use  could  not  possibly  be  of  any  value."-  The  principa 
loss  of  Narses  was  of  a  much  more  affecting  nature.  Severa 
of  his  wives,  his  sisters,  and  children,  who  had  attended  the 
army,  were  made  captives  in  the  defeat.  But  though  the 
character  of  Galerius  had  in  general  very  little  aflinitv  with 
that  of  Alexander,  he  imitated,  after   his  victory,  the  amiablt 

**  Aurelius  Victor.     Jornandes  cle  Rebus  Goticis,  c.  21. 

'"'  Aurelius  Victor  says,  "  Per  Armeniam  in  hostes  contcndit,  quae 
ferme  sola,  scu  facilior  vincendi  via  est."  He  followed  the  conduct 
of  Trajan,  and  the  idea  of  Julius  Caesar. 

"  Xenophrvn's  Anabasis,  1.  iii.  For  that  reason  the  Persian  cavalry 
encamped  sixty  stadia  from  the  enemy. 

^^  'I'hc  story  is  told  by  Ammianus,  1.  zxii.     Instead  of  saccitm,  eoin* 
read  scutum. 
21 


42b  THE    DECLINE    AKD    FALL 

behivior  of  the  Macedonian  towards  the  family  of  ^  Darius. 
The  wives  and  children  of  Narses  were  protected  from  vio« 
lence  and  rapine,  conveyed  to  a  place  of  safety,  and  treated 
whh  every  mark  of  respect  and  tenderness,  that  was  due  from 
a  generous  enemy  to  tlieir  age,  their  sex,  and  their  royal 
dignity.'''"^ 

While    the    East   anxiously   expected  the   decision  of  this 
great  contest,  the   emperor   Diocletian,  having  assembled  in 
Syria  a  strong  army  of  observation,  displayed  from  a  distance 
the  resources  of  the  Roman  power,  and  reserved  himself  for 
any  future  emergency  of  the  war.     On  the  intelligence  of  the 
victory,  he  condescended  to  advance  towards  the  frontier,  with 
a  view  of  moderating,  by  his  presence  and  counsels,  the  pride 
of  Galerius.     The  interview  of  the  Roman  princes  at  Nisibig 
was    accompanied  with  every  expression  of  respect  on   one 
side,  and  of  esteem  on  the  other.     It  was  in  that  city  that  they 
soon    afterwards    gave    audience    to  the    ambassador   of  the 
Great  King.''''*     The  power,  or  at  least   the  spirit,  of  Narses, 
had  been  broken  by  his  last  defeat ;  and  he  considered  an  im 
mediate  peace  as  the  only  means  that  could  stop  the  progress 
of  the  Roman  arms.     He   despatched   Apharban,  a   servanf 
who  possessed  his  favor  and  confidence,  with  a  commission  tc 
negotiate   a  treaty,  or  rather  to  receive  whatever  conditions 
the  conqueror  should  impose.     Apharban  opened  the  confer- 
ence by  expressing  his   master's  grathude   for  the   generous 
treatment  of  his  family,  and  by  soliciting  the  liberty  of  those 
illustrious   captives.     He    celebrated    the    valor   of  Galerius, 
without  degrading  the  reputation  of  Narses,  and  thought  it  no 
dishonor  to   confess  the   superiority  of  the   victorious  Caesar, 
over  a  monarch  who  had  surpassed  in  glory  all  the  princes  of 
his  race.     Notwithstanding  the  justice   of  the   Persian  cause, 
he  was  empowered   to  submit  the  present  differences   to   the 
decision  of  the  emperors  themselves  ;  convinced  as  he  was, 
that,  in  the  midst  of  prosperity,  they  would  not  be  unmindful 
of  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune.     Apharban  concluded  his  dis- 


''  The  Persians  confessed  the  Roman  superiority  in  morals  as  well 
as  in  arms.  Eutrop.  ix.  24.  liut  this  respect  and  gratitude  of  ene- 
mies is  very  seldom  to  be  found  in  their  own  accounts. 

^*  Tlie  account  of  the  negotiation  is  taken  from  the  fragments  of 
Peter  the  I'atrician,  in  the  Excerpta  Legationiini,  published  in  the 
Byzantine  Collection.  Peter  lived  under  Justinian  ;  but  it  is  very 
evident,  by  the  nature  of  his  materials,  that  thoy  are  drawn  from  the 
most  authentic  and  respectable  writers. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    LMPIRE.  427 

course  in  the  style  of  eastern  allegory,  by  observing  that  tho 
Roman  and  Persian  monarchies  were  the  two  eyes  of  the 
world,  which  would  remain  imperfect  and  mutilated  if  either 
of  thorn  should  be  put  out. 

"  It  well  becomes  the  Persians,"  replied  Galerius,  with  a 
transport  of  fury,  which  seemed  to  convulse  his  w  hole  frame, 
"  it  well  becomes  the  Persians  to  expatiate  on  the  vicissitude? 
of  fortune,  and  calmly  to  read  us  lectures  on  the  virtues  of 
moderation.  Let  them  remember  their  own  moderation  to- 
wards the  unha|)py  Valerian.  They  vanquished  him  by 
fraud,  they  treated  him  with  indignity.  They  detained  him 
till  the  last  moment  of  his  life  in  shameful  captivity,  and  aftei 
his  death  they  exposed  his  body  to  perpetual  ignominy." 
Softening,  however,  his  tone,  Galerius  insinuated  to  the  am- 
bassador, that  it  had  never  been  the  practice  of  the  Romans 
to  trample  on  a  prostrate  enemy ;  and  that,  on  this  occasion, 
they  should  consult  their  own  dignity  rather  than  the  Persian 
merit.  He  dismissed  Apharban  with  a  hope  that  Narses 
would  soon  be  informed  on  what  conditions  he  might  obtain, 
from  the  clemency  of  the  emperors,  a  lasting  peace,  and  the 
restoration  of  his  wives  and  children.  In  this  conference  we 
may  discover  the  fierce  passions  of  Galerius,  as  well  as  his 
deference  to  the  superior  wisdom  and  authority  of  Diocletian. 
The  ambition  of  the  former  grasped  at  the  conquest  of  the 
East,  and  had  proposed  to  reduce  Persia  into  the  state  of  a 
province.  The  prudence  of  the  latter,  who  adhered  to  the 
moderate  policy  of  Augustus  and  the  Antonines,  embraced 
the  favorable  opportunity  of  terminating  a  successful  war  by 
an  honorable  and  advantageous  peace."^ 

In  pursuance  of  their  promise,  the  emperors  soon  afterwards 
appointed  Sicorius  Probus,  one  of  their  secretaries,  to  acquaint 
tiie  Persian  court  with  xhc'w  final  resolution.  As  the  minister 
of  peace,  he  was  received  with  every  lijark  of  politeness  and 
friendship  ;  but,  under  the  pretence  of  allowing  liim  the 
necessary  repose  after  so  long  a  journey,  the  audience  of 
Probus  was  deferred  from  day  to  day  ;  and  he  attended  the 
slow  motions  of  the  king,  till  at  length  he  was  admitted  to  hi.? 
presence,  near  the  River  Asprudus  in  Media.  The  secret 
motive  of  Narses,  in  this  delay,  had  been  to  collect  such  a 


'*  Adeo  victor  (says  Aurclius)  \it  ni  Valerius,  cujus  nutu  oniniii 
^erfibantur,  abnuissct,  Ilomani  fa^ices  in  provinciam  novara  t'errentur- 
Verum  pars  terrarum  tamcn  nobis  utilior  qutesita. 


428  THE    DECLII^E    AND    FALL 

military  force  as  might  enable  him,  though  sincerely  desirous  of 
peace,  to  negotiate  with  the  greater  weight  and  dignity.  Three 
persons  only  assisted  at  this  important  conference,  the  minister 
Apharban,  the  pra^fect  of  the  guards,  and  an  officer  who  had 
commanded  on  the  Armenian  frontier.''^  The  first  conditior. 
proposed  by  the  ambassador  is  not  at  present  of  a  very  intel- 
ligible nature  ;  that  the  city  of  Nisibis  might  be  established  for 
the  place  of  mutual  exchange,  or,  as  we  should  formerly  havt 
termed  h,  for  the  staple  of  trade,  between  the  two  empires. 
There  is  no  difficulty  in  conceiving  the  intention  of  the  Roman 
princes  to  improve  their  revenue  by  some  restraints  upor 
commerce  ;  but  as  Nisibis  was  situated  within  their  owr 
dominions,  and  as  they  were  masters  both  of  the  imports  anc 
exports,  it  should  seem  that  such  restraints  were  the  objects 
of  an  internal  law,  rather  than  of  a  foreign  treaty.  To  render 
them  more  effectual,  some  stipulations  were  probably  required 
on  the  side  of  the  king  of  Persia,  which  appeared  so  very 
repugnant  either  to  his  interest  or  to  his  dignity,  that  Narses 
could  not  be  persuaded  to  subscribe  them.  As  this  was  the 
only  article  to  which  he  refused  his  consent,  it  was  no  longer 
insisted  on  ;  and  the  emperors  either  suffered  the  trade  to  flow 
m  its  natural  channels,  or  contented  themselves  with  such 
restrictions,  as  it  depended  on  their  own  authority  to  establish. 
As  soon  as  this  difficulty  was  removed,  a  solemn  peace  was 
concluded  and  ratifi(;d  between  the  two  nations.  The  condi- 
tions of  a  treaty  so  glorious  to  the  empire,  and  so  necessary 
to  Persia,  may  deserve  a  more  peculiar  attention,  as  the  history 
of  Rome  presents  very  few  transactions  of  a  similar  nature  ; 
most  of  her  wars  having  either  been  terminated  by  absolute 
conquest,  or  waged  against  barbarians  ignorant  of  the  use  of 
letters.  I.  The  Aboras,  or,  as  it  is  called  by  Xenophon,  the 
Araxes,  was  fixed  as  the  boundary  between  the  two  mon- 
archies.'^'      That    river,  which    rose    near   the    Tigris,   was 


^^  He  had  been  governor  of  Sumium,*  (Pet.  Patric  us  in  Excerpt. 
I/egat.  p.  30.)  This  province  seems  to  be  mcntionca  by  Moses  of 
Chorcne,  (Geograph.  p.  3()0,)  and  hiy  to  the  east  of  Mount  Ararat. 

"  By  an  error  of  the  geographer  Ptolemy,  the  position  of  Singara 
is  removed  from  the  Aboras  to  the  Tigris,  which  may  have  produced 
the  mistake  of  Peter,  in  assigning  the  latter  river  for  the  boundary, 


•  The  Siounikh  of  the  Armenian  writers.     St    Martin,  Mem.  »«i  I'Al 
meme,  i.  142.  —  M. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  429 

increased,  a  few  miles  below  Nisibis,  by  the  little  stiearu  of 
tbe  Mygdonius,  passed  under  the  walls  of  Sin^^ara,  and  fell 
into  the  Euphrates  at  Circesiuin,  a  frontier  town,  which,  by 
the  care  of  Diocletian,  was  very  strongly  fortitied."**  Meso- 
potamia, the  object  of  so  many  wars,  was  ceded  to  the  empire  ; 
and  the  Persians,  by  this  treaty,  renounced  all  pretensions  to 
(hat  great  province.  II.  They  reliiKjuished  to  the  Romans 
five  provinces  beyond  the  Tigris.^^  Their  situation  formed  a 
very  useful  barrier,  and  their  natural  strength  was  soon 
improved  by  art  and  military  skill.  Four  of  these,  to  the 
north  of  the  river,  were  districts  of  obscure  fame  and  incon- 
siderable extent  ;  Intilinc,  Zabdicene,  Arzanene,  and  Mox- 
oene  ;  t  but  on  the  east  of  the  Tigris,  the  empire  acquired  the 
large  and  mountainous  territory  of  Carduene,  the  ancient  seat 

J 

instead  of  the  former.  The  line  of  the  Roman  frontier  traversed,  but 
never  followed,  the  course  of  the  Tigris.* 

'*  Procopius  de  Editiciis,  1.  ii.  c.  6. 

"  Three  of  the  provinces,  Zabdicene,  Arzanene,  and  Carduene,  are 
allowed  on  all  sides.  But  instead  of  the  other  two,  Peter  (in  Excerpt. 
Leg.  p.  30)  inserts  Rehimeue  and  Sophone.  I  have  preferred  Am- 
mianus,  (1.  xxv.  7,)  because  it  mignt  bo  proved  that  Sophcne  was 
never  in  the  hands  of  the  Persians,  cither  before  the  reign  of  Diocle- 
tian, or  after  that  of  Jovian.  For  want  of  correct  maps,  like  those  of 
M.  d'Anville,  almost  all  the  moderns,  with  Tillomont  and  Valesius  at 
their  head,  have  imagined,  that  it  was  in  respect  to  Persia,  and  not 
to  Rome,  that  the  live  provinces  were  situate  beyond  the  Tigris. 


•  There  arc  here  several  errors.  Gibbon  has  confounded  the  streams 
and  the  towns  which  they  pass.  The  Aboras,  or  rather  the  Chaboras,  tlie 
Araxes  of  Xenophon,  has  its  source  above  Kas-Ain  or  Rc-Saina,  (Theodo- 
siopolis,)  about  twenty-seven  leagues  from  the  Tigris ;  it  receives  the 
waters  ot'  the  Mygdonius,  or  Saocoras,  about  thirty-three  leagues  below 
Nisibis,  ;it  a  town  now  called  Al  Nahraini ;  it  does  not  pass  under  the  walla 
of  Sinjjara  ;  it  is  the  Saocoras  that  waslies  the  walls  of  that  town  :  the 
latter  river  has  its  source  near  Nisibis,  at  five  leagues  from  the  Tigris. 
Sec  D'Anv.  I'Euphrate  et  le  Tigrc,  4(5,  49,  50,  and  the  map. 

To  the  cast  of  the  Tigris  is  another  less  considerable  river,  namtd  also 
.he  Cliaboras,  which  U'Anville  calls  the  Centrites,  Khabour,  Nicephorius, 
without  quoting  the  authorities  on  wliich  he  gives  those  names.  Gibbon 
did  not  mean  to  speak  ot  this  river,  which  does  not  ])ass  by  Singara,  and 
docs  not  fall  into  tlie  Euphrates.  See  Michaelis,  Supp.  ad  Lex.  Ilebraica, 
3d  part,  p.  (561,  06.5.  —  G. 

t  Sec  St.  Martin,  note  on  Le  Beau,  i.  380.  He  would  read,  for  Intiline, 
IngeU'uic,  tlie  name  of  a  small  province  of  Armenia,  near  the  sources  of 
the  Tigi is,  mentioned  l)y  St.  Epiphanius,  (Ha-res,  60  ;)  for  the  unknown 
name  jVrzacei.e,  with  Gibbon,  Arzanene.  These  jiroviuces  do  not  appear 
tr  have  made  an  integral  part  of  tlie  Roman  empire  ;  Roman  garrisons 
replaced  those  of  Persia,  but  the  sovereignty  remained  in  tlie  hands  of  the 
feudatory  orinces  of  Armenia.  A  prince  of  Carduene,  ally  or  dependent 
on  the  empir»,  with  the  Roman  name  of  Joviauus,  occurs  iu  the  reigu  oi 
Julian.  —  M. 


136  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

of  tne  (Jarduchians,  who  preserved  for  many  ages  their  manly 
freedom  in  the  heart  of  the  despotic  monarchies  of  Asia. 
The  ten  thousand  Greeks  traversed  theii  country,  after  a 
painful  march,  or  rather  engagement,  of  se/en  days;  and  it 
is  confessed  by  their  leader,  in  his  incomparable  relation  of 
the  retreat,  that  they  suffered  more  from  the  arrows  of  the 
Carduchians,  than  from  the'power  of  the  Great  King.^*^  Their 
posterity,  the  Curds,  with  very  little  alteration  either  of  name  or 
manners,*  acknowledged  the  nominal  sovereignty  of  the  Turk- 
ish sultan.  III.  It  is  almost  needless  to  observe,  that  Tiridates, 
the  faithful  ally  of  Rome,  was  restored  to  the  throne  of  hia 
fathers,  and  that  the  rights  of  the  Imperial  supremacy  were 
fully  asserted  and  secured.  The  limits  of  Armenia  were 
extended  as  far  as  the  fortress  of  Sintha  in  Media,  and  this 
increase  of  dominion  was  not  so  much  an  act  of  liberality  as 
of  justice.  Of  the  provinces  already  mentioned  beyond  the 
Tigris,  the  four  first  had  been  dismembered  by  the  Parthians 
from  the  crown  of  Armenia  ;8i  and  when  the  Romans  acquired 
the  possession  of  them,  they  stipulated,  at  the  expense  of  the 
usurpers,  an  ample  compensation,  which  invested  their  allv 
with  the  extensive  and  fertile  country  of  Atropatene.  Its 
principal  city,  in  the  same  situation  perhaps .  as  the  modern 
Tauris,  was  frequently  honored  by  the  residence  of  Tiridates ; 
and  as  it  sometimes  bore  the  name  of  Ecbatana,  he  imitated, 
in  the  buildings  and  fortifications,  the  splendid  capital  of  the 
Medes.^^  IV.  The  country  of  Iberia  was  barren,  its  inhabit- 
ants rude  and  savage.  But  they  were  accustomed  to  the  use 
of  arms,  and  they  separated  from  the  empire  barbarians  much 
fiercer  and  more  formidable  than  themselves.  The  narrow 
defiles  of  Mount  Caucasus  were  in  their  hands,  and  it  was  in 
their  chqice,  either  to  admit  or  to  exclude  the  wandering  tribes 

^'^  Xcnophon's  Anabasis,  1.  iv.  Their  bows  were  throe  cubits  in 
Icngtli,  their  arrows  two ;  they  rolled  down  stones  that  were  each  a 
wa;^ou  load.  The  Greeks  found  a  great  many  villages  in  that  rude 
country. 

*-  According  to  Eutropius,  (vi.  9,  as  the  text  is  represented  by  the 
best  MSS.,)  the  city  of  Tigranocerta  was  in  Arzancne.  The  namea 
and  situation  of  the  other  three  may  bo  faintly  traced. 

'^-'  Compare  Herodotus,  1.  i.  c.  97,  with  Moses  Choronens.  Hist 
Avmcn.  1.  ii.  c.  84,  and  the  map  of  Armenia  given  by  his  editors. 


•  I  IravcUcd  through  this  country  in  1810,  and  should  judge,  from  what 
I  hav«  .cad  aiul  st-cu  of  its  inhabitants,  that  they  have  remained  iiiu-hanKcd 
m  their  apijcarance  and  character  for  more  than  twenty  ceiituifles.  Mal- 
colm, note  to  Hist,  of  Persia,  vol.  i.  p.  82.  —  M. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  431 

of  Sarmatia,  whenever  a  rapacious  spirit  urgcil  tlicni  to  i>ene- 
trate  into  tlie  richer  climes  of  the  South.^^  Tlic  nomination 
of  the  kings  of  Iberia,  which  was  resigned  by  the  Persian 
monarch  to  the  emperors,  contributed  to  the  strength  and 
Becurity  of  the  Roman  power  in  Asia-^"!  The  East  enjoyed  a 
profound  tranquillity  during  forty  years  ;  and  the  treaty  between 
the  rival  monarchies  was  strictly  observed  till  the  death  of 
Tiridates;  when  a  new  generation,  animated  with  difl'erenl 
views  and  dltferent  passions,  succeeded  to  the  government  of 
the  world  ;  and  the  grandson  of  Narses  undertook  a  long  and 
memorable  war  against  thd  princes  of  the  house  of  Con- 
stantino. 

The  arduous  work  of  rescuing  the  distressed  empire  from 
tyrants  and  barbarians  had  now  been  completely  achieved  by 
a  succession  of  Illyrian  peasants.  As  soon  as  Diocletian 
entered  into  the  twentieth  year  of  his  reign,  he  celebrated  tha^ 
memorable  tera,  as  well  as  the  success  of  his  arms,  by  the 
()omp  of  a  Roman  triumph.^''  Maximian,  the  equal  partner 
of  his  power,  was  his  only  companion  in  the  glory  of  that 
day.  The  two  Caesars  had  fought  and  conquered,  but  the 
merit  of  their  exploits  was  ascribed,  according  to  the  rigor  of 
ancient  maxims,  to  the  auspicious  influence  of  their  fathers 
and  emperors.^''  The  triumpli  of  Diocletian  and  Maximian 
was  less  magnificent,  perhaps,  than  those  of  Aurelian  and 
IVobus,  but  it  was  dignified  by  several  circumstances  of  supe- 
rior fame  and  good  fortune.  Africa  and  Britain,  the  Rhine, 
♦he  Danube,  and  the  Nile,  furnished  their  respective  trophies; 
out  the  most  distinguished  ornament  was  of  a  more  singular 
nature,  a  Persian  victory  followed  by  an  important  conquest. 
The  representations  of  I'ivers,  mountains,  and  provinces,  were 
carried  before  the  Imperial  car.  The  images  of  thp  captive 
wives,  the  sisters,  and  the  children  of  the  Great  King,  afibrded 
a  new  and  grateful  spectacle  to  the    vanity  of  the  people.^'' 

*'  Hibcri,  locorum  potentcs,  Caspia  via  Sarmatam  in  Anucnioa 
raptim  ofi'undunt.  Tacit.  Annal.  vi.  34.  See  Strabon.  Geograpli.  L 
xi.  p.  764,  [edit.  Casaub.] 

*•  Peter  Patricias  (in  Excerpt.  Leg.  p.  30)  is  the  only  writer  who 
mentions  the  Iberian  article  of  the  treaty. 

**  Eusob.  in  Chron.  I'a^i  ad  annum.  Till  the  discovery  of  tho 
treatise  De  Mortibus  Persecutornni,  it  was  not  certain  that  the 
tnumph  and  the  Vicennalia  vere  celebrated  at  the  same  tijne. 

**  At  the  time  of  the  Vicennalia,  Galcrius  seems  to  have  kept  hia 
•tation  on  the  Danube.     See  Lactant.  do  M.  P.  r.  38. 

"'  Eutropius  (ix.  27)  mentions  tliom  as  a  par.  of  the  triumph.     A* 


432  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

in    Ihe  eyes  of   posterity,  this  trminph    is  remarkaole,  by  a 
distinction  of  a  less  honorable    kind.       It  was  the  last   thal| 
Rome   ever  beheld.     Soon    after  this    period,  the    emperors 
ceased  to  vanquish,  and  Rome  ceased  to  be  the  capital  of  the 
empire. 

The  spot  on  which  Rome  was  founded  had  been  conse- 
crated by  ancient  ceremonies  and  imaginary  miracles.  T'^e 
presence  of  some  god,  or  the  memory  of  some  hero,  seemed 
to  animate  every  part,  of  the  city,  and  the  empire  of  the  world 
had  been  promised  to  the  Capitol.^^  The  native  Romans  felt 
and  confessed  the  power  of  this  agreeable  illusion.  It  was 
derived  from  their  ancestors,  had  grown  up  with  their  earliest 
habits  of  life,  and  was  protected,  in  some  measure,  by  the 
opinion  of  political  utility.  The  form  and  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment were  intimately  blended  together,  nor  was  it  esteemed 
possible  to  transport  the  one  without  destroying  the  other.^^ 
But  the  oo'/ereignty  of  the  capital  was  gradually  annihilated  in 
the  exton*  of  conquest  ;  the  provinces  rose  to  the  same  level, 
and  th^  vanquished  nations  acquired  the  name  and  privileges, 
without  xmbibing  the  partial  affections,  of  Romans.  During 
a  long  period,  however,  the  remains  of  the  ancient  constitu- 
tion, and  the  influence  of  custom,  preserved  the  dignity  of 
Rome.  The  emperors,  though  perhaps  of  African  or  Illyrian 
extraction,  respected  their  adopted  country,  as  the  seat  of  their 
power,  and  the  centre  of  their  extensive  dominions.  The 
emergencies  of  war  very  frequently  required  their  presence 
on  the  frontiers  ;  but  Diocletian  and  Maximian  were  the  first 
Roman  princes  who  fixed,  in  time  of  peace,  their  ordinary 
residence  in  the  provinces ;  and  their  conduct,  however  it 
might  be  suggested  by  private  motives,  was  justified  by  very 
specious'considerations  of  policy.  The  court  of  the  emperor 
of  the  West  was,  for  the  most  part,  established  at  Milan,  whose 
situation,  at  the   foot  of  the  Alps,  appeared   far  more  conve- 

thc  persona  had  been  restored  to  Narses,  nothing  more  than  their 
images  could  be  exhibited. 

"*  Livj-  gives  us  a  speech  of  Caraillus  on  that  subject,  (v.  51 — 55,) 
tUll  of  eloquence  and  sensibility,  in  opposition  to  a  design  of  remov- 
ing the  seat  of  government  from  liome  to  the  neighboring  city  of 
Veu. 

**  Julius  Caesar  was  reproached  with  the  intention  of  removing  the 
empire  to  Ilium  or  Alexandria.  See  Sueton.  in  Cajsar.  c.  79.  Ac- 
cording to  the  ingenious  conjecture  of  Le  Fcvre  and  Dacier,  the 
third  ode  of  the  third  book  of  Horace  was  intended  to  divert  Aygus-- 
tus  from  the  execution  of  a  similar  desijzn. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  433 

nient  than  tl);it  of  Rome,  for  the  important  purpose  of  watch- 
ing the  motions  of  the  barbarians  of  Germany.  Milan  soon 
assumed  the  splendor  of  an  Imperial  city.  The  houses  are 
described  as  niunerous  and  well  built;  the  manners  of  the 
people  as  polished  and  liberal.  A  circus,  a  theatre,  a  mint,  a 
palace,  baths,  which  bore  the  name  of  their  founder  Maxim- 
ian  ;  porticos  adorned  with  statues,  and  a  double  circumfer- 
enc^e  of  walls,  contributed  to  the  beauty  of  the  new  capital  ; 
nor  did  it  seem  oppressed  even  by  the  proximity  of  Rome.^" 
To  rival  the  majesty  of  Rome  was  the  ambition  likewise  of 
Diocletian,  who  employed  his  leisure,  and  the  wealth  of  the 
East,  in  the  embellishment  of  Nicomedia,  a  city  placed  on 
the  verge  of  Europe  and  Asia,  almost  at  an  equal  distance 
between  the  Danube  and  the  Euphrates.  By  the  taste  of  the 
monarch,  and  at  the  expense  of  the  j)eople,  Nicomedia 
acquired,  in  the  space  of  a  few  years,  a  degree  of  magnifi- 
cence which  might  appear  to  have  required  the  labor  of  ages, 
and  became  inferior  only  to  Rome,  Alexandria,  and  Antioch, 
in  extent  of  populousness.'-"  The  life  of  Diocletian  and  Max- 
imian  was  a  life  of  action,  and  a  considerable  portion  of  it  was 
spent  in  camps,  or  in  tlieir  long  and  frequent  marches  ;  but 
whenever  the  public  business  allowed  them  any  relaxation, 
they  seemed  to  have  retired  with  pleasure  to  their  favorite 
residences  of  N-comcdia  and  Milan.  Till  Diocletian,  in  the 
twentieth  year  of  his  reign,  celebrated  his  Roman  triumph,  it 
is  extremely  doubtful  whether  he  ever  visited  the  ancient 
capital  of  the  empire.  Even  on  that  memorable  occasion  his 
slay  did  not  exceed  two  months.  Disgusted  with  the  licentious 
familiarity  of  the  people,  he  quitted  Rome  with  precipitation 
thirteen  days    before    it    was  expected   that  he  should   have 


**  See  Aurclius  Victor,  who  likewise  mentions  the  buildings  erect- 
ed by  Maxiniian  at  Carthui^e,  probably  dming  the  Moorisli  war.  W» 
■^all  insert  some  verses  of  Ausouius  dc  (Jlar.  Urb.  v. 

Et   Meiliolniii  mini  oiiiiiia  :  cupia  reruin  ; 
IniiiiiiieriL'  iiilt;i.i]iii-  iluiiuis  ;  lacimda  virirum 
liiL'fiiia,  ft  iiicircs  lifti  :  turn  (|ii|ilice  iiiiiin 
Aiii|ilitii:ata  I  ici  spiTJes  ;  |i<i|iiilii|ile  voliiptas 
Circus;  et  imliisi  m.iles  ciiiwat  i  Tliealri  ; 
Tt;  ii|)la.  Palaiiiiii'(|ue  aiccs    (i|mU'n-^iiiie  Muneta, 
Kt  rr;;jii  Hiri-iitri  ciU-lirJs  sill)  liiinore  lavacri. 
Ciiiiitaijui;  iii;iriMi>riis  uriiata  Prnstjla  sijiniaj 
iMuM'ia<|iU'  ill  valli  rtiriiiaiii  iiniiiiiil  ila  labro, 
(liiiiiia  ijiui!  iiiaL'iiis  <i|ii'riiiii  vcliK  a'liiiila  foril'ila 
Excelluiit :  iiec  j.iiicta  prfiiiit  viciiiia  Uoniie. 

*  Loctant.  de  M  V.  c.  17.     Libanius,  Orat.  viiL  p.  20il. 
21* 


434  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

appeared  in   the  senate,  invested  with  the  ensigns  of  ihe  con 
sular  dignity.^2 

The  disUke  expressed  by  Diocletian  towards  E-ome  anA 
Roman  freedom,  was  not  the  efiect  of  momentary  caprice,  but 
the  result  of  the  most  artful  policy.  That  crafty  prince  had 
framed  a  new  system  of  Imperial  government,  which  wus 
afterwards  completed  by  the  family  of  Constantine  ,  and  as 
the  image  of  the  old  constitution  was  religiously  preserved  in 
ihe  senate,  he  resolved  to  deprive  that  order  of  its  small 
remains  of  power  and  consideration.  We  may  recollect, 
about  eight  years  before  the  elevation  of  Diocletian,  the  tran- 
sient greatness,  and  the  ambitious  hopes,  of  the  Roman  sen- 
ate. As  long  as  that  enthusiasm  prevailed,  many  of  the 
nobles  imprudently  displayed  their  zeal  in  the  cause  of  free- 
dom ;  and  after  the  successors  of  Probus  had  withdrawn  their 
countenance  from  the  republican  party,  the  senators  were 
unable  to  disguise  their  impotent  resentment.  As  the  sover- 
eign of  Italy,  Maximian  was  intrusted  with  the  care  of  extin- 
guishing this  troublesome,  rather  than  dangerous  spirit,  and 
the  task  was  perfectly  suited  to  his  cruel  temper.  The  most 
illustrious  members  of  the  senate,  whom  Diocletian  always 
affected  to  esteem,  were  involved,  by  his  colleague,  in  tlie 
accusation  of  imaginary  plots  ;  and  the  possession  of  an  ele- 
gant villa,  or  a  well-cultivated  estate,  was  interpreted  as  a 
convincing  evidence  of  guilt. '^-^  The  camp  of  the  Prtetonans, 
which  had  so  long  oppressed,  began  to  protect,  the  majes:y  of 
Rome;  and  as  those  haught^Mroops  were  conscious  of  the 
decline  of  their  power,  they  were  naturally  disposed  to  unite 
their  strength  with  the  authority  of  the  senate.  By  tlie  pru- 
dent measures  of  Diocletian,  the  numbers  of  the  Prietorians 
were  insensibly  reduced,  their  privileges  abolished,'*'*  and  their 
place  supplied  by  two  faithful  legions  of  lllyricum,  who,  under 
the  new  titles  of  Jovians  and  Herculians,  were  appointed  to 
perform  the  service  of  the   Imperial   guards. ^^     But  the  most 

'■'  Laciant.  do  .M.  P.  c.  17.  On  a  similar  occasion,  Ammianiio 
mentions  tho  di.ca.-itas  plebis,  as  not  very  a;^roeablo  to  an  Imperial  ear, 
(Sec  1    xvi.  c.  10.) 

''■'  Lncianiius  t,;:'.uses  ^[aximian  of  d-'stroyinri;  fictis  criminationituig 
lumina  sonatas,  ( ijc  M.  J',  c.  8.)  Aurolius  Victor  speaks  very  doubt- 
fully of  the  faith  of  Diocletian  towards  his  friends. 

*■*  TnuK-ata;  viros  urbis,  in^minuto  i)ra'i.onarum  cohortiiim  atquc  in 
ftrmis  viilfj;i  numero.  Aurelius  Victor.  Lactantius  attributes  to  (iale- 
»ius  the  ])rosecuti:)n  of  tiie  same  plan,  (c.  26.) 

•*  Tliey  wore  old  corps  stationed  in  lUyicum ;  and  according  to 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  435 

fatal  tliough  secret  wound,  which  the  senate  received  from  the 
hands  of  Diocletian  and  iMaximian,  was  inflicted  by  the  inev- 
itable operation  of  their  absence.  As  long  as  the  en  perors 
resided  at  Rome,  that  assembly  might  be  oppressed,  but  it 
could  scarcely  be  neglected.  The  successors  of  Augustus 
exercised  the  power  of  dictating  whatever  laws  their  wisdom 
or  caprice  might  suggest ;  but  those  laws  were  ratified  by  the 
sanction  of  the  senate.  The  model  of  ancient  freedom  was 
preserved  in  its  deliberations  and  decrees  ;  and  wise  princes, 
who  respected  the  prejudices  of  the  Roman  people,  were  in 
some  measure  obliged  to  assume  the  language  and  behavior 
suitable  to  the  general  and  first  magistrate  of  the  republic.  In 
the  armies  and  in  the  provinces,  they  displayed  the  dignity  of 
monarchs ;  and  when  ihey  fixed  their  residence  at  a  distance 
from  the  capital,  they  forever  laid  aside  the  dissimulation 
which  Augustus  had  recommended  to  his  successors.  In  the 
exercise  of  the  legislative  as  well  as  the  executive  power,  the 
sovereign  advised  with  his  ministers,  instead  of  consulting  the 
great  council  of  the  nation.  The  name  of  the  senate  was 
mentioned  with  honur  till  the  last  period  of  the  empire  ;  the 
vanity  of  its  members  was  still  flattered  with  honorary  distinc-- 
tions ;  ^^  but  the  assembly  which  had  so  long  been  the  source, 
and  so  long  the  instrument  of  power,  was  respectfully  suflered 
to  sink  into  oblivion.  The  senate  of  Rome,  losing  all  connec- 
tion with  the  Imperial  court  and  the  actual  constitution,  was 
let''t  a  venerable  but  useless  monument  of  antiquity  on  the  Cap- 
itoline  hill. 

VVben  the  Roman  princes  had  lost  sight  of  the  senate  and 
of  their  ancient  capital,  they  easily  forgot  the  origin  and 
nature  of  their  legal  power.  Tke  civil  oiTices  of  consul,  of 
proconsul,  of  censor,  and  of  tribune,  by  the  union  of  which  it 
had  been  formed,  betrayed  to  the  people  its  republican  ex- 
traction.    Those  modest  titles  were  laid  aside  ;^^  and  if  they 


ttie  ancient  ci>tablis.hmcnt,  they  each  consisted  of  six  thousand  men. 
They  had  iiciinircd  niutli  reputation  by  the  use  of  the  plumhatcv,  or 
darts  loaded  with  lead.  Each  soldier  carried  ti%'e  of  these,  which  ho 
darted  from  a  considerable  distance,  with  great  strength  luid  dexteri- 
ty.    See  Vegetius,  i.  17. 

**  See  the  Theodosian  Code,  1.  vi.  tit.  ii.  with  Godefroy's  com.xicn- 
tary. 

""  See  the  1 2th  dissertation  in  Spanhcim's  excellent  work  de  Usu 
Nuaiismatnm.  From  medals,  inscriptions,  and  historians,  lie  examines 
every  title  se[!arately,  and  traces  it  from  Augustus  to  the  moment  of 
ita  disappearing. 


436  THE    DECLINE    ANI>    FALL 

Still  iisiinguished  their  hif^h  station  by  the  appellation  of 
Emperor,  or  Imperator,  that  word  was  understood  in  a  new 
and  more  dignified  sense,  and  no  longer  denoted  the  genera. 
of  the  Roman  armies,  but  the  sovereign  of  the  Roman  world. 
The  name  of  Emperor,  which  was  at  first  of  a  military  nature, 
was  associated  with  another  of  a  more  servile  kind.  The 
epithet  of  Dominus,  or  Lord,  in  its  primitive  signification,  waa 
expressive,  not  of  the  authority  of  a  prince  over  his  subjects, 
or  of  a  commander  over  his  soldiers,  but  of  the  despotic  power 
of  a  master  over  his  domestic  slaves.^^  Viewing  it  in  that 
odious  light,  it  had  been  rejected  with  abhorrence  by  the  first 
CcBsars.  Their  resistance  insensibly  became  more  feeble, 
and  the  name  less  odious ;  till  at  length  the  style  of  our  Lord 
and  Emperor  was  not  only  bestowed  by  flattery,  but  was 
regularly  admitted  into  the  laws  and  public  monuments.  Such 
lofty  epithets  were  sufficient  to  elate  and  satisfy  the  most 
excessive  vanity ;  and  if  the  successors  of  Diocletian  still 
declined  the  title  of  King,  it  seems  to  have  been  the  efft;ct  not 
so  much  of  their  moderation  as  of  their  delicacy.  Wherever 
the  Latin  tongue  was  in  use,  (and  it  was  the  language  of  gov- 
ernment throughout  the  empire,)  the  Imperial  title,  as  it  was 
peculiar  to  themselves,  conveyed  a  more  respectable  idea  than 
the  name  of  king,  which  they  must  have  shared  with  a  hun- 
dred barbarian  chieftains  ;  or  which,  at  the  best,  they  could 
derive  only  from  Romulus,  or  from  Tarquin.  But  the  senti- 
ments of  the  East  were  very  different  from  those  of  the  West. 
From  the  earliest  period  of  history,  the  sovereigns  of  Asia 
had  been  celebrated  in  the  Greek  language  by  the  title  of 
Basileus,  or  King ;  and  since  it  was  considered  as  the  first 
distinction  among  men,  it  was  soon  employed  by  the  servile 
provincials  of  the  East,  in  their  humble  addresses  to  the 
Roman  throne.^^  Even  the  attributes,  or  at  least  the  titles,  of 
the  Divinity,  were  usurped  by  Diocletian  and  Maximian,  who 
transmitted   them   to  a  succession   of  Christian   emperors.'"^ 


®*  Pliny  (in  Panegyr.  c.  3,  55,  &c.)  speaks  of  Doyninm  with  cxocra- 
tion,  as  synonymous  to  Tyrant,  and  opposite  to  I'rince.  And  the 
>ame  Pliny  rcgul^ily  gives  that  title  (in  the  tenth  book  of  the  ejjistlesl 
to  his  friend  rather  than  master,  the  virtuous  Trajan.  This  strange 
contradiction  p'uzslcs  the  commentators,  who  think,  and  the  transla- 
tors, who  can  write. 

•*  Synesius  de  Ttegno,  edit.  Petav.  p.  15.  I  am  indebted  for  thi* 
quotation  to  the  Abb6  dc  la  Bletcrie. 

"*  Sec  Vandale  de  Consecrationc,  p.  354.  &c.     It  was  customary  fw 


OF    THt    KOMAN    EMPIRE.  431 

Such  extravagant  compliments,  however,  soon  lose  their 
impiety  by  losing  their  meaning;  and  when  the  ear  is  onco 
iiconsiomed  to  tlie  sound,  they  are  lioard  with  indiffererxe,  as 
vague  tliough  excessive  professions  of  respect. 

From  the  time  of  Augustus  to  that  of  Diocletian,  the  Roman 
piinces,  conversing  in  a  familiar  manner  among  their  fellow- 
citizens,  were  saluted  only  with  the  same  respect  that  wa? 
usually  paid  to  senators  and  magistrates.  Their  principal 
distinction  was  the  Imperial  or  niilitary  robe  of  purple  ;  whilst 
the  senatorial  garment  was  marked  by  a  broad,  and  the  eques- 
trian by  a  narrow,  band  or  stripe  of  the  same  honorable  color. 
Th(!  pride,  or  rather  the  policy,  of  Diocletian,  engaged  that 
artful  ])rince  to  introduce  the  stately  magnificence  of  the  court 
of  I'ersia.i"*  He  ventured  to  assume  the  diadem,  an  ornament 
detested  by  the  Romans  as  the  odious  ensign  of  royalty,  and 
the  use  of  which  had  been  considered  as  the  most  desperate 
act  of  the  madness  of  Caligula.  It  was  no  more  than  a  broad 
white    fillet  set   with   pearls,   which   encircled   the    emperor's 

the  emperors  to  mention  (in  the  preamble  of  laws)  their  }iumen,  sacred 
majesty,  dioine  oracles,  &c.  According  to  Tillcmont,  Gregory  Nazinn- 
zen  complains  most  bitterly  of  the  profanation,  especially  when  it  was 
practised  by  an  Arian  emperor.* 

'"'  See  Spanheim  de  Usu  Numismat.  Dissert,  xii. 


•  In  the  time  of  the  republic,  says  Hegewisch,  when  the  consuls,  the 
prffitors,  and  the  other  inatjistrates  ai)[)eare(l  in  |)ubllc,  to  perform  the 
functions  of  their  office,  their  dignity  was  announced  botli  tiy  th<'  syinltols 
which  use  had  consecrated,  and  the  brilliant  cort.ge  by  which  thcv  were 
accompanied.  But  this  dignity  belonged  to  the  office,  not  to  the  indi- 
vidual ;  this  pomp  belonged  to  the  magistrate,  not  to  the  man.  *  *  The 
consul,  followed,  in  the  comitia,  by  all  the  senate,  the  pra-tors,  the  quajs- 
tors,  the  asdiles,  the  lictors,  the  apparitors,  and  the  heralds,  on  re<'ntering 
his  house,  was  served  only  by  freedmen  and  by  his  slaves  The  first 
emperors  went  no  further.  Tiberius  had,  for  his  personal  attendance,  only 
a  moderate  number  of  slaves,  and  a  few  freedmen.  (Tacit.  Ann.  iv.  7.) 
IJut  in  proportion  as  the  republican  forms  disappeared,  one  after  another, 
the  inclination  of  the  emperors  to  environ  themselves  with  personal  jjoni)), 
displayed  itself  more  and  more.  *  *  The  magnificence  and  the  ceremonial 
of  the  East  were  entirely  introduced  by  Diocletian,  and  were  consecrated 
by  Constantine  to  the  Imperial  use.  'Thenceforth  the  palace,  the  court, 
the  table,  all  the  personal  attendance,  distintruished  the  emperor  from  his 
•ubjects,  still  more  than  his  superior  dignity.  The  organir.ation  wiuoh 
Diocletian  gave  to  his  new  court,  attached  less  lionor  and  distinction  to 
tank  than  to  services  performed  towards  the  members  of  the  Imp'.riiU 
family.     Ilegewisch,  Essai,  Hist,  sur  les  Finances  Romains. 

Few  historians  have  characterized,  in  a  moie  philosophic  manner,  tht 
influence  of  a  new  institution.  —  G. 

It  is  singular  that  the  son  of  a  slave  reduced  the  haughty  arltlocracv  of 
Rome  to  the  offices  of  ser  itude.  — M. 


438  THE    DE'LINE    AND    FAf.L 

head.  The  sun  ptuous  robes  of  DiocUstian  and  his  successors 
were  of  silk  and  gold  ;  and  it  is  remarked  with  indignation, 
that  even  their  shoes  were  studded  with  the  most  precious 
gems.  The  access  to  their  sacred  person  was  every  day  ren- 
dered more  difficult  by  the  institution  of  new  forms  and  cere- 
monies. The  avenues  of  the  palace  were  strictly  guarded  tv 
the  various  schools,  as  they  began  to  be  called,  of  domestic 
officers.  The  interior  apartments  were  intrusted  to  the  jealous 
vigilance  of  the  eunuchs,  the  increase  of  whose  numbers  and 
influence  was  the  most  infallible  symptom  of  the  progress  of 
despotism.  When  a  subject  was  at  length  admitted  to  the 
Imperial  presence,'  he  was  obliged,  whatever  might  be  his 
rank,  to  fall  prostrate  on  the  ground,  and  to  adore,  according 
to  the  eastern  fashion,  the  divinity  of  his  lord  and  master.i"=^ 
Diocletian  was  a  man  of  sense,  who,  in  the  course  of  private 
as  well  as  public  life,  had  formed  a  just  estimate  both  of  him- 
self  and  of  mankind  :  nor  is  it  easy  to  conceive,  that  in 
substituting  the  manners  of  Persia  to  those  of  Rome,  he  wa-^ 
seriously  actuated  by  so  mean  a  principle  as  that  of  vanity. 
He  flattered  himself,  that  an  ostentation  of  splendor  and 
luxury  would  subdue  the  imagination  of  the  multitude  ;  that 
the  monarch  would  be  less  exposed  to  the  rude  license  of  the 
[)eople  and  the  soldiers,  as  his  person  was  secluded  from  the 
public  view  ;  and  that  habits  of  submission  would  insensibly 
be  productive  of  sentiments  of  veneration.  Like  the  modesty 
aflected  by  Augustus,  the  state  maintained  by  Diocletian  was 
a  theatrical  representation  ;  but  it  must  be  confessed,  that  of 
the  two  comedies,  the  former  was  of  a  much  more  liberal  and 
manly  character  than  the  latter.  It  was  the  aim  of  the  one  to 
disguise,  and  the  object  of  the  other  to  display,  the  unbounded 
power  which  the  emperors  possessed  over  the  Roman  world. 

Ostentation  was  the  first  principle  of  the  new  system  insti- 
tuted by  Diocletian.  The  second  was  division.  He  divided 
the  empiie,  the  provinces,  and  every  branch  of  the  civil  as 
well  as  military  administration.  He  multiplied  the  wheels  <if 
the  machine  of  government,  and  rendered  its  operations  le.'iii 
rapid,  but  more  secure.  Whatever  advantages  and  whatever 
delects  might  attcnid  these  innovations,  they  must  be  ascribed 
in  a  very   great  degree   to  the  first  inventor;  but  as  the  new 


_  "*"  Aurolius  Victor.  Eutrojnus,  ix.  20.  It  ai)pears  by  the  Pancgy- 
riats,  that  the  Ivoinaiis  were  soon  reconciled  to  the  name  and  cerem.-Miv 
o{  ao  oration. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  430 

frame  of  policy  was  gradually  improved  and  completed  by 
eucceeding  princes,  it  will  be  more  satisfactory  to  delay  the 
consideration  of  it  till  the  season  of  its  full  maturity  and  per- 
fection.^"-^  Reserving,  therefore,  for  the  reign  of  Constantino 
a  more  exact  picture  of  the  new  empire,  we  shall  content  our- 
selves with  describing  the  principal  and  decisive  outline,  as  it 
A'as  traced  by  the  hand  of  Diocletian.  He  had  associated 
diree  colleagues  in  the  exercise  of  the  supreme  power  ;  and 
as  he  was  convinced  that  the  abilities  of  a  single  man  were 
inadequate  to  the  public  defence,  he  considered  the  joint  ad- 
ministration of  four  princes  not  as  a  temporary  expedieii!.  but 
as  a  fundamental  law  of  the  constitution.  It  was  his  inteni;<>ii, 
that  the  two  elder  princes  should  be  distinguished  by  the  Li.>e 
of  the  diadem,  and  the  title  of  Augusli ;  that,  as  aOection  or 
esteem  might  direct  their  choice,  they  should  regularly  call 
to  their  assistance  two  subordinate  colleagues  ;  and  that  the 
Casars,  rising  in  their  turn  to  the  first  rank,  should  supply  an 
uninterrupted  succession  of  emperors.  The  empire  was 
divided  into  four  parts.  The  East  and  Italy  were  the  mosl 
honorable,  the  Danube  and  the  Rhine  the  most  laborious  sta- 
tions.    The   former  claimed  the  presence  of  the  Augusti,  the 

.latter  were  intrusted  to  the  administration  of  the  Ccesars. 
The  strength  of  the  legions  was  in  the  hands  of  the  four  part- 
ners of  sovereignty,  and  the  despair  of  successively  vanquish- 
ing four  formidable  rivals  might  intimidate  the  ambition  of 
an  aspiring  general.  In  their  civil  government,  the  emperors 
were  supposed  to  exercise  the  undivided  power  of  the  mon- 
arch, and  their  edicts,  inscribed  with  their  joint  names,  were 
received  in  all  the  provinces,  as  promulgated  by  their  mutual 

•  councils  and  authority.      Notwithstanding  these  precautions, 
the   political   union   of  the    Roman  world   was  gradually  dis 
solved,  and  a  principle  of  division   was  introduced,  which,  in 
the  course  of  a  few  years,  occasioned  the  perpetual  separation 
of  the  Eastern  and  Western  Empires. 

The  system  of  Diocletian  was  accompanied  with  another 
very  material  disadvantage,  which  cannot  even  at  p  esent  be 
totally  overlooked  ;  a  more  expensive  establishment,  and  con- 
sequently an   increase   of  taxes,  and   the   oppnjssion  of  the 

""  The  innovations  introduced  by  Diocletian  are  chiefly  deduced, 
Ist,  from  some  very  strong  passages  in  Lactnntius  ;  and,  '2dly,  from 
Ihe  new  and  various  offices  wliich,  in  the  Theodosian  code,  appcut 
xlready  established  in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Constantine. 


440  THE    UECLINE    AND    FALL 

people.  Instead  of  a  modest  family  of  slaves  und  freedmeri, 
such  as  had  contented  the  simple  greatness  of  Augustus  anQ 
Trajan,  three  or  four  magnificent  courts  were  established  in 
the  various  parts  of  the  empire,  and  as  many  Roman  kings 
contended  with  each  other  and  with  the  Persian  monarch  for 
the  vair  superiority  of  pomp  and  luxury.  The  number  of 
ministers,  of  magistrates,  of  officers,  and  of  servants,  who 
filled  the  different  departments  of  the  state,  was  multiplied 
beyond  the  example  of  former  times  ;  and  (if  we  may  borrow 
the  warm  expression  of  a  contemporary)  "  when  the  propor- 
tion of  those  who  received,  exceeded  the  proportion  of  thoso 
who  contributed,  the  provinces  were  oppressed  by  the  weight 
of  tributes."  ^^^  From  this  period  to  the  extinction  of  the 
empire,  it  would  be  easy  to  deduce  an  uninterrupted  series  of 
clamors  and  complaints.  According  to  his  religion  and  situa- 
tion, each  writer  chooses  either  Diocletian,  or  Constantine,  or 
Valens,  or  Theodosius,  for  the  object  of  his  invectives ;  but 
they  unanimously  agree  in  representing  the  burden  of  the 
public  impositions,  and  particularly  the  land  tax  and  capita- 
tion, as  the  intolerable  and  increasing  grievance  of  their  own 
times.  From  such  a  concurrence,  an  impartial  historian  who 
is  obliged  to  extract  truth  from  satire,  as  well  as  from  pane-* 
gyric,  will  be  inclined  to  divide  the  blame  among  the  princes 
whom  they  accuse,  and  to  ascribe  their  exactions  much  less 
to  their  personal  vices,  than  to  the  uniform  systcn  of  their 
administratioii."*     The    emperor    Diocletian    was    indeed   the 

'"•»  Lactant.  de  M.  P.  c.  7. 


*  The  most  curious  document  which  has  come  to  light  since  the  publi 
cation  of  Gibbon's  History,  is  the  edict  of  Diocletian,  published  from  an 
inscription  found  at  Eskihiss;"ir,  (Stratoniccia,)  by  Col.  Leake.  This 
inscriptior  was  first  copied  by  .Sherard,  afterwards  much  more  completely 
by  Mr.  Bankes.  It  is  confirmed  and  illustrated  by  a  more  iuipcrfect  copy 
of  the  same  edict,  found  in  the  Levant  by  a  gentleman  of  Aix,  and  brought 
to  this  country  by  M.  Yescovali.  This  edict  wat  issued  in  the  name  of  the 
four  Cajsars,  Diocletian,  Maximian,  Constantius,  and  Galerius.  It  fixed  a 
maximum  of  prices,  throughout  the  empire,  for  all  the  necessaries  and 
commodities  of  life.  The  preamble  insists,  with  great  vehemence,  on  the 
extortion  and  inhumanity  of  the  venders  and  merchants.  Quis  enim  adeo 
obtunisi  (obtusi)  poctores  (is)  ct  a  sensu  inhumanitatis  »-xtorris  est  qui 
ignorare  potest  immo  non  senserit  in  venalil)us  rcl)us  quie  vol  in  incrciinoniia 
aguntur  vel  diiirna  urliium  conversatione   tractantur,  in  tantum   se  licen- 

tiam  defusisse,  ut  effra-nata  liliido  rapicn rum  copia  noc  annorum  uber- 

tatibus  mitigaretur.  The  edict,  as  Col.  Leake  clearly  shows,  was  issued 
A..  C.  303.  Among  the  articles  of  which  the  maximum  value  is  assessed, 
are  oil,  sa'»t,  honey,  butchers'  meat,  poultry,  g  ime,  fish,  vegetables,  fruit 
Ihe   wages  of  laborers  and  artisans,  schoolmasters  and  orators,  clotre*. 


OF    THE    EOMAN    EMPIRE.  441 

author  of  that  systenj ;  but  during  his  reign,  the  growing  ovil 
was  confined  within  the  bounds  of  modesty  and  discretion, 
and  he  deserves  the  reproach  of  establishing  pernicious  pre. 
cedents,  rather  than  of  exercising  actual  oppression.'"^  It 
may  be  aoded,  that  his  revenues  were  managed  with  prudeni 
economy;  and  that  after  all  the  current  expenses  wer»  di3 
charged,  there  still  remained  in  the  Imperial  treasury  an 
ample  provision  either  for  judicious  liberality  or  for  any  emer 
gency  of  the  state. 

It  was  in  the  twenty-first  year  of  his  reign  that  Diocletian 
executed  his  memorable  resolution  of  abdicating  the  em[)ire; 
an  action  more  naturally  to  have  been  expected  from  the 
elder  or  the  younger  Antoninus,  than  from  a  prince  who  had 
never  practised  the  lessons  of  philoso|)hy  either  in  the  attain- 
ment or  in  the  use  of  supreme  power.  Diocletian  acquired 
the  glory  of  giving  to  the  world  the  first  example  of  a  resig- 
nation,'''^  which  has  not  been  very  frequently  imitated  by  suc- 
ceeding monarchs.  The  parallel  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  how- 
ever, will  naturally  offer  itself  to  our  mind,  not  only  since  the 
eloquence  of  a  modern  historian  has  rendered  that  name  so 
familiar  to  an  English  reader,  but  from  the  very  striking  re- 
semblance between  the  characters  of  the  two  emperors,  whose 
political  abilities  were  superior  to  their  military  genius,  and 
whose  specious  virtues  were  much  less  the  effect  of  nature 
than  of  art.     The  abdication  of  Charles  appears  to  have  been 

'"*  Indicta  lex  nova  quae  sane  illorum  teinporum  modestui  tolerab- 
ilis,  in  peruiciein  processit.  Aurel.  Victor.,  who  has  treated  the 
character  of  Diocletian  with  good  sense,  though  in  bad  Latin. 

"*  Solus  omnium,  post  conditura  Komanum  Impcriura,  qui  ex 
tanto  fastigio  sponte  ad  privatte  vitaj  statum  civilitatemque  remearet 
Eutrop.  ix.  28. 

skins,  boots  and  shoes,  harness,  timber,  corn,  wine,  and  beer,  (zythus.) 
The  depreciation  in  the  value  of  money,  or  the  rise  in  the  price  of  com- 
Qiodities,  had  been  so  great  during  the  last  ceiiturv,  that  butchers'  meat, 
which,  in  the  second  century  of  the  empire,  was  in  flome  about  two  denarii 
the  pound,  was  now  fixed  at  a  maxiumm  of  eight.  Col.  Leake  supposes 
the  average  price  could  not  be  less  than  four  :  at  the  same  time  the  maxi- 
mum of  the  wages  of  tlje  agricultural  laborers  was  twenty-five.  Tlie  whole 
edict  is,  perhaps,  the  most  gigantic  effort  of  a  blind  though  well-intcn- 
vloned  despotism,  to  control  that  which  is,  and  ouiiht  to  bs,  beyond  tht 
regulation  of  the  government.  See  an  Edict  of  Diocletian,  by  Col.  Leake, 
London,  1826. 

Col.  Leake  has  not  observed  that  this  Edict  is  expressly  named  in  the 
treatise  de  Mort.  Persecut.  ch.  vii.  Idem  cum  variis  iniquitatibus  immeu- 
•am  facerei  caritatem,  legem  pretiis  re-  um  venalium  statufre  conatus  est 


442  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

hastened  by  tlic  vicissitude  of  fortune  ;  and  the  disappoint 
ment  of  his' favorite  schemes  urged  him  to  rehnquish  a  power 
which  he  found  inadequate  to  his  ambition.  But  the  reign  of 
Diocletian  had  flowed  with  a  tide  of  uninterrupted  success ; 
nor  was  it  till  after  he  had  vanquished  all  his  enemies,  and 
uccomplished  all  his  desigjis,  that  he  seems  to  have  entertained 
anv  serious  thoughts  of  resigning  the  empire.  Neither  Charles 
nor  Diocletian  were  arrived  at  a  very  advanced  period  of  life  ; 
since  the  one  was  only  fifty-five,  and  the  other  was  no  more 
than  fifty-nine  years  of  age ;  but  the  active  life  of  those 
priucQS,  their  wars  and  journeys,  the  cares  of  royalty,  and 
their  application  to  business,  had  already  impaired  their  con 
stitulion,  and  -brought  on  the  infirmities  of  a  premature  old 
age. 107 

Notwithstanding  the  severity  of  a  very  cold  and  rainy 
winter,  Diocletian  left  Italy  soon  after  the  ceremony  of  his 
trium|)h,  and  began  his  progress  towards  the  East  round  the 
circuit  of  the  Illyrian  provinces.  From  the  inclemency  of 
the  weather,  and  the  fatigue  of  the  journey,  he  soon  contract- 
ed a  slow,  illness  ;  and  though  he  made  easy  marches,  and 
was  generally  carried  in  a  close  Utter,  his  disorder,  before  he 
"arrived  at  Nicomedia,  about  the  end  of  the  summer,  was 
become  very  serious  and  alarming.  During  the  whole  winter 
he  was  confined  to  his  palace  :  his  danger  inspired  a  general 
and  unaflected  concern  ;  but  the  people  could  only  judge  of 
the  various  alterations  of  his  health,  from  the  joy  or  conster- 
nation which  they  discovered  in  the  countenances  and  beha- 
vior of  his  attendants.  The  rumor  of  his  death  was  for  some 
time  universally  believed,  and  it  was  supposed  to  be  concealed 
with  a  view  to  prevent  the  troubles  that  might  have  happened 
during  the  absence  of  the  Caesar  Galerius.  At  length,  how- 
ever, on  the  first  of  March,  Diocletian  once  more  appeared  in 
public,  but  so  pale  and  emaciated,  that  he  could  scarcely  have 
been  recognized  by  those  to  whom  his  person  was  the  most 
familier.  It  was  time  to  put  an  end  to  the  painful  struggle. 
which  he  had  sustained  during  more  than  a  year,  between  the 
care  of  his  health  and  that  of  his  dignity.  The  former  re- 
quired indulgence  and  relaxation,  the  latter  compelled  him  to 
direct,  from  the  bed  of  sickness,  the  administration  of  a  greal 


""  Tlie  particulars  of  the  journey  and  illness  are  taken  from  Jak' 
tantius,  (c.  17,)  who  may  snmtitiines  be  admitted  as  an  e\ide'icc  (if 
public  facts,  though  very  sc-dom  of  private  anecdotes. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  443 

empire.  lie  resolved  to  pass  the  remainder  of  liis  days  in 
honorable  repose,  to  place  his  glory  beyond  the  reach  of  fcr- 
lune,  and  to  relinquish  the  theatre  of  the  world  to  his  youngcl 
and  more  active  associates.'"^ 

The  ceremony  of  his  abdication  was  performed  in  a 
spacions  plain,  about  three  miles  from  Nicomedia.  The  cm- 
])er()r  ascended  a  lol'ty  throne,  and  in  a  speech,  full  of  reason 
and  diii;nitv,  declared  his  intention,  both  to  the  peo[)le  and  to 
the  soldiers  who  were  assembled  on  this  extraordinary  occa- 
sion. As  soon  as  he  had  divested  himself  of  his  purple,  he 
Avithdrew  from  the  crazing  multitude ;  and  traversing  the  city 
in  a  covered  chariot,  proceeded,  without  delay, to  the  I'avorite 
retn-ement  which  he  had  chosen  in  his  native  country  of  Dal- 
matia.  On  the  same  day,  which  was  the  first  of  May,'''^ 
Maximian,  as  it  had  been  previously  concerted,  made  his 
resignation  of  the  Imperial  dignity  at  Milan.  Even  in  the 
splendor  of  the  Roman  triumph,  Diocletian  had  meditated  his 
design  of  abdicating  the  government.  As  he  wished  to  secure 
the  oiiedience  of  Maximian,  he  exacted  from  him  either  a 
general  assurance  that  he  would  submit  his  actions  to  the  au- 
thority of  his  benefactor,  or  a  particular  promise  that  he  would, 
descend  from  the  throne,  whenever  he  should  receive  the  ad- 
vice and  the  example.  This  engagement,  though  it  was  con- 
firmed by  the  solemnity  of  an  oath  before  the  altar  of  the 
Capitoline  Jupiter,""  would  have  proved  a  feeble  restraint  on 
the  fierce  temper  of  Maximian,  whose  passion  was  the  love  of 
power,  and  who  neither  desired  present  tranquillity  nor  future 

""*  Aurelius  Victor  ascribes  the  abdication,  which  had  been  ss 
variously  accounted  for,  to  two  causes  :  1st,  Diocletian's  contempt  of 
ambition ;  and  2dly,  His  api)rohcn.sion  of  impending  troubles.  On« 
of  the  panegyrists  (vi.  9)  mentions  the  age  and  infirmities  of  Diocle- 
tian as  a  very  natural  reason  for  his  rcti  emcnt.* 

'"^  The  difficulties  as  will  as  mistakes  attending  the  dates  both  oi 
the  year  and  of  the  day  of  Diocletian's  abdication,  are  ])erfectly 
cleared  U[>  by  Tillomont,  Hist,  des  Empercurs,  torn.  iv.  p.  52u,  note 
19,  and  by  Pagi  ad  annum. 

""  See  Panegyr.  Voter,  vi.  9.  The  oration  was  pronounced  after 
Staximian  had  reassumed  the  purple. 


•  Constantine  (^rat.  ad  Sanct.  c.  401)  move  than  insinuated  that  de- 
rangement of  mind,  connected  with  the  conflagration  of  tlie  palace  at 
Nicomedia  l)y  lightning,  was  the  cause  of  his  abdication.  But  Ileinichen, 
in  d  very  sensible  note  on  this  passage  in  Eusebius,  while  he  admits  that 
his  long  illness  might  produce  a  temporary  depression  of  spirits,  trium- 
phantly appeals  to  the  philosophical  conduct  of  Diocletian  in  his  retreat, 
and  the  intiucnce  which  he  still  retained  on  public  affairs.  — M. 


444  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

reputation.  But  he  yielded,  however  reluctantly,  to  the  as* 
cendant  which  his  wiser  colleague  had  acquired  over  him,  and 
retired,  immediately  after  his  abdication,  to  a  villa  in  Lucania, 
where  it  was  almost  impossible  that  such  an  impatient  spirit 
could  find  any  lasting  tranquillity. 

Diocletian,  who,  I'rom  a  servile  origin,  had  raised  himself  to 
the  throne,  passed  the  nine  last  years  of  his  life  in  a  private 
condition.  Reason  had  dictated,  and  content  seems  to  have 
accompanied,  his  retreat,  in  which  he  enjoyed,  for  a  long  time, 
the  respect  of  those  princes  to  whom  he  had  resigned  the  pos- 
session of  the  world. 1^1  It  is  seldom  that  minds  long  e.ver- 
cised  in  business  have  formed  the  habits  of  conversing  with 
themselves,  and  in  the  loss  of  power  they  principally  regret  the 
want  of  occupation.  The  amusements  of  letters  and  of  de- 
votion, which  afford  so  many  resources  in  solitude,  were  inca- 
pable of  fixing  the  attention  of  Diocletian  ;  but  he  had  pre- 
served, or  at  least  he  soon  recovered,  a  taste  for  the  most 
innocent  as  well  as  natural  pleasures,  and  his  leisure  hours 
were  sufficiently  employed  in  building,  planting,  and  garden- 
ing. His  answer  to  Maximian  is  deservedly  celebrated.  He 
was  solicited  by  that  restless  old  man  to  reassume  the  reins 
of  government,  and  the  Imperial  purple.  He  rejected  the 
temptation  with  a  smile  of  pity,  calmly  observing,  that  if  he 
could  show  Maximian  the  cabbages  which  he  had  planted  with 
his  own  hands  at  Salona,  he  should  no  longer  be  urged  to 
relinquish  the  enjoyment  of  happiness  for  the  pursuit  of 
power.ii^  In  his  conversations  with  his  friends,  he  frequently 
acknowledged,  that  of  all  arts,  the  most  difficult  was  the  art 
vi^  reigning ;  and  he  expressed  himself  on  that  favorite  toj)ic 
with  a  degree  of  warmth  which  could  be  the  result  only  of 
experience.  "  How  often,"  was  he  accustomed  to  say,  "  is  it 
the  interest  of  four  or  five  ministers  to  combine  together  to 
deceive  their  sovereign  !  Secluded  from  mankind  by  his  ex- 
alted dignity,  the  truth  is  concealed  from  his  knowledge  ;  he 
can  oce  only  with  their  eyes,  he  hears  nothing  but  their  mis« 
representations.     He  confers  the  most  )mportant   offices  upon 

*"  Eumenius  pays  him  a  very  fine  compliment:  '*At  enim  divi- 
num  ilium  virum,  qui  primus  imperium  ct  partfRpavit  et  posuit, 
consilii  et  facti  sui  non  jja-iiitct;  ucc  ainisisse  sc  jiutat  quod  spouto 
transcripsit.  Felix  bcatusque  verc  quern  vestrn,  tantorum  principum, 
colunt  ob.scciuia  privatum."      Pane;|yr.  Vet,  vii.  lo. 

"*  We  are  obliged  to  the  younger  Victor  for  tliis  celebrated  ?M)n 
met.     Futropius  mentions  tlie  thing  in  a  inoro  general  msnner. 


OF   THE    nOYiAN    EMPIRE.  445 

rice  and  weakness,  and  disgraces  the  most  virtuous  and  de- 
aerving  among  his  subjects.  By  such  infamous  arts,"  added 
Diocletian,  "the  best  and  wisest  princes  are  s(jld  to  the  venal 
corru[)tion  of  their  courtiers." ''-^  A  just  estimate  of  great- 
ness, and  the  assurance  of  immortal  fame,  improve  our  relish 
for  the  pleasures  of  retirement ;  but  the  Roman  emperor  had 
rilled  too  important  a  character  in  the  world,  to  enjoy  without 
allay  the  comforts  and  security  of  a  private  condition.  It  waa 
impossible  that  he  could  remain  ignorant  of  the  troubles  which 
afflicted  the  empire  after  his  abdication.  It  was  imposnible 
that  he  could  be  indifFerent  to  their  consequences.  Fear, 
sorrow,  and  discontent,  sometimes  pursued  him  into  the  soli- 
tude of  Salona.  His  tenderness,  or  at  least  his  pride,  was 
deeply  wounded  by  the  misfortunes  of  his  wife  and  daughter ; 
and  the  last  moments  of  Diocletian  were  imbittercd  by  some 
affronts,  which  Licinius  and  Constantino  might  have  spared 
the  father  of  so  many  emperors,  and  the  first  author  of  their 
own  fortune.  A  report,  tliough  of  a  very  doubtful  nature,  lias 
reached  our  times,  that  he  prudently  withdrew  himself  from 
their  power  by  a  voluntary  death. i^'' 

Before  we  dismiss  the  consideration  of  the  life  and  charac- 
ter of  Diocletian,  we  may,  for  a  moment,  direct  our  view  to 
the  place  of  his  retirement.  Salona,  a  principal  city  of  hia 
native  province  of  Dalmatia,  was  near  two  hundred  Roman 
miles  (according  to  the  measurement  of  the  public  highways) 
from  Aquileia  and  the  confines  of  Italy,  and  about  two  hun- 
dred and  seventy  from  Sirmium,  the  usual  residence  of  the 
emperors  whenever  they  visited  the  Illyrian  frontier.^^^  A 
miserable  village  still  preserves  the  name  of  Salona ;  but  so 
late  as  the  sixteenth  century,  the  remaina  of  a  theatre,  and  a 
confused  prospect  of  broken  arches  and  marble  columns,  con 
tinued   to  attest  its   ancient  splendor.^*^     About  six  or  seven 

"'  Hist.  August,  p.  223,  224.     Yopiscus  had  learned  this  convcr 
Satiou  from  his  father. 

"■•  The  younger  Victor  slightly  mentions  the  report.  But  as  Dio- 
cletian had  disobliged  a  powerful  and  successful  party,  his  memory 
has  been  loaded  with  every  crime  and  misfortune.  It  has  been 
sflirmed  that  he  died  raving  mad,  that  he  was  condemned  as  a  crim- 
n\al  by  the  llomun  senate,  &c. 

"*  See  the  Itiner.  p.  269,  272,  edit.  Wcssel. 

"*  The  Abate  Fortis,  in  his  Viaggio  in  Dalmazia,  p.  43,  (printea 
»t  Venice  in  the  year  1774.  in  two  small  volumes  in  quarto,)  (quotes 
a  MS.  account  of  the  antiquities  of  Salona,  coirqmsod  by  Giajnbatlista 
c^iustiniani  abo\it  the  middle  of  the  xviih  century. 


446  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

miles  from  the  city,  Diocletian  constructed  a  magnificem 
palace,  and  we  may  infer,  from  the  greatness  of  the  work. 
ho\f  long  he  had  meditated  his  design  of  abdicating  the 
empire.  The  choice  of  a  spot  which  united  all  that  could 
contribute  either  to  health  or  to  luxury,  did  not  require  .'he 
partiality  of  a  native.  "The  soil  was  dry  and  fertile,  the  air 
is  pure  and  wholesome,  and  though  extremely  hot  during  the 
summer  months,  this  country  seldom  feels  those  sultry  and 
noxious  winds,  to  which  the  coasts  of  Istria  and  some  parts 
of  Italy  are  exposed.  The  views  from  the  palace  are  no  less 
beautiful  than  the  soil  and  climate  were  inviting.  Towards 
the  west  lies  the  fertile  shore  that  stretches  along  the  Adriatic, 
in  which  a  number  of  small  islands  are  scattered  in  such  a 
manner,  as  to  give  this  part  of  the  sea  the  appearance  of  a 
great  lake.  On  the  north  side  lies  the  bay,  which  led  to  the 
ancient  city  of  Salona  ;  and  the  country  beyond  it,  appearing 
in  sight,  forms  a  proper  contrast  to  that  more  extensive  pros- 
pect of  water,  which  ihe  Adriatic  presents  both  to  the  south 
and  to  the  east.  Towards  the  north,  the  view  is  terminated 
by  high  and  irregular  mountains,  situated  at  a  proper  distance, 
and  in  many  places  covered  with  villages,  woods,  and  vine- 
yards.ii''' 

Though  Constantino,  from  a  very  obvious  prejudice,  affects 
(o  mention  the  palace  of  Diocletian  with  contempt, ^^^  yet  one 
of  their  successors,  who  could  only  see  it  in  a  neglected  and 
mutilated  state,  celebrates  its  magnificence  in  terms  of  the 
highest  admiration. 113  It  covered  an  extent  of  ground  consist- 
ing of  between  nine  and  ten  English  acres.  The  form  was 
quadrangular,  flanked  with  sixteen  towers.  Two  of  the  sides 
were  near  six  hundred,  and  the  other  two  near  seven  hundred 
feet   in   length.     The  whole   was  constructed   of  a   beautiful 

"^  Adam's  Antiquities  of  Diocletian's  Palace  at  Spalatro,  p.  6 
We  may  add  f .  circumstance  or  two  from  the  Abate  Fortis  :  the  little 
stream  of  the  Hyader,  mentioned  by  Liican,  produces  most  exquisite 
trout,  which  a  sagacious  writer,  perhaps  a  monk,  supposes  to  have 
been  one  of  the  principal  reasons  that  determined  Diocletian  in  the 
choice  of  his  retirement.  Fortis,  p.  45.  The  same  author  (p.  38) 
obsen'cs,  that  a  taste  for  agriculture  is  reviving  at  Spalatro  ;  and 
that  an  experimental  farm  has  lately  been  established  near  the  lity, 
Dy  a  society  of  gentlemen. 

"*  C'on'if»nT;n.  Orat.  ad  Coptum  Sanct.  c.  25.  In  this  sermon,  the 
emperor,  or  the  Diohop  who  composed  it  for  him,  affects  to  relat*  the 
miserable  enu  of  all  th.^  persecutors  of  the  church. 

"•  Constantin.  Porphyi^  de  S  atu  Impcr.  p.  86- 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMriRE.  447 

freestone,  extracted  from  the  neighboring  quarries  of  Trau, 
or  Tragiitium,  and  very  little  inferior  to  marble  itself.  Four 
streets,  intersecting  each  other  at  right  angles,  divided  the 
Bcveral  parts  of  this  great  edifice,  and  the  a|)proach  to  the 
principal  apartment  was  from  a  very  stately  entrance,  which 
is  still  denominated  the  Golden  Gate.  The  approach  tvas 
terminated  by  a  peristylium  of  granite  columns,  on  one  aide 
of  which  we  discover  the  square  temple  of  yEsculapius,  or 
the  other  the  octagon  temple  of  Jupiter.  The  latter  of  those 
deities  Diocletian  revered  as  the  patron  of  his  fortunes,  the 
former  as  the  protector  of  his  health.  By  comparing  the 
present  remains  with  the  precepts  of  Vitruvius,  the  several 
parts  of  the  building,  the  baths,  bed-chamber,  the  atrium,  the 
basilica,  and  the  Cyzicene,  Corinthian,  and  Egyptian  halls 
have  been  described  with  some  degree  of  precision,  or  at  least 
of  probability.  Their  forms  were  various,  their  proportions 
just ;  but  they  all  were  attended  with  two  imperfections,  very 
repugnant  to  our  modern  notions  of  taste  and  conveniency. 
These  stately  rooms  had  neither  windows  nor  chimneys. 
They  were  lighted  from  the  top,  (for  the  building  seems  to 
have  consisted  of  no  more  than  one  story,)  and  they  received 
their  heat  by  the  help  of  pipes  that  were  conveyed  along  the 
walls.  The  range  of  principal  apartments  was  protected 
towards  the  south-west  by  a  portico  five  hundred  and  seven- 
teen feet  long,  which  must  have  formed  a  very  noble  and 
delightful  walk,  when  the  beauties  of  painting  and  sculpture 
were  added  to  those  of  the  prospect. 

Had  this  magnificent  edifice  remained  in  a  solitary  country, 
it  would  have  been  exposed  to  the  ravages  of  time  ;  but  it 
might,  perhaps,  have  escaped  the  rapacious  industry  of  man. 
The  village  of  Aspalathus,i20  and,  long  afterwards,  the  provin- 
cial town  of  Spalatro,  have  grown  out  of  its  ruins.  The 
Golden  Gate  now  opens  into  the  market-place.  St.  John  the 
Baptist  has  usurped  the  honors  of  iEsculapius  ;  and  the  temple 
of  Jupiter,  under  the  protection  of  the  Virgin,  is  converted  into 
the  cathedral  church.  For  this  account  of  Diocletian's  palace 
we  are  principally  indebted  to  an  ingenious  artist  of  oiu  owu 
time  and  country,  whom  a  very  liberal  curiosity  carried  into 
'.he  heart  of  Dalmatia.^'-^     But  there  is  room   to  suspect   that 

'•"  D'Anville,  Geographic  Ancicnne,  tCm.  i.  p.  162. 
"  Messieurs  Aaam  and  Clerisseau,  attended  by  two  craughtsmen, 


448  THE    DECLIN  I    ANk     'AI.I4 

the  elegance  of  his  designs  and  engro  ving  has  somewhat  flat- 
tered the  objects  which  it  was  their  purpose  to  rejvresent.  We 
ire  informed  by  a  more  recent  and  very  judicious  traveller, 
that  the  awful  ruins  of  Spalatro  are  not  less  expressive  of  the 
decline  of  the  arts  than  of  the  greatness  of  the  Roman  empire 
in  the  time  of  Diocletian. '^^  If  such  was  indeed  the  state  of 
architecture,  we  must  naturally  believe  that  painting  and 
sculpture  had  experienced  a  still  more  sensible  decay.  The 
practice  of  architecture  is  directed  by  a  few  general  and  ever 
mechanical  rules.  But  sculpture,  and,  above  all,  painting, 
propose  to  themselves  the  imitation  not  only  of  the  forms  of 
nature,  but  of  the  characters  and  passions  of  the  human  soul. 
In  those  sublime  arts,  the  dexterity  of  the  hand  is  of  little 
avail,  unless  it  is  animated  by  fancy,  and  guided  by  the  most 
correct  taste  and  observation. 

It  is  almost  unnecessary  to  remark,  that  the  civil  distrac- 
tions of  the  empire,  itie  license  of  the  soldiers,  the  inroads  of 
the  barbarians,  and  the  progress  of  despotism,  had  proved 
very  unfavorable  to  genius,  and  even  to  learning.  The  sue 
cession  of  Illyrian  princes  restored  the  empire  without  rested 
ing  the  sciences.  Their  military  education  was  not  calculat- 
ed to  mspire  them  with  the  love  of  letters  ;  and  even  tho 
mind  of  Diocletian,  however  active  and  capacious  in  business, 
was  totally  uninformed  by  study  or  speculation.  The  profes- 
sions of  law  and  physic  are  of  such  common  use  and  certain 
profit,  that  they  will  always  secure  a  sufficient  number  of 
practitioners,  endowed  with  a  reasonable  degree  o\  abilities 
and  knowledge  ;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  the  students  in 
those  two  faculties  appeal  to  any  celebrated  masters  who  have 
flourished  within  that  period.  The  voice  of  poetry  was  silent 
History  was  reduced  to  dry  and  confused  abridgments,  alike 
destitute  of  amusement  and  instruction.  A  languid  and  alTect- 
ed  eloquence  was  still  retained  in  the  pay  and  service  of  the 


visited  Spalatro  in  the  month  of  July,  1757.  The  magnificent  work 
which  their  journty  produced  was  published  in  London  seven  ycar-i 
afterwards. 

'■■'*  I  shall  quote  the  words  of  the  Abate  Fortis.  "  E'bar.tevolmcntc 
nota  agli  amatori  dell'  Architettura,  e  dell'  Antichita,  I'opera  del 
Signor  Adams,  chc  a  donato  molto  a  que'  supcrbi  vcstigi  cnW  abituale 
eieganza  vtoi  .-:.c>  tAfii-alajus  e  del  bulino.  In  generalc  la  x.->zzcz7a  deJ 
scalpollo,  c'l  cui'ivo  gusto  del  socolo  vi  gareggiano  colla  u.agniiicen^B 
del  tabricato.  ■  See  Viaggio  in  Dalmazia,  p.  40. 


oK   TnC    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  449 

emperors,  who  encouraged   not  any  arts  except  those  which 
coniributed   to  the  gratification  of  their  pride,  or  the  defencs 
.of  their  power.'^ 

The  declining  age  of  learning  and  of  mankinu  is  marked 
however,  by  the  rise  and  rapid  progress  of  the  new  Platonists 
The  school  of  Alexandria  silenced  those  of  Athens  ;  and  tho 
tncient  sects  enrolled  themselves  under  the  Iranners  of  the 
more  fashionable  teachers,  who  recommended  their  system  by 
the  novelty  of  their  method,  and  the  austerity  of  their  man 
ners.  Several  of  these  masters,  Ammonius,  Plotinus,  Ame 
lius,  and  Porphyry,i24  vvere  men  of  profound  thought  ana 
mtense  application  ;  but  by  mistaking  the  true  object  of  philos- 
ophy, their  labors  contributed  much  less  to  improve  than  to 
corrupt  the  human  understanding.  The  knowledge  that  is 
suited  to  our  situation  and  powers,  ihe  whole  compass  of  moral, 
natural,  and  mathematical  science,  was  neglected  by  the  new 
Platonists;  whilst  they  exhausted  their  strength  in  the  verbal 
disputes  of  metaphysics,  attempted  to  explore  the  secrets  of 
the  invisible  world,  and  studied  to  reconcile  Aristotle  with 
Plato,  on  subjects  of  which  both  these  philosophers  were  as 
Ignorant  as  the  rest  of  mankind.  Consuming  their  reason  in 
hese  deep  but  unsubstantial  meditations,  their  minds  were 
exposed  to  illusions  of  fancy.  They  flattered  themselves  that 
they  possessed  the  secret  of  disengaging  the  soul  from  its  cor- 
poreal prison ;  claimed  a  familiar  intercourse  with  demons 
and  spirits  ;  and,  by  a  very  singular  revolution,  converted  the 
study  of  philosophy  into  that  of  magic.  The  ancient  sages 
liad  derided  the  popular  superstition  ;  after  disguising  its  ex- 
travagance by  the  thin  pretence  of  allegory,  the  disciples  of 
Plotinus  and  Porphyry  became  its  most    zealous    defenders. 

"'  The  orator  Eumenius  was  secretary  to  the  emperors  Maximian 
and  Constantius,  and  Professor  of  Rhetoric  in  the  college  of  Autun. 
His  salary  was  six  hundred  thousand  sesterces,  which,  according  to 
the  lowest  computation  of  that  age,  must  have  exceeded  three  thou- 
sand pounds  a  year.  He  generously  requested  the  permission  of  cm- 
ploying  it  in  rebuilding  the  college.  See  his  Oration  De  llestaursjidis 
Scholia  ;  which,  though  not  exempt  from  vanity,  may  atone  for  hia 
panegyrics. 

"*  Porphyry  died  about  the  time  of  Diocletian's  abdication.  The 
life  of  his  master  Plotinus,  which  he  composed,  will  give  us  the  most 
complete  idea  of  the  genius  of  the  sect,  and  the  manners  of  its  pro- 
fessors. This  very  curious  piece  is  inserted  in  Fabricius,  Bibliotheca 
Graeca,  torn.  iv.  p.  88—148. 

22 


450  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

As  they  agreed  with  the  Christians  in  a  few  mysterious  points 
of  faith,  hey  attacked  the  remainder  of  their  theological  sys- 
tem with  all  the  fury  of  civil  war.  The  new  Platonists  would, 
scarcely  deserve  a  place  in  the  history  of  science,  but  in 
that  of  the  church  the  mention  of  them  will  very  frequently 
occur 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

rt..roBLES    AFTER  THE  ABDICATION  OF  DIOCLETIAN. 1  EA TH  0* 

CONSTANTIUS. ELEVATION    OF    CONSTANTINE    AND    MAXEN- 

TIIJS. SIX     EMPERORS     AT     THE     SAME     TIME. DEATH    O? 

MAXIMIAN     AND     GALERIUS.  VICTORIES     OF     CONSTANTINE 

OVER    MAXENTIUS  AND  LICINIUS. REUNION  OF  THE  EMPIRE 

UNDER    THE    AUTHORITY    OF    CONSTANTINE. 

The  balance  of  power  established  by  Diocletian  subsisted  no 
longer  than  while  it  was  sustained  by  the  firm  and  dexterous 
hand  of  the  founder.  It  required  such  a  fortunate  mixture  of 
ditTerent  tempers  and  abilities,  as  could  scarcely  be  found  or 
even  expected  a  second  time ;  two  emperors  without  jealousy, 
two  Caesars  without  ambition,  and  the  same  general  interest 
invariably  pursued  by  four  independent  princes.  The  abdica- 
tion of  Diocletian  and  Maximian  was  succeeded  by  eighteen 
years  of  discord  and  confusion.  The  empire  was  afflicted  by 
five  civil  wars  ;  and  the  remainder  of  the  time  was  not  so  much 
a  state  of  tranquillity  as  a  suspension  of  arms  between  several 
nostile  monarchs,  who,  viewing  each  other  with  an  eye  of 
fear  and  hatred,  strove  to  increase  their  respective  forces  al 
the  expense  of  their  subjects. 

As  soon  as  Diocletian  and  Maximian  had  resigned  the  pur- 
ple, their  station,  according  to  the  rules  of  the  new  constitu- 
tion, was  filled  by  the  two  Caesars,  Constantius  and  Galerius, 
who  immediately  assumed  the  title  of  Augustus.! 

The  honors  of  seniority  and  precedence  were  allowed  to 
the  former  of  those  princes,  and  he  continued  under  a  new 
appellation  to  administer  his  ancient  department  of  Gaul, 
Spain,  and  Britain.  The  government  of  those  ample  prov- 
inces was  sufficient  to  exercise  his  talents  and  to  satisfy  hia 
ambition.      Clemency,  temperance,  and    moderation,   distin- 


'  M.  de  Montesquieu  (Considerations  sur  la  Grandeur  et  la  Deca- 
dence dcs  Ilnmains,  c.  17)  supposes,  on  the  authority  of  Orosius  and 
Euscbius,  that,  on  this  occasion,  the  empire,  for  the  first  time,  was 
realty  divided  into  two  parts.  It  is  difhcult,  however,  to  discover  in 
<*hat  respect  the  plan  of  Galerius  differed  from  that  of  Diocletiain. 

4ol 


452  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

guished  the  amiable  character  of  Constantius,  and  his  fortu 
nate  subjects  had  frequently  occasion  to  compare  the  virtues  of 
their  sovereign  with  the  passions  of  Maximian,  and  even  with 
the  arts  of  Diocletian.-  Instead  of  imitating  their  eastern 
pride  and  magnificence,  Constantius  preserved  the  modesty  of 
a  Roman  prince.  He  declared,  with  unaflected  sincerity,  that 
his  most  valued  treasure  was  in  the  hearts  of  his  people,  and 
that,  whenever  the  dignity  of  the  throne,  or  the  danger  of  tho 
state,  required  any  extraordinary  supply,  he  could  depend  with 
confidence  on  their  gratitude  and  liberality.^  The  provincials 
of  Gaul,  Spain,  and  Britain,  sensible  of  his  worth,  and  of  their 
own  happiness,  reflected  with  anxiety  on  the  declining  health 
of  the  emperor  Constantius,  and  the  tender  age  of  his  numer« 
ous  family,  the  issue  of  his  second  marriage  with  the  daugh- 
ter of  Maximian. 

The  stern  temper  of  Galerius  was  cast  in  a  very  different 
mould  ;  and  while  he  commanded  the  esteem  of  his  subjects, 
he  seldom  condescended  to  solicit  their  affections.  His  fame 
in  arms,  and,  above  all,  the  success  of  the  Persian  war,  had 
elated  his  haughty  mind,  which  was  naturally  impatient  of  a 
superior,  or  even  of  an  equal.  If  it  were  possible  to  rely  on 
the  partial  testimony  of  an  injudicious  writer,  we  might  ascribe 
the  abdication  of  Diocletian  to  the  menaces  of  Galerius,  and 
relate  the  particulars  of  a  private  conversation  between  the 
two  princes,  in  which  the  former  discovered  as  much  pusilla- 
nimity as  the  latter  displayed  ingratitude  and  arrogance.'*     But 

*  Hie  non  modo  amabilis,  sed  etiam  vcnerabilis  Gallis  fuit ;  prae- 
cipuequod  Diocletiaui  suspcctam  prudeiitiain,  ct  Maximiani  sanguiiia- 
riam  violcntiam  impciio  ejus  evaserant.     Eutrop.  Breviar.  x.  i. 

'  Divitiis  Provincialium  (met.  provmciarum)  ac  privatorum  studcns, 
fisci  commoda  non  admoduni  affectans ;  duccnsque  melius  publicas 
opes  a  privatis  haberi,  quam  intra  unum  claustrum  reservari.  Id.  ibid. 
He  carried  this  maxim  so  far,  that  whenever  he  gave  an  entertain- 
ment, he  was  obliged  to  borrow  a  service  of  plate. 

*  Lactantius  de  Mort.  Persecutor,  c.  18.  Were  the  particulars  of 
this  conference  more  consistent  with  truth  and  decency,  we  might 
Btill  ask  how  they  came  to  the  knowledge  of  an  obscure  rhetorician.* 
But  there  are  many  historians  who  put  us  in  mind  of  the  admirable 
Baying  of  the  great  Conde  to  Cardinal  do  Rctz  :  "  Ces  coquins  nous 
font  parler  et  agir,  comme  ils  auroient  fait  cux-memes  k  notrc  pla(  e.'' 


*  This  attack  upon  Lactantius  is  unfounded.  Lactar  tius  was  so  fai 
from  having  been  an  obscure  rhctrrician,  that  lie  had  taught  rhetoric  pub- 
licly, ani  with  the  greatest  sue  s.ss,  first  in  Africa,  and  afterwards  in 
Nicomedia.     His  reputation  oltaii    d  him  the  esteem  of  Constantine,  vho 


or    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  453 

these  obscure  anecdotes  are  sufficiently  refuted  by  an  impar 
lial  view  of  the  character  and  conduct  of  Diocletian.  What, 
ever  mi^bt  otherwise  have  been  iiis  intentions,  if  be  hao 
apprehended  any  danger  from  the  violence  of  (Valerius,  hi3 
good  sense  would  have  instructed  him  to  prevent  tl»e  ignomin- 
ious contest ;  and  as  he  had  lield  the  sceptre  with  glorj',  ha 
svould  have  resigned  it  without  disgrace. 

After  the  elevation  of  Constantius  and  Galerius  to  the  rank 
of  Augusti,  two  new  CcBsars  were  required  to  supply  their 
place,  and  to  complete  the  system  of  the  Imperial  government. 
Diocletian  was  sincerely  desirous  of  withdrawing  himself  from 
the  world  ;  he  considered  Galerius,  who  had  married  his 
daughter,  as  the  firmest  support  of  his  family  and  of  the  em- 
pire ;  and  he  consented,  without  reluctance,  that  his  successor 
should  assume  the  nerit  as  well  as  the  envy  of  the  important 
nomination.  It  was  fixed  without  consulting  the  interest  or 
inclination  of  the  princes  of  the  West.  Each  of  them  had  a 
son  who  was  arrived  at  the  age  of  manhood,  and  who  might 
have  been  deemed  the  most  natural  candidates  for  the  vacant 
honor.  But  the  impotent  resentment  of  Maximian  was  no 
longer  to  be  dreaded  ;  and  the  moderate  Constantius,  though 
he  might  despise  the  dangers,  was  humanely  apprehensive  of 
the  calamities,  of  civil  war.  The  two  persons  whom  Galerius 
promoted  to  the  rank  of  Csesar,  were  much  better  suited  to 
serve  the  views  of  his  ambition  ;  and  their  principal  recom- 
mendation seems  to  have  consisted  in  the  want  of  merit  or 
personal  consequence.  The  first  of  these  was  Daza,  or,  as 
he  was  afterwards  called,  Maximin,  whose  mother  was  the 
sister  of  Galerius.  The  unexperienced  youth  still  betrayed, 
by  his  manners  and  language,  his  rustic  education,  when,  to 
nis  own  astonishment,  as  well   as  that  of  the   world,  he  was 


invited  him  to  liis  court,  and  intrusted  to  him  the  education  of  his  son 
Crispus.  The  facts  which  lie  relates  took  place  during  his  own  time  ;  he 
canTiot  be  accusfd  of  dishonesty  or  imposture.  Satis  nie  vixisse  arbitraboi 
et  otKciuni  liomiiies  implesse  si  labor  mens  aliquos  homines,  ab  erroribus 
liberatos,  ad  iter  cijelesle  direxerit.  Do  Opif.  Dei,  cap.  20.  The  eloquence 
of  Lactantius  has  caused  him  to  be  called  the  Christian  Cicero.  Anon. 
Gent.  — U. 

Yet  no  unprejudiced/  person  can  read  this  coarse  and  particular  private 
conversation  of  the  two  emperors,  without  assenting  to  the  justice  of  Gib- 
bon'e  3CT&ie  sentence.  But  the  autliorship  of  the  treatise  is  by  no  means 
certain.  Tlie  fame  of  Lactantius  for  eloquence,  as  well  as  for  truth,  would 
Buti'cr  no  loss  if  it  should  be  adjudged  to  some  more  "  ob  icure  rhetorician." 
Manso,  in  his  Lcben  Constantius  des  Grossen,  concurs  on  this  point  with 
Gibbon.    Bej-lage,  iv  —  M 


454  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

invested  by  Diocletian  with  the  purple,  exalted  to  the  dignity 
of  Ccesar,  and  intrusted  with  the  sovereign  command  of  Egypt 
and  Syria.^  At  the  same  time,  Severus,  a  faithful  sei-vani, 
addicted  to  pleasure,  out  not  incapable  of  business,  was  sem 
to  Milan,  to  receive,  from  the  reluctant  hands  of  Maximian. 
the  Caesarian  ornaments,  and  the  possession  of  Italy  and 
Africa.*^  According  to  the  forms  of  the  constitution,  Severus 
acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  the  western  emperor  ;  but  he 
was  absolutely  devoted  to  the  commands  of  his  benefactor 
Galerius,  who,  reserving  to  himself  the  intermediate  countries 
from  the  confines  of  Italy  to  those  of  Syria,  firmly  established 
his  power  over  three  fourths  of  the  monarchy.  In  the  full 
confidence,  that  the  approaching  death  of  Constantius  would 
leave  him  sole  master  of  the  Roman  world,  we  arc  assured 
that  he  had  arranged  in  his  mind  a  long  succession  of  future 
princes,  and  that  he  meditated  his  own  retreat  from  public 
life,  after  he  should  have  accomplished  a  glorious  reign  of 
about  twenty  yearsJ 

But  within  less  than  eighteen  months,  two  unexpected  revo- 
lutions overturned  the  ambitious  schemes  of  Galerius.  The 
hopes  of  uniting  the  western  provinces  to  his  empire  were  dis- 
appointed by  the  elevation  of  Constantine,  whilst  Italy  and 
Africa  were  lost  by  the  successful  revolt  of  Maxentius. 

I.  The  fame  of  Constantine  has  rendered  posterity  attentive 
to  the  most  minute  circumstances  of  his  life  and  actions.  The 
place  of  his  birth,  as  well  as  the  condition  of  his  mother  Hel- 
ena, have  been  the  subject  not  only  of  literary  but  of  national 
disputes.  Notwithstanding  the  recent  tradition,  which  assigns 
for  her  father  a  British  king,^  we  are  obliged  to  confess,  that 


*  Sublatus  nuper  a  pccoribus  et  silvis  (says  Lactantius  de  M.  P. 
c.  19)  statim  Scutarius,  coiitinuo  Protector,  niox  Tribunus,  postridie 
Caesar,  accoj)it  Orientein.  Aurelius  Victor  is  too  liberal  in  giving  him 
the  whole  portion  of  Diocletian. 

®  His  diligence  and  lidclity  are  acknowledged  even  by  Lactantius, 
dc  M.  P.  c.  18. 

'  These  schemes,  however,  rest  only  on  the  very  doubtful  authority 
of  Lactantius  de  M.  P.  c.  20. 

*  This  tradition,  unknown  to  the  contemporaries  of  Constantine, 
was  invented  in  tlie  darkness  of  monasteries,  was  embellished  by 
Jeffrey  of  Monmoutli,  and  the  writers  of  the  xiilh  century,  has  been 
defended  by  our  anticiuarians  of  the  last  age,  and  is  seriously  related 
in  the  ponderous  History  of  England,  comjjiled  by  Mr.  Carte,  (vol.  i. 
p.  147.)  Ho  transports,  however,  the  kingdom  of  Coil,  tlie  imaginary 
futhi  r  of  Helena,  from  Essex  to  the  wall  of  Antoninus. 


OF   THE    SOMAN    EMPIRE.  455 

lleltina  was  the  daughter  of  an  innkeeper  ;  but  at  the  8ame 
time,  we  may  defend  the  legality  of  her  marriage,  against 
those  who  have  represented  her  as  the  concubine  of  Constan- 
tius.3  The  great  Constantine  was  most  probably  born  at 
Naissus,  in  Dacia ;  i"  and  it  is  not  surprising  that,  in  a  family 
and  province  distinguished  only  by  the  profession  of  arms,  the 
youth  should  discover  very  little  inclination  to  improve  his 
mind  by  the  acquisition  of  knowledge. ^^  He  was  about 
eighteen  years  of  age  when  his  fatlier  was  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  Caesar ;  but  that  fortunate  event  was  attended  with  hi« 
mother's  divorce  ;  and  the  splendor  of  an  Imperial  alliance 
reduced  the  son  of  Helena  to  a  state  of  disgrace  and  humili- 
ation. Instead  of  following  Constantius  in  the  West,  he 
remained  in  the  service  of  Diocletian,  signalized  his  valor  in 
the  wars  of  Egypt  and  Persia,  and  graduail  rose  to  the  hon- 
orable station  of  a  tribune  of  the  first  order.  The  figure  of 
Constantine  was  tall  and  majestic  ;  he  was  dexterous  in  all  his 


8  Eutropius  (x.  2)  expresses,  in  a  few  words,  the  real  truth,  and  the 
occasion  of  the  error,  "e.T  obscuriori  matrimoino  ejus  filius."  Zosimr.a 
(1.  ii.  p.  78)  ca<rerly  seized  the  most  unfavorable  report,  and  is  followed 
by  Orosius,  (vii.  25,)  whose  authority  is  oddly  enoug^li  overlooked  by 
till'  iiiiK'f'iiti^abli',  but  })artial  Tilh'iiioMt.  By  insisting  on  the  divorce 
of  lleK-na,  Dioclrtian  ackiiowledj^oil  her  marriage. 

"^  There  are  three  ojiiiiions  with  rejiaril  to  the  jilace  of  Constan- 
tine's  birth.  1.  Our  Knjjiisli  auticjuarians  were  used  to  dwell  with 
lapture  on  the  words  of  his  pane<ryrist,  "  15ritatMiias  illit;  oriendo 
nobiles  fecisti."  But  this  celebrated  passage  may  be  referred  with  as 
much  propriety  to  the  accession  as  to  the  nativity  of  Constantine. 
2.  Some  of  the  modern  Greeks  have  ascribed  tlio  honor  of  his  birth 
.0  Drepanuin.  a  town  on  the  (^ulf  of  Nicomedia,  (Cellarius,  tom.  ii. 
.  174,)  which  Constantine  dignified  with  the  name  of  Helenojjolis, 
and  Justinian  adorned  with  many  splendid  buildings,  (I'rocoj).  de  Kdi 
fieiis,  V.  2.)  It  is  indeed  ])r()bable  enough,  that  Ileh'ua's  father  kept 
an  inn  at  Drepanum.  and  that  Constantius  might  lodge  there  when 
he  returned  from  a  Persian  embassy,  in  the  reign  of  Aurelian.  But 
in  the  wandering  life  of  a  soldier,  the  place  of  his  marriage,  and  the 
places  where  \\\^  children  are  born,  have  very  little  connection  with 
each  other.  3.  The  claim  of  Naissus  is  supi)orted  by  the  anonymous 
writer,  published  at  tbe  end  of  Amrnianus,  p.  710,  and  who  in  gen- 
eral copied  very  good  materials;  and  it  is  confirmed  by  Julius  Firmi- 
cus,  (de  Astrologia.  1.  i.  c.  4,)  wlio  (hnirished  under  the  reign  of  Con- 
stantine himsidC.  iSonie  (jbjections  have  been  raised  against  the 
integrity  of  the  te.\t,  and  the  application  of  the  passage  of  Firmicus  ; 
but  the  former  is  established  by  the  best  MSS.,  and  the  latter  is  very 
ably  defended  by  Lipsius  de  Magnitudine  llom.ma,  1.  iv.  c.  11,  et  8Ui»i 
\)lemi-nt. 

'■  Literis  minus  instructus.     Anonym,  ad  Annnian   p.  710. 


456  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

•  * 

exercises,  intrepid  in  war,  affable  in  peace  ;  in  his  whole  con 
duct,  the  active  spirit  of  youth  was  tempered  by  habitual  pru- 
dence ;  and  while  his  mind  was  engrossed  by  ambition,  he 
appeared  cold  and  insensible  to  the  allurements  of  pleasure 
The  favor  of  the  people  and  soldiers,  who  had  named  him  as  1 
n  worthy  candidate  for  the  rank  of  Caesar,  served  only  to  ex- 
asperate the  jealousy  of  Galerius  ;  and  though  prudence  might 
restrain  him  from  exercising  any  open  violence,  an  absolute 
monarch  is  seldom  at  a  loss  how  to  execute  a  sure  and  secret 
revenge. i~  Every  hour  increased  the  danger  of  Constantine, 
and  the  anxiety  of  his  father,  who,  by  repeated  letters, 
expressed  the  warmest  desire  of  embracing  his  son.  For 
some  time  the  policy  of  Galerius  supplied  him  with  delays  and 
excuses ;  but  it  was  impossible  long  to  refuse  so  natural  a 
request  of  his  associate,  without  maintaining  his  refusal  by  arms. 
The  permission  of  fhe  journey  was  reluctantly  granted,  and 
whatever  precautions  the  emperor  might  have  taken  to  in*ercept 
a  return,  the  consequences  of  which  he,  with  so  much  reason, 
apprehended,  they  were  effectually  disappointed  by  the  incred- 
ible diligence  of  Constantine.^^  Leaving  the  palace  of  Nico- 
media  in  the  night,  he  travelled  post  through  By  thinia,  Thrace 
Dacia,  Pannonia,  Italy,  and  Gaul,  and,  amidst  the  joyful 
acclamations  of  the  people,  reached  the  port  of  Boulogne  in 
the  very  moment  when  his  father  was  preparing  to  embark  for 
Britain. !•* 


"  Galerius,  or  perhaps  his  own  courage,  exposed  him  to  single 
combat  with  a  Sarmatian,  (Anonym,  p.  710,)  and  with  a  monstrous 
lion.  See  Praxagoraa  apud  Phot-'im,  p.  63.  Praxagoras,  an  Athe- 
nian philosopher,  had  written  a  me  of  Constantine  in  two  books, 
■which  are  now  lost.     He  was  a  contemporary. 

'^  Zosimus,  1.  ii.  p.  78,  79.  Lactantius  de  M.  P.  c.  24.  The  formei 
tells  aVery  foolish  story,  that  Constantine  caused  all  the  post-horses 
which  he  had  used  to  be  hamstrung.  Such  a  bloody  execution,  with- 
out preventing  a  pursuit,  would  have  scattered  suspicions,  and  might 
have  stopped  his  journey.* 

'*  Anonym,  p.  710.     Panegyr.  Voter,  vii.  4.     But  Zosimus,  I.  ii.  p. 
79,  Eusebius  de  Vit.  Constant.  1.  i.  c.  21,  and  Lactantius  de  M.  P.  c. 
24,  suppose,  with  less  accuracy,  that  he  found  his  father  on  his  death 
bed.  , 

*  Zosimus  is  not  the  only  writer  who  tells  this  story.  The  youngei 
Victor  confirms  it.  Ad  frustrandos  insequentes,  publica  jumenta,  qua<iua 
iter  aj^eret,  interficiens.  Aurelius  Victor  de  Cxsar.  says  the  same  thing, 
G.  as  also  the  Auonymus  Valesii.  —  M. 

Manso,  (Lebcn  Constautins,)  p.  18,  observes  that  the  story  has  beon 
exaggerated  ;  he  took  this  precaution  during  the  first  stage  of  his  journey 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE,  457 

• 

The  British  expedition,  and  an  easy  victory  over  the  barba- 
rians of  Caledonia,  were  the  last  exploits  of  the  reign  of  Con- 
6tantius.  He  ended  his  life  in  the  Imperial  palace  of  York, 
fifteen  months  after  he  had  received  the  title  of  Augustus,  and 
almost  fourteen  years  and  a  half  after  he  had  been  promoted 
lo  the  rank  of  C<Esar.  His  death  was  immediately  succeeded 
by  the  elevation  of  Constantine.  The  ideas  of  inheritance 
and  succession  are  so  very  familiar,  that  the  generality  of 
mankind  consider  them  as  founded,  not  only  in  reason,  but  in 
nature  itself.  Our  imagination  readily  transfers  the  same 
principles  from  private  property  to  public  dominion :  and 
vvhenever  a  virtuous  father  leaves  behind  him  a  son  whose 
merit  seems  to  justify  the  esteem,  or  even  the  hopes,  of  tho 
people,  the  joint  influence  of  prejudice  and  of  affection  operates 
with  irresistible  weight.  The  flower  of  the  western  armies 
had  followed  Constantius  into  Britain,  and  the  national  troops 
were  reenforced  by  a  numerous  body  of  Alenftnni,  wlio  obeyed 
the  orders  of  Crocus,  one  of  their  hereditary  chieftains. ^^  The 
opinion  of  their  own  importance,  and  the  assurance  that 
Britain,  Gaul,  and  Spain  would  acquiesce  in  their  nomination 
were  diligently  inculcated  to  the  legions  by  the  adherents  of 
Constantine.  The  soldiers  were  asked,  whether  they  could 
hesitate  a  moment  between  the  honor  of  placing  at  their  head 
the  worthy  son  of  their  beloved  emperor,  and  the  ignominy  of 
tamely  e\j)ecting  the  arrival  of  some  obscure  stranger,  on 
whom  it  might  please  the  sovereign  of  Asia  to  bestow  the 
armies  and  provinces  of  the  West.  It  was  insinuated  to  thein, 
hat  gratitude  and  liberality  held  a  distinguished  nlace  among 
the  virtues  of  Constantine ;  nor  did  that  artful  prince  show 
himself  to  the  troops,  till  they  were  prepared  to  salute  him 
with  the  names  of  Augustus  and  Emperor.  The  throne  was 
the  object  of  his  desires ;  and  had  he  been  less  actuated  bj' 
ambition,  it  was  his  only  means  of  safety.  He  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  character  and  sentiments  of  (Valerius,  and 
snfliciently  apprised,  that  if  he  wished  to  live  he  must  deter- 
"nine  to   reign.     The   decent  and   even    obstinate    resistance 


"  Cunctis  qui  aderant  annitcntibus,  scd  prsecipue  Croco  (^alii  Eroco) 
Tirich  ?]  Alainniinorum  Ilege,  auxilii  gratui  Coustantium  comitato, 
(niperiuin  cajiit.  Victor  Junior,  c.  41.  This  is  perhaps  the  tirst  in- 
Btaiice  of  a  biirbarian  kiii>:;,  who  assisted  tho  Roman  ann>5  with  an 
independent  l>ody  of  his  own  subjects.  The  practice  grew  fiuuiliar, 
and  at  hist  bci  aiuc  fatal. 
■22* 


458  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

which  he  chose  to  affect.^^  ^fjg  contrived  to  justify  his  usurpa 
lion  ;  nor  did  he  yield  to  the  acclamations  of  the  army,  til) 
he  had  provided  the  proper  materials  for  a  letter,  which  he 
immediately  despatched  to  the  emperor  of  the  East.  Constan- 
tine  informed  hun  of  the  melancholy  event  of  his  father's 
death,  modestly  asserted  his  natural  claim  to  the  succession, 
and  respectfully  lamented^  that  the  affectioiwte  violence  of  his 
troops  had  not  permitted  him  to  solicit  the  Imperial  purple  in 
the  legular  and  constitutional  manner.  The  first  emotions  of 
(jralerius  were  those  of  surprise,  disappointment,  and  rage  ; 
and  as  he  could  seldom  restrain  his  passions,  he  loudly  threat- 
ened, that  he  would  commit  to  the  flames  both  the  letter  and 
the  messenger.  But  his  resentment  insensibly  subsided  ;  and 
when  he  recollected  the  doubtful  chance  of  war,  when  he  had 
weighed  the  character  and  strength  of  his  adversary,  he  con- 
sented to  embrace  the  honorable  accommodation  which  the 
prudence  of  Con^antine  had  left  open  to  him.  Without  either 
condemning  or  ratifying  the  choice  of  the  British  army,  Gale- 
rius  accepted  the  son  of  his  deceased  colleague  as  the  sover 
eign  of  the  provinces  beyond  the  Alps  ;  but  he  gave  him  only 
the  title  of  Caesar,  and  the  fourth  rank  among  the  Roman 
princes,  whilst  he  conferred  the  vacant  place  of  Augustus  on 
liis  favorite  Severus.  The  apparent  harmony  of  the  empire 
was  still  preserved,  and  Constantine,  who  already  possessed 
the  substance,  expected,  without  impatience,  an  opportunity 
of  obtaining  the  honors,  of  supreme  puwer.^''' 

The  children  of  Constantius  by  his  secona  marriage  were 
six  in  number,  three  of  either  sex,  and  whose  Imperial  descent 
might  have  solicited  a  preference  over  the  meaner  extraction  of 
*he  son  of  Helena.  'But  Constantine  was  in  the  thirty-second 
year  of  his  age,  in  the  full  vigor  both  of  mind  and  body,  at 
the  time  when  the  eldest  of  his  brothers  could  not  possibly  be 
more  than  thirteen  years  old.  His  claim  of  superior  merit 
had  been  allowed  and  ratified  by  the  dying  emperor.'**    In  hiij 

"  Hi^ panejjyrist  Eumenius  (vii.  8)  ventures  to  affirm,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  Constantine,  that  he  put  S])uis  to  his  horse,  and  triecl,  but  in 
vain,  to  escape  from  the  hands  of  lus  soldiers. 

"  Lactaiitius  de  M.  P.  c.  25.  Eumenius  (vii.  8)  gives  a  rhetorical 
turn  to  the  whole  transaction. 

"*  The  choice  of  Constantino,  by  his  dying  father,  -which  is  v  ar- 
ranted  by  reason,  and  insinuated  by  Eumenius,  seems  to  hi,  confirmed 
by  the  most  unexceptionable  authority,  tlie  concurring  evidence  ot 
l^ctantius  (de  M.  P.  c.  2t)  and  of  Libanius,  (Oratio  i.,)  of  Eusebij* 
<iii  \'it.  Constantin.  1.  i.  c.  IS,  21)  and  of  Juliiui,  (U:atio  i.) 


07   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  455 

last  moments  Constantius  bequeathed  to  his  eldest  "on  the  care 
of  the  safety  as  well  as  greatness  of  the  family ;  conjuring 
him  to  assume  both  the  authority  and  the  sentiments  of  a 
father  with  regard  to  the  children  of  Tiieodora.  Their  liberal 
education,  advantageous  marriages,  the  secure  dignity  of 
their  lives,  and  the  first  honors  of  the  state  with  which  they 
were  invested,  attest  the  fraternal  affection  of  Constantine ; 
and  as  those  princes  possessed  a  mild  and  grateful  disposition, 
ihey  submitted  without  reluctance  to  the  superiority  of  hia 
genius  and  fortune.  ^^ 

II.  The  ambitious  spirit  of  Galerius  was  scarcely  reconciled 
to  the  disappointment  of  his  views  upon  the  Gallic  provinces, 
before  the  unexpected  loss  of  Italy  wounded  his  pride  as  well 
as  power  in  a  still  more  sensible  part.  The  long  absence  of 
the  emperors  had  filled  Rome  with  discontent  and  indigna- 
tion ;  and  the  people  gradually  discovered,  that  the  preference 
given  to  Nicomedia  and  Milan  was  not  to  be  ascribed  to  the 
particular  inclination  of  Diocletian,  but  to  the  permanent  form 
of  government  which  he  had  instituted.  It  was  in  vain  that,  a 
few  months  after  his  abdication,  his  successors  dedicated, 
under  his  name,  those  magnificent  baths,  whose  ruins  still 
supply  the  ground  as  well  as  the  materials  for  so  many 
churches  and  convents.^"  The  tranquillity  of  those  elegant 
recesses  of  ease  and  luxury  was  disturbed  by  the  im[)atient 
murmurs  of  the  Romans,  and  a  report  was  insensibly  circulat- 
ed, that  the  sums  expended  in  erecting  those  buildings  would 
soon  be  required  at  their  hands.  About  that  time  the  avarice 
ot  Galerius,  or  perhaps  the  exigencies  of  the  state,  had  in- 
duced him  to  make  a  very  strict  and  rigorous  inquisition  into 
the   property  of  his  subjects,   for  the   purpose  of  a  general 


'*  Of  the  three  sisters  of  Constantine,  Constantia  married  the 
emperor  Liciuius,  Anastasia  the  Ciesar  Bassianus,  and  Eutropia  the 
consul  Nopotianu-i.  The  three  brothers  were,  Dahnatius,  Julius  Con- 
Btantius,  and  Aiuiibalianus,  of  whom  wc  shall  have  occasion  to  speak 
hpreaftcr. 

'  Sec  Grntor  Inscrip.  p.  178.  The  six  princes  are  all  mentioned, 
Diocletian  and  Maxiniian  as  the  senior  Auf^usti,  and  fatliers  of  the 
emperors.  They  jointly  dedicate,  for  the  use  of  t/wir  own  llomans, 
this  mairnifieent  cditicc.  The  architects  have  delineated  tlic  ruins  of 
these  T/mrmee,  and  tl>e  anti<iuarians,  particularly  Donatus  and  Xar- 
dini,  have  ascertained  the  ground  which  they  covered.  One  of  the 
gixat  rooms  i<^  now  the  Carthusian  church  ;  and  even  one  of  the 
porter's  lodges  in  sutficient  to  form  at  Dth  .t  church,  which  belongs  tc 
(he  Fcuillans. 


460  THE    DECLINE   AND    i'A'ljL 

laxaiion,  both  on  their  lands  and  on  their  persons.  A  verji 
minute  survey  appears  o  have  been  taken  of  their  real  estates; 
jind  wherever  there  was  the  slightest  suspicion  of  conceal- 
ment, torture  was  very  freely  employed  to  obtain  a  sincere 
declaration  of  their  personal  wealth.^i  The  privileges  which 
had  exalted  Italy  above  the  rank  of  the  provinces  were  no 
longer  regarded  :  *  and  the  officers  of  the  revenue  already 
began  to  number  the  Roman  people,  and  to  settle  the  propor- 
tion of  the  new  taxes.  Even  when  the  spirit  of  freedom  had 
been  utterly  extinguished,  the  tamest  subjects  have  sometime? 
ventured  to  resist  an  unprecedented  invasion  of  their  property  ; 
but  on  this  occasion  the  injury  was  aggravated  by  the  insult, 
and  the  sense  of  private  interest  was  quickened  by  that  ol 
national  honor.  The  conquest  of  Macedonia,  as  we  have 
already  observed,  had  delivered  the  Roman  people  from  the 
weight  of  personal  taxes.  Though  they  had  experienced 
every  form  of  despotism,  they  had  now  enjoyed  that  exemp- 
tion near  five  hundred  years  ;  nor  could  they  patiently  brook 
the  insolence  of  an  lUyrian  peasant,  who,  from  his  distan 
residence  in  Asia,  presumed  to  number  Rome  among  tne  trib- 
utary cities  of  his  empire.  The  rising  fury  of  the  people  was 
encouraged  by  the  authority,  or  at  least  the  connivance,  of 
the  senate  ;  and  the  feeble  remains  of  the  Praetorian  guards, 
who  had  reason  to  apprehend  their  own  dissolution,  embraced 
so  honorable  a  pretence,  and  declared  their  readiness  to  draw 
their  swords  in  the  service  of  their  oppressed  country.  It  was 
the  wish,  and  it  soon  became  the  hope,  of  every  citizen,  that 
after  expelling  from  Italy  their  foreign  tyrants,  they  should 
elect  a  prince  who,  by  the  place  of  his  residence,  and  by  his 
maxims  of  government,  might  once  more  deserve  the  title 
of  Roman  emperor.  The  name,  as  well  as  the  situation 
of  Maxentius  determined  in  his  favor  the  popular  enthu- 
siasm. 

Maxentius  was  the  son  of  the  emperor  Maximian,  and  he 

"  See  Lactantius  de  M.  P.  c.  26,  31. 


Savigny,  in  his  memoir  on  Roman  tax<ition,  (Mem.  Berl.  Acadcm 
lb22,  1823,  p.  5,)  dates  from  this  period  the  abolition  of  the  Jus  Italicum. 
He  quotes  a  remarkable  passage  of  Aurelius  Victor.  Aiuc  deuique  parti 
Italia;  invectum  tributorum  ingens  malum.  Aur.  Vict.  c.  39.  It  was  u 
necessary  consequence  o'  the  division  of  the  empire  :  it  became  impossible 
to  maintain  a  second  court  and  executive,  and  leave  so  large  and  fruitful  a 
part  of  th3  territory  exempt  from  contribution. — M. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  461 

had  mairied  the  daughter  of  Galerius.  His  birtn  and  alliance 
Beamed  to  offer  him  the  fairest  promise  of  succeeding  to  the 
empire;  but  his  vices  and  incapacity  procured  him  the  same 
exchision  from  the  dignity  of  C«sar,  which  Constantine  hao 
deserved  by  a  dangerous  superiority  of  merit.  The  policy 
of  Galerius  preferred  such  associates  as  would  never  disgrace 
the  choice,  nor  dispute  the  commands,  of  their  benefactor. 
An  obscure  stranger  was  therefore  raised  to  the  throne  of 
Italy,  and  the  son  of  the  late  emperor  of  the  West  was  left  to 
enjoy  the  luxury  of  a  private  fortune  in  a  villa  a  few  milea 
distant  from  the  capital.  The  gloomy  passions  of  his  soul, 
shame,  vexation,  and  rage,  were  inflamed  by  envy  on  the 
news  of  Constantine's  success  ;  but  the  hopes  of  Maxentius 
revived  with  the  public  discontent,  and  he  was  easily  per- 
suaded to  unite  his  personal  injury  and  pretensions  witli  the 
cause  of  the  Roman  people.  Two  Praetorian  tribunes  and  a 
commissary  of  provisions  undertook  the  management  of  the 
conspiracy  ;  and  as  every  order  of  men  was  actuated  by  the 
same  spirit,  the  immediate  event  was  neither  doubtful  nor 
diflicult.  The  pnefect  of  the  city,  and  a  few  magistrates, 
who  maintained  their  fidelity  to  Severus,  were  massacred  by 
the  guards;  and  Maxentius,  invested  with  the  Imperial  orna- 
ments, was  acknowledged  by  the  applauding  senate  and 
people  as  the  protector  of  the  Roman  freedom  and  dignity. 
It  is  uncertain  whether  Maximian  was  previously  acquainted, 
with  the  conspiracy ;  but  as  soon  as  the  standard  of  rebellion 
was  erected  at  Rome,  the  old  emperor  broke  from  the  retire- 
ment where  the  authority  of  Diocletian  had  condemned  him 
to  pass  a  life  of  melancholy  solitude,  and  concealed  his 
returning  ambition  under  the  disguise  of  paternal  tenderness. 
At  the  request  of  his  son  and  of  the  senate,  he  condescended 
to  reassume  the  purple.  His  ancient  dignity,  his  experience, 
and  his  fame  in  arms,  added  strength  as  well  as  reputation  to 
the  party  of  Maxentius.22 

According  to  the  advice,  or  rather  the  orders,  of  his  col- 
league, the  emperor  Severus  immediately  hastened  to  Rome, 
in  the  full  confidence,  that,  by  his  unexpected  celerity,  ho 


"  'ITie  sixth  Panen;yric  represents  the  conduct  of  Maximian  in  the 
most  favorable  lif^ht ;  and  the  nmbif^uous  ex])ression  of  Aureliu/r 
Victor,  "retractante  diu,"  may  signify  either  that  he  contrived,  at 
f.hat  he  opposed,  the  conspiracy.  See  Zosimus,  1.  ii.  p.  79,  and  Lac* 
»\iitius  de  M.  P.  c.  26. 


t6'2  THE    DECLINE    AMD    FALL 

should  easjiy  suppress  the  tumult  of  an  unwarlike  populace, 
commanded  by  a  licentious  youth.  But  he  found  on  his  arri- 
val the  gates  of  the  city  shut  against  him,  the  walls  filled  with 
men  and  arms,  an  experienced  general  at  the  head  of  the 
rebels,  and  his  own  troops  without  spirit  or  affection.  A  large 
body  of  Moors  deserted  to  the  enemy,  allured  by  the  promise 
of  a  large  donative;  and,  if  it  be  •  true  that  they  had  been 
levied  by  Maximian  in  his  African  war,  preterring  the  natural 
feelings  of  gratitude  to  the  artificial  ties  of  allegiance.  Anu- 
linus,  the  Praetorian  praefect,  declared  himself  in  favor  of  Max 
entius,  and  drew  after  him  the  most  considerable  part  of  the 
troops,  accustomed  to  obey  his  commands.  Rome,  according 
to  the  expression  of  an  orator,  recalled  her  armies  ;  and  the 
unfortunate  Severus,  desthute  of  force  and  of  counsel,  retired, 
or  rather  fled,  with  precipitation,  to  Ravenna.  Here  he  might 
for  some  time  have  been  safe.  The  fortifications  of  Ravenna 
were  aole  to  resist  the  attempts,  and  the  morasses  that  sur- 
rounded the  town  were  sufficient  to  prevent  the  approach,  of 
the  Italian  army.  The  sea,  which  Severus  commanded  with 
a  powerful  fleet,  secured  him  an  inexhaustible  supply  of  pro- 
visions, and  gave  a  free  entrance  to  the  legions,  which,  on  the 
return  of  spring,  would  advance  to  his  assistance  from  lUyri- 
cum  and  the  East.  Maximian,  who  conducted  the  siege  in 
person,  was  soon  convinced  that  he  might  waste  h's  time  and 
his  army  in  the  fruitless  enterprise,  and  that  he  had  nothing  to 
hope  either  from  force  or  famine.  With  an  art  more  suitable 
to  the  character  of  Diocletian  than  to  his  own,  he  directed  his 
attack,  not  so  much  against  the  walls  of  Ravenna,  as  against 
the  mind  of  Severus.  The  treachery  which  lie  had  expe- 
rienced disposed  that  unhappy  prince  to  distrust  the  most  sin- 
cere of  his  friends  and  adherents.  The  emissaries  of  Max- 
imian easily  persuaded  his  credulity,  tiiat  a  conspiracy  waa 
formed  to  betray  the  town,  and  prevailed  upon  his  fears  not  to 
expose  himself  to  the  discretion  of  an  iriitated  conqueror,  but 
to  accept  the  faith  of  an  honorable  capitulation.  He  was  at 
first  received  with  humanity  and  treated  with  respect.  Max- 
imian conducted  the  captive  emperor  to  Rome,  and  gave  him 
ihe  most  solemn  assurances  that  he  had  secured  his  life  by  the 
resignation  of  the  pur[)le.  But  Severus  could  obtain  only  an 
easy  death  and  an  Imperial  funeral.  When  the  sentence  was 
signified  to  him,  the  manner  of  executing  it  was  left  to  his 
own  choice;  he  preferred  the  favorite  mode  of  the  ancients, 
that  of  opening  his   veins ;   and  as  s  on  as  he  expired,  hia 


Uf    THE    ROMA.N     EMI  IRE.  463 

Docy  was  carried  to  the  sepulchre  which  had  been  construclcr, 
for  the  family  of  Gallienus.^^ 

Thouiih  the  characters  of  Constantine  and  Maxentius  had 
very  little  allinity  with  each  other,  their  situation  and  interest 
were  the  same  ;  and  prudence  seemed  to  require  that  they 
should  unite  their  forces  against  the  common  enemy.  Not- 
withstanding the  superiority  of  his  ago  and  dignity,  the  inde- 
fatigable Maximian  passed  the  Alps,  and,  courting  a  personal 
interview  with  the  sovereign  of  Gaul,  carried  with  him  his 
daughter  Fausta  as  the  pledge  of  the  new  alliance.  The 
marriage  was  celebrated  at  Aries  with  every  circumstance  of 
magnificence  ;  and  the  ancient  colleague  of  Diocletian,  u  I'.') 
again  asserted  his  claim  to  the  Western  empire,  conferred  i>n 
his  son-in-law  and  ally  the  title  of  Augustus.  By  consentmg 
to  receive  that  honor  from  Maximian,  Constantine  seemed  to 
embrace  the  cause  of  Rome  and  of  the  senate ;  but  his  pro- 
fessions were  ambiguous,  and  his  assistance  slow  and  ineffec- 
tual. He  considered  with  attention  the  approaching  contest 
between  the  masters  of  Italy  and  the  emperor  of  the  East, 
and  was  prepared  to  consult  his  own  safety  or  ambition  in  the 
event  of  the  vvar.-^ 

The  importance  of  the  occasion  called  for  the  presence 
and  abilities  of  Galerius.  At  the  head  of  a  powerful  army, 
collected  from  Ulyricum  and  the  East,  he  entered  Italy, 
resolved  to  revenge  the  death  of  Severus,  and  to  chastise  the 
rebellious  Romans  ;  or,  as  he  expressed  his  intentions,  in  the 
furious  language  of  a  barbarian,  to  extirpate  the  senate,  and 
to  destroy  the  people  by  the  sword.  But  the  skill  of  Maxim- 
ian had  concerted  a  prudent  system  of  defence.  The  invader 
found  every  place  hostile,  fortified,  and  inaccessible ;  and 
though  he  forced  his  way  as   far  as  Narni,  within  sixty  miles 

*^  The  circumstances  of  this  \\ar,  and  the  death  of  Severus,  are 
very  doubtfully  and  variously  told  in  our  ancient  fragments,  (see 
Tillemont,  Hist,  des  Empcrcurs,  torn.  iv.  part  i.  p.  555.)  I  have  en- 
deavored to  extract  from  them  a  consistent  and  probable  narration.* 

*■•  The  sixth  Panegyric  was  pronounced  to  celebrate  the  elevation 
of  Constantine;  but  the  prudent  orator  avoids  the  mention  cither  of 
Galerius  or  of  Maxentius.  He  introduces  only  one  slight  allusion  to 
Uie  actual  troubles,  and  to  the  majesty  of  Konie.t 


•  Mr.r.so  justly  observes  that  two  totally  different  narratives  might  oe 
Jormed,  almosl  upon  equal  authority.     Beylage.  iv.  —  M. 

t  Compare  Manso,  Beylage,  iv.  p.  302.  Gibbon's  account  is  at  lea«t  aa 
^loDable  as  that  of  his  critic.  —  M 


,464  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

of  Rome  his  dominion  in  Italy  was  confined  to  the  nairoAy 
limit^  of  his  camp.  Sensible  of  the  increasing  difficulties  of 
his  enterprise,  the  haughty  Galerius  made  the  first  advances 
towards  a  reconciliation,  and  despatched  two  of  his  most  con- 
siderable officers  to  tempt  the  Roman  princes  by  the  offer  of 
a  conference,  and  the  declaration  of  his  paternal  regard  for 
Maxentius,  who  might  obtain  much  more  from  his  liberality 
than  he  could  hope  from  the  doubtful  chance  of  war.^^  The 
offers  of  Galerius  were  rejected  with  firmness,  his  perfidious 
friendship  refused  with  contempt,  and  it  was  not  long  before 
he  discovered,  that,  unless  he  provided  for  his  safety  by  a 
timely  retreat,  he  had  some  reason  to  apprehend  the  fate  of 
Severus.  The  wealth  which  the  Romans  defended  against 
his  rapacious  tyranny,  they  freely  contributed  for  his  destruc- 
tion. The  name  of  Maximian,  the  popular  arts  of  his  son, 
the  secret  distribution  of  large  sums,  and  the  promise  of  still 
more  liberal  rewards,  checked  the  ardor  and  corrupted  the 
fidelity  of  the  lUyrian  legions  ;  and  when  Galerius  at  length 
gave  the  signal  of  the  retreat,  it  was  with  some  difficulty  that 
he  could  prevail  on  his  veterans  not  to  desert  a  banner  which 
had  so  often  conducted  them  to  victory  and  honor.  A  con- 
temporary writer  assigns  two  other  causes  for  the  failure  of 
the  expedition  ;  but  they  are  both  of  such  a  nature,  that  a 
cautious  historian  will  scarcely  venture  to  adopt  them.  We 
are  told  that  Galerius,  who  had  formed  a  very  imperfect  no- 
tion of  the  greatness  of  Rome  by  the  cities  of  the  East  with 
which  he  was  acquainted,  found  his  forces  inadequate  to  the 
eiege  of  that  immense  capital.  But  the  extent  of  a  city  serves 
only  to  render  it  more  accessible  to  the  enemy  :  Rome  had 
long  since  been  accustomed  to  submit  on  the  approach  of  a 
conqueror ;  nar  could  the  temporary  enthusiasm  of  the  peo- 
ple have  long  contended  against  the  discipline  and  valor  ot^  the 
legions.  We  are  likewise  informed  that  the  legions  them- 
selves were  struck  with  horror  and  remorse,  and  that  those 
pious  sons  of  the  republic  refused  to  violate  the  sanctity  of 
their  venerable   parent-^*^     But   when    we  recollect  with  how 

'*  With  regard  to  this  negotiation,  see  the  fragments  of  an  anony- 
mous historian,  published  by  Valcsius  at  the  ejid  of  his  edition  of 
Ainniianus  MarcelUnus,  p.  711.  These  fragments  have  furnished  us 
with  several  curious,  and,  as  it  should  seem,  authentic  anecdotes. 

'■'*  Lactautius  de  M.  P.  c.  28.  The  former  of  these  reasons  is  prob- 
aMy  taken  from  Virgil's  Shepherd :  "  Ilhuu  •  *  *  ego  huic  nostrw 
Rimilem,  Mcliba-e,  putavi,"  &c.  Lactautius  dcUghts  ui  these  poetica' 
alluBions.    « 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE  465 

much  ease,  in  the  more  ancient  civil  wars,  the  zeal  of  party 
and  the  habits  of  military  obedience  had  converted  the  native 
citizens  of  Rome  into  her  most  implacable  enemies,  we  shall 
be  inclined  to  distrust  this  extreme  delicacy  of  strangers  and 
barbarians,  who  had  never  beheld  Italy  till  they  entered  it  id 
a  hostile  manner.  Had  they  not  been  restrained  by  motives 
of  a  more  interested  nature,  they  would  probably  have  an- 
Bwered  Galerius  in  the  words  of  Cajsar's  veterans :  "  If  our 
general  wishes  to  lead  us  to  the  banks  of  the  Tyber,  we  are 
prepared  to  trace  out  his  camp.  Whatsoever  walls  he  has 
determined  to  level  with  the  ground,  our  hands  are  ready  to 
work  the  engfYies :  nor  shall  we  hesitate,  should  the  name 
of  the  devoted  city  be  Rome  itself"  These  are  indeed  the 
expressions  of  a  poet ;  but  of  a  poet  who  has  been  distin- 
guished, and  even  censured,  for  his  strict  adherance  to  the 
truth  of  history.'-^^ 

The  legions  of  Galerius  exhibited  a  very  melancholy  proof 
Df  their  disposition,  by  the  ravages  which  they  committed  in 
Iheir  retreat.  They  murdered,  they  ravished,  they  plundered, 
?hey  drove  away  the  flocks  and  herds  of  the  Italians;  they 
burnt  the  villages  through  which  they  passed,  and  they  en- 
deavored to  destroy  the  country  which  it  had  not  been  in  their 
power  to  subdue.  During  the  whole  march,  Maxentius  hung 
on  their  rear,  but  he  very  prudently  declined  a  general 
engagement  with  those  brave  and  desperate  veterans.  His 
father  had  undertaken  a  second  journey  into  Gaul,  with  the 
hope  of  persuading  Constantine,  who  had  assembled  an  army 
on  the  frontier,  to  join  in  the  pursuit,  and  to  complete  the  vic- 
tory. But  the  actions  of  Constantino  were  guide  1  by  reason, 
and  not  by  resentment.  He  persisted  in  the  wise  resolution 
of  maintaining  a  balance  of  power  in  the  divided  empire,  and 
he  no  longer  hated-  Galerius,  when  that  aspiring  prince  had 
ceased  to  be  an  object  of  terror.'^*^ 

The  mind  of  Galerius  was  the  most  susceptible  of  the 
sterner   passions,  but  it  was  not,  however,  incajiable  of  a  sin- 

*"         Castra  super  Tusci  si  ponere  Tybridis  uiulas  ;  (jubeas) 
Ilesperios  audax  veiiiam  metator  in  agros. 
Tu  quoscunque  voles  in  planum  ettundcre  muros, 
His  aries  actus  disperget  saxa  lacoitis  ; 
Ilia  licet  penitus  tolli  quaiu  jusseris  urbcm 
Koma  sit.  Lucan.  Pharsal.  i.  381. 

*•  Lactaiitius  de  ^I.  P.  c.  27.  Zosim.  1.  ii.  p.  82.  The  latter  ini>in- 
aaies  that  Constantine,  in  his  interviow  with  Maximian,  hi.d  [)rom- 
^ed  to  declare  war  against  riraleriua. 


4G6  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

cere  and  lasting  friendship.  Licinius,  whose  manners  as  wel. 
fts  character  were  not  unlike  his  own,  seems  to  have  engagec 
both  his  affection  and  esteem.  Their  intimacy  had  commenced 
in  the  happier  period  perhaps  of  their  youth  and  obscurity.  It 
had  been  cemented  by  the  freedom  and  dangers  of  a  militarj 
life ;  they  had  advanced  ahnost  by  equal  steps  through  the 
successive  honors  of  the  service  ;  and  as  soon  as  Galeriug 
was  invested  with  the  Imperial  dignity,  he  seems  to  have  con- 
ceived the  design  of  raising  his  companion  to  the  same  rank  with 
himself.  During  the  short  period  of  his  prosperity,  he  con- 
sidered the  rank  of  Caesar  as  unworthy  of  the  age  and  merit 
of  Licinius,  and  rather  chose  to  reserve  for  hhn  the  place  of 
Constantius,  and  the  empire  of  the  West.  While  the  em- 
peror was  employed  in  the  Italian  war,  he  intrusted  his  friend 
with  the  defence  of  the  Danube;  and  immediately  after  his  return 
from  that  unfortunate  expedition,  he  invested  Licinius  with  the 
vacant  purple  of  Severus,  resigning  to  his  immediate  command 
the  provinces  of  Illyricum.^^  The  news  of  his  promotion  was 
no  sooner  carried  into  the  East,  than  Maximin.  who  governed, 
or  rather  oppressed,  the  countries  of  Egypt  and  Syria,  be- 
trayed his  envy  and  discontent,  disdained  the  inferior  name  of 
Cajsar,  and,  notwithstanding  the  prayers  as  v/ell  as  arguments 
of  Galerius,  exacted,  almost  by  violence,  the  equal  title  of 
Augustus.^"  For  the  first,  and  indeed  for  the  last  time,  the 
Roman  world  was  administered  by  six  emperors.  In  the  West, 
Constantine  and  Maxentius  affected  to  reverence  their  father 
Maximian.  In  the  East,  Licinius  and  Maximin  honored  with 
more  real  consideration  their  benefactor  Galerius.  The  op- 
position of  interest,  and  the  memory  of  a  recent  war,  divided 
the  empire  into  two  great  hostile  powers  ;  but  their  mutual 
fears  produced  an  apparent  tranquillity,  and  even  a  feigned 
reconciliation,  till  the  death  of  the  elder  princes,  of  Maximian, 
and  more  particularly  of  Galerius,  gave  a  new  direction  to  the 
views  and  passions  of  their  surviving  associates. 

'*  M.  do  Tillemont  (Ilist.  des  Emperours,  torn.  iv.  part  i.  p.  .559) 
Uas  proved  that  Licinius,  without  passing  through  the  intermediate 
rank  oi'  (Jiesar,  was  declared  Augustus,  tlie  Uth  of  November,  A.  D. 
307,  alter  the  return  of  Galerius  fi'om  Italy. 

**  Lactaiitius  dc  M.  P.  c.  32.  When  Galerius  declared  Licinius 
Augustus  with  himself,  he  tried  to  satisfy  his  younger  associates,  by 
inventing  for  Constantine  and  Maximin  (not  Maxentius ;  see  Baluze,  p. 
81)  tlie  new  title  of  sons  of  the  Augusti.  But  when  Maximin  ac 
quainted  him  that  he  had  been  saluted  Augustus  by  the  array,  Gale- 
rius v,as  obliged  to  acknowledge  him,  as  well  as  ConstaiMiue,  as  ciual 
esfioclatea  in  the  Imperial  dignity. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  4H7 

Wliiin  Maximlan  liad  reluctantly  abdicated  the  empire,  tlie 
venal  orators  of  !lie  tinxjs  applauded  his  plrilosophic  moder- 
ation.      When  his  ambition  excited,  or  at   least  encouraged, 
a  civil  war,  they  returned    thanks  to  his  generous  patriotism, 
and  gently  censured   that  love  of  ease  and   retirement  which 
had  withdrawn  him  from  the  public  service.^i     But  it  was  im- 
possible that  minds  like  those  of  Maximian  and  his  son  could 
Lmg  possess  in  Inrmony  an  undivided  power.    Maxentius  con- 
fJered    limself  as  Miu  Iciial  sovereign  of  Italy,  elected  by  the 
Roman   senaie  and  pidjilc;   ikm-  would  he  endure  the  control 
of  his  father,  who  arrogantly  declared   that  by  his  name  and 
abilities  the   rash  youth   had  been  established   on  the  throne. 
The  cause  was  solemnly  pleaded  before  the  Praetorian  guards  , 
and  those  troops,  who   dreaded  the  severity  of  the   old  em- 
peror, espoused  the  party  of  Maxentius.^-     The  life  and  free- 
dom of  Maximian   were,  however,  respected,  and   he  retired 
from  Italy  into  Illyricum,  affecting  to  lament  his  past  conduct, 
ind    secretly  contriving    new  mischiefs.      Rut  Galerius,   who 
was  well  acquainted  with   liis  character,  soon  obliged  him  to 
'eave  his  dominions,  and  the  last  refuge  of  the  disappointed 
Maximian  was  the  court  of  his  son-in-law  Constantine.^3     Hq 
was   received  with  respect  by  that  artful   j)rince,  and  with  the 
appearance  of  filial  tenderness  by  the  empress  Fausta.     That 
he   miglit   remove  every  suspicion,   he  resigned  the   Imperial 
purple  a  second  time,^"*  professing  himself  at  length  convinced 
of  the  vanity  of  greatness  and  ambition.     Had  he  persevered 
in  this  resolution,  he  might  have  ended  his  life  with  less  dig- 
nity, indeed,  than  in   his  first  retirement,  yet,  however,  with 
comfort  and   reputation.     But   the  near  prospect  of  a  throne 
brought  back  to  his  remembrance  the  state  from  whence  he 


^'  See  Panegyr.  Yet.  vi.  9.  Audi  doloris  nostri  liberam  vocem,  &c 
The  whole  passage  is  imagined  with  artful  flattery,  and  expressed  with 
an  easy  flow  of  eloijucnce. 

^*  Lactantius  do  M.  P.  c.  28.  Zosim.  1.  ii.  p.  82.  A  report  was 
spread,  triat  Maxentius  was  the  son  of  some  obscure  Syrian,  and  had 
been  substituted  by  the  wife  of  Maximian  as  her  own  cliild.  See 
Aurclius  Victor,  Anonym.  Valesian.  and  Paaegyr.  Vet.  ix.  3,  4. 

^'  /'^'^.^'■^^  pulsum,  ab  Italia  fugatum,  ab  lllyrico  repudiatum,  tuis 
prnvinciis,  tuis  copiis,  tuo  palutio  recepisji.  "  Eumen.  in  Panegvr. 
Vet.  vii.  U. 

'*  Lactantius  de  M.  P.  c.  29.  Yet,  after  the  resignation  or  the  pm- 
ple,  Constiintiuc  still  continued  to  Maximian  the  pomp  and  honors  of 
the  Imperial  dignity;  and  on  all  public  occasions  gave  the  rght-hand 
>iace  to  his  fathcr-iji-law.     I  anegyr.  Vet.  viii.  15. 


468  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

was  fallen,  and  he  resolved,  by  a  desperate  effort,  either  to 
reign  or  to  perish.  An  incursion  of  the  Franks  had  sum- 
moned Constantine,  with  a  part  of  his  army,  to  the  banks  of 
the  Rhine  ;  the  remainder  of  the  troops  were  stationed  in  the 
southern  provinces  of  Gaul,  which  lay  exposed  to  the  enter- 
prises of  the  Italian  emperor,  and  a  considerable  treasure  was 
deposited  in  the  city  of  Aries.  Maximian  either  craftily  in- 
vented, or  easily  credited,  a  vain  report  of  the  death  of  Con- 
stantine. Without  hesitation  he  ascended  the  throne,  seized 
'he  treasure,  and  scattering  it  with  his  accustomed  profusion 
among  the  soldiers,  endeavored  to  awake  in  their  minds  the 
memory  of  his  ancient  dignity  and  exploits.  Before  he  could 
establish  his  authority,  or  finish  the  negotiation  which  he  ap- 
pears to  have  entered  into  with  his  son  Maxentius,  the  celerity 
of  Constantine  defeated  all  his  hopes.  On  the  first  news  of 
his  perfidy  and  ingratitude,  that  prince  returned  by  rapid 
narches  from  the  Rhine  to  the  Saone,  embarked  on  the  last- 
mentioned  river  at  Chalons,  and  at  Lyons  trusting  himself  to 
the  rapidity  of  the  Rhone,  arrived  at  the  gates  of  Aries,  with 
a  military  force  which  it  was  impossible  for  Maximian  to  resist, 
and  which  scarcely  permitted  him  to  take  refuge  in  the  neigh- 
boring city  of  Marseilles.  The  narrow  neck  of  land  which 
joined  that  place  to  the  continent  was  fortified  against  the 
besiegers,  whilst  the  sea  was  open,  either  for  the  escape  of 
Maximian,  or  for  the  succors  of  Maxentius,  if  the  latter  should 
choose  to  disguise  his  invasion  of  Gaul  under  the  honorable 
pretence  of  defending  a  distressed,  or,  ?<s  he  might  allege,  an 
injured  father.  Apprehensive  of  the  fotu*  consequences  of 
delay,  Constantine  gave  orders  for  an  immediate  assault ;  but 
the  scaling-ladders  were  found  too  short  for  the  height  of  the 
walls,  and  Marseilles  might  have  sustained  as  long  a  siege  as 
it  formerly  did  against  the  arms  of  Caesar,  if  the  garrison,  con- 
scious either  of  their  fault  or  of  their  danger,  had  not  pur- 
chased their  pardon  by  delivering  up  the  city  and  the  pei-son 
of  Maximian.  A  secret  but  irrevocable  sentence  of  death  was 
pronounced  against  the  usurper ;  he  obtained  only  the  same 
favor  which  he  had  indulged  to  Severus,  and  it  was  published 
o  the  world,  that,  oppressed  by  the  remorse  of  his  repeated 
crimes,  he  strangled  himself  with  his  own  hands.  After  he 
had  lost  the  assistance,  and  disdained  the  moderate  counsels, 
of  Diocletian,  the  second  period  of  his  active  life  was  a  series 
of  public  calamities  and  personal  mortifications,  which  were 
lerminated,  in  about  three   years,  by  an  ignominious  deatn 


OR   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 


469 


He  deserved  his  fate ;  but  we  should  find  more  reason  tc 
applaud  the  humanity  of  Constantine,  if  he  had  spared  an 
old  man,  tiie  benefactor  of  liis  father,  and  the  father  of  his 
wife.  During  the  whole  of  this  melancholy  transaction,  it  ap- 
pears that  Fuusta  sacrificed  the  sentiments  of  nature  to  hei 
conjugal  duties.''^ 

The  last  years  of  Galerius  were  less  shameful  and  unfor- 
tunate ;  and  though  he  had  filled  with  more  glory  the  subor 
dinate  station  of  Caesar  than  the  superior  rank  of  Augustus, 
he  preserved,  till  the  moment  of  his  death,  the  first  place 
among  the  princes  of  the  Roman  world.  He  survived  his 
retreat  from  Italy  about  four  years ;  and  wisely  relinquishing 
nis  views  of  universal  empire,  he  devoted  the  remainder  of 
his  life  to  the  enjoyment  of  pleasure,  and  to  the  execution  of 
some  works  of  public  utility,  among  which  we  may  distinguish 
the  discharging  into  the  Danube  the  superfluous  waters  of  the 
Lake  Pelso,  and  the  cutting  down  the  immense  forests  that 
encompassed  it ;  an  operation  worthy  of  a  monarch,  since  it 
gave  an  extensive  country  to  the  agriculture  of  his  Pannonian 
subjects.^6     His  death  was  occasioned  by  a  veiy  painful  and 


''*  Zosim.  1.  ii.  p.  82.  Eumenius  in  Pancgyr.  Vet.  vii.  16 — 21.  The 
latter  of  these  has  undoubtedly  represented  the  whole  affair  in  the 
most  favorable  light  for  his  sovereign.  Yet  even  from  this  partial 
narrative  we  may  conclude,  that  the  repeated  clemency  of  Constan- 
tine, and  the  reiterated  treasons  of  Maximian,  as  they  are  described 
by  Lactantius,  (de  M.  P.  c.  29,  30.)  and  copied  by  the  moderns,  are 
destitute  of  any  historical  foundation.* 

^  Aurelius  Victor,  c.  40.  But  that  lake  was  situated  on  the  upper 
Pannonia,  near  the  borders  of  Noricum ;  and  the  province  of  Valeria 
(a  name  which  the  wife  of  Galerius  gave  to  the  drained  country) 
undoubtedly  lay  between  the  Drave  and  the  Danube,  (Sextus  Hufus, 
c.  9.)  I  should  therefore  suspect  that  Victor  has  confounded  the 
Lake  Pelso  with  the  Volocean  marshes,  or,  as  they  are  now  called,  the 
Lake  Sabaton.  It  is  placed  in  the  heart  of  Valeria,  and  its  present 
extent  is  not  less  than  twch-c  Hungarian  miles  (about  seventy  Eng- 
lish) in  length,  and  two  in  breadth.     See  Severini  Pannonia,  1.  i.  c.  9. 


•  Yet  some  pn{;/an  authors  relate  and  confirm  them.  Aurelius  Victor, 
speaking  of  Maximin,  says,  cumqiie  specie  officii,  dolis  compositis,  Con 
stanlinum  gencrum  tentaret  acerbc,  jure  tamen  iiiteriorat.  Aur.  Vict.  d<» 
Caesar,  i.  p.  623.  Eutropius  also  says,  inde  ad  Gallias  profectus  est  (Max 
imianus)  dolo  composite  tamquam  a  filio  esset  cxpulsus,  ut  Constantino 
gencro  juni?eretur  ;  moliens  tamen  ConstantiTium,  reperta  occasione,  inter- 
ficer«,  Dcenas  dedit  justissimo  cxitu.     Eutrop.  x  p.  661.  (Anon.  Gent.)— G. 

These  writers  hardly  confirm  more  than  Gibbon  admits  ;  he  denies  the 
repeated  clemency  of  Constantine,  and  the  reiterated  treasons  of  Maximiaa. 
."'orapare  Minio,  p.  302.  — M. 


470  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

lingering  clisarder.  His  body,  swelled  by  an  intemperate 
course  of  life  to  an  unwieldy  corpulence,  was  covered  with 
ulcers,  and  devoured  by  innumerable  swarms  of  those  insect? 
which  have  given  their  name  to  a  most  loathsome  disease;-'* 
but  as  Galerius  had  offended  a  very  zealous  and  powerful 
party  among  his  subjects,  his  sufferings,  instead  of  exciting 
their  compassion,  have  been  celebrated  as  the  visible  effects 
of  divine  justice.^^  He  had  no  sooner  expired  in  his  palace 
of  Nicomedia,  than  the  two  emperors  who  were  indebted  for 
their  purple  to  his  favors,  began  to  collect  their  forces,  with 
the  intention  either  of  disputing,  or  of  dividing,  the  dominions 
which  he  had  left  without  a  master.  They  were  persuaded, 
however,  to  desist  from  the  former  design,  and  to  agree  in  the 
latter.  The  provinces  of  Asia  fell  to  the  share  of  Maximin, 
and  those  of  Europe  augmented  the  portion  of  Licinius. 
The  Hellespont  and  the  Thracian  Bosphorus  formed  their 
mutual  boundary,  and  the  banks  of  those  narrow  seas,  which 
flowed  in  the  midst  of  the  Roman  world,  were  covered  with 
soldiers,  with  arms,  and  with  fortifications.  The  deaths  of 
Maximian  and  of  Galerius  reduced  the  number  of  emperors 
to  four.  The  sense  of  their  true  interest  soon  connected 
Licinius  and  Constantine;  a  secret  alliance  was  concluded 
between  Maximin  and  Maxentius,  and  their  unhappy  subjects 
expected  with  terror  the  bloody  consequences  of  their  inevi- 
table dissensions,  which  were  no  longer  restrained  by  the  fear 
or  the  respect  which  they  had  entertained  for  Galerius.39 

Among  so  many  crimes  and  misfortunes,  occasioned  by  the 
passions  of  the  Roman  princes,  there  is  some  pleasure  in  dis- 
covering a  single  action  which  may  be  ascribed  to  their  virtue. 
In  the  sixth  year  of  his  reign,  Constantine  visited  the  city  of 
Autun,  and  generously  remitted  the  arrears  of  tribute,  reducing 
at  the  same  time  the  proportion  of  their  assessment  from  twenty- 
five  to  eighteen  thousand  heads,  subject  to  the  real  and  per- 


'^  Lactantius  (de  M.  P.  c.  33)  and  Eusebius  (1.  viii.  c.  16)  describe 
the  symptoms  and  progress  of  his  disorder  with  singular  accuracy 
and  apparent  pleasure. 

'^  lif  any  (like  the  late  Dr.  Jortin,  Remarks  on  Ecclesiastical  His- 
tory, vol.  ii.  p.  307—356)  still  delight  in  recording  the  wonderful 
deaths  of  the  persecutors,  I  would  recommend  to  their  penisaJ  an 
admirable  passage  of  Grotius  (Hist.  1.  vii.  p.  332)  concerning  the  last 
illness  of  Philip  II.  of  Spain. 

"  See  Eusebius,  1.  ix.  6,  10.  Lactantius  de  M.  P.  c.  36.  ZosLnus 
Id  less  exact,  and  evid<Titly  confounds  Maximian  with  Mayjmiit 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  471 

synal  capilation."*''  Yet  even  this  indulgence  affords  the  most 
unquestionable  proof  of  the  public  misery.  This  tax  was  so 
extremely  oppressive,  either  in  itself  or  in  the  mode  of  col- 
lecting it,  that  whilst  the  revenue  was  increased  by  extortion, 
It  was  diminished  by  despair  :  a  considerahh-  part  of  the 
territory  of  Autun  was  left  uncultivated  ;  and  great  numbers 
of  the  provincials  rather  chose  to  live  as  exiles  and  outlaws, 
than  to  support  the  weight  of  civil  society.  It  is  but  too 
probable,  that  the  bountiful  emperor  relieved,  by  a  partial  act 
of  liberality,  one  among  the  many  evils  which  he  had  caused 
Sy  his  general  maxims  of  administration.  But  even  those 
maxims  were  less  the  efl^ect  of  choice  than  of  necessity. 
And  if  we  except  the  death  of  Maximian,  the  reign  of  Con- 
stantino in  Gaul  seems  to  have  been  the  most  innocent  and 
even  virtuous  period  of  his  life.  The  provinces  were  protected 
by  his  presence  from  the  inroads  of  the  barbarians,  who  either 
dreaded  or  experienced  his  active  valor.  After  a  signal  vic- 
tory over  the  Franks  and  Alemanni,  several  of  their  princes 
were  exposed  by  his  order  to  the  wild  beasts  in  the  amphi- 
theatre of  Treves,  and  the  people  seem  to  have  enjoyed  the 
spectacle,  without  discovering,  in  such  a  treatment  of  royal 
captives,  any  thing  that  was  repugnant  to  the  laws  of  nations 
or  of  humanity.''^  * 

The  virtues  of  Constantino  were  rendered  more  illustrious 
by  the  vices  of  Maxentius.  Whilst  the  Gallic  provinces 
enjoyed  as  much  happiness  as  the  condition  of  the  times  was 
capable  of  receiving,  Italy  and  Africa  groaned  under  the 
dominion  of  a  tyrant,  as  contemptible  as  he  was  odious.  The 
zeal  of  flattery  and  faction  has  indeed  too  frequently  sacri- 
ficed the  reputation  of  the  vanquished  to  the  glory  of  their 
successful  rivals ;  but  even  those  writers  who  have  revealed, 
with  the  most  freedom  and  pleasure,  the  faults  of  Constantine, 
unanimously  confess  that  Maxentius  was  cruel,  rapacious,  and 

*"  See  the  viiith  Panegyr.,  in  ■which  Eumenius  displays,  in  the 
presence  of  Constantino,  the  misery  and  the  gratitude  of  the  city  of 
Autun. 

*'  Eutropius,  X.  3.     Panegyr.  Veter.  vii.  10,  11,  12.     A  great  nuH' 
ber  of  the  French  youth  were  likewise  exposed  to  the  same  cruel  and 
ignominious  death. 

•  Yet  the  pane^j'ric  assumes  something  of  an  apologetic  tone.  Te  vero, 
Constantine,  quaiUumlibct  odcrint  hostes,  dum  perhorrescant.  Haec  ent 
enim  vera  virtus,  ut  non  ament  et  quiescant.  The  firator  appeabi  to  iht 
inf'ent  usage    of  the  republic.  — M. 


\T2  THE  DECLINE    AND    FALL 

p-oflig(ite.'*2  He  nad  the  good  fortune  to  suppress  a  sliglit 
rebellion  in  Africa.  The  governor  and  a  few  adherents  had 
been  guilty ;  the  province  suifered  for  their  crime.  The 
flourishing  cities  of  Cirtha  and  Carthage,  and  the  whole  extent 
of  that  fertile  country,  were  wasted  by  fire  and  sword.  The 
abuse  of  victory  was  followed  by  the  abuse  of  law  and  justice. 
A  formidable  army  of  sycophants  and  delators  invaded  Africa  , 
the  rich  and  the  noble  were  easily  convicted  of  a  connection 
with  the  rebels ;  and  those  among  them  who  experienced  the 
emperor's  clemency,  were  only  punished  by  the  confiscation 
of  their  estates.''"^  So  signal  a  victory  was  celebrated  by  a 
magnificent  triumph,  and  Maxentius  exposed  to  the  eyes  of 
the  people  the  spoils  and  captives  of  a  Roman  province.  The 
state  of  the  capital  was  no  less  deserving  of  compassion  than 
that  of  Africa.  The  wealth  of  Rome  supplied  an  inexhaust- 
ible fund  for  his  vain  and  prodigal  expenses,  and  the  minis- 
ters ijf  his  revenue  were  skilled  in  the  arts  of  rapine.  It  was 
under  his  reign  that  the  method  of  exacting  a  free  gift,  from 
the  senators  was  first  invented  ;  and  as  the  sum  was  insensibly 
increased,  the  pretences  of  levying  it,  a  victor}',  a  birth,  a 
marriage,  or  an  Imperial  consulship,  were  proportionably  mul- 
tipLed.'*'*  Maxentius  had  imbibed  the  same  implacable  aver- 
sion to  the  senate,  which  had  characterized  most  of  the  former 
tyrants  of  Rome  ;  nor  was  it  possible  for  his  ungrateful  temper 
to  forgive  the  generous  fidelity  which  had  raised  him  to  the 
throne,  and  supported  him  against  all  his  enemies.  The  lives 
of  the  senators  vv-ere  exposed  to  his  jealous  suspicions,  the 
dishonor  of  their  wives  and  daughters  heightened  the  gratifi' 
cation  of  his  sensual  passions."*^  It  may  be  presumed,  that  ar 
Imperial  lover  was  seldom  reduced  to  sigh  in  vain ;  but  when- 
ever persuasion  proved  ineffectual,  he  had  recourse  to  violence  ; 

*'^  Julian  excludes  Maxentius  from  the  banquet  of  the  Caesars  with 
abhorrence  and  contempt ;  and  Zosimua  (1.  ii.  p.  85)  accuses  him  of 
every  kind  of  cruelty  and  profligacy. 

*^  Zosimus,  1.  ii.  p.  83 — 85.     Aurelius  Victor. 

**  The  passage  of  Aurelius  Victor  should  be  read  in  the  following 
manner :  Primus  institute  pessimo,  munenim  specie,  Patres  Ora- 
taresqiic  pccuniam  conferre  prodigenti  sibi  cogeret. 

^»  Panegyr.  Vet.  ix.  3.  Euseb.  Hist.  Ecclcs.  viii.  14,  et  in  Vit. 
Constant,  i.  33,  34.  Rufinus,  c.  17.  The  virtuous  matron  who 
etabbed  herself  to  escape  the  violence  of  Maxentius,  was  a  Christian, 
wife  to  the  pra;fect  of  the  city,  and  her  name  was  Sophronia.  It  still 
remains  a  question  among  the  casuists,  whether,  on  such  dccasions, 
suicide  is  jut  titiable. 


OF    THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE.  473 

and  there  remains  one  memorable  example  of  a  noble  matron 
who  preserved  her  chastity  by  a  voluntary  death.  The  sol 
diers  were  the  only  order  of  men  whom  he  appeared  tc 
respect,  or  studied  to  please.  He  filled  Rome  and  Italy  with 
armed  troops,  connived  at  their  tumults,  suffered  them  with 
impimity  to  plunder,  and  even  to  massacre,  the  defenceless 
people  ;  ^^  and  indulging  them  in  the  same  licentiousness 
which  their  emperor  enjoyed,  Maxentius  often  bestowed  on 
his  military  favorites  the  splendid  villa,  or  the  beautiful  wife, 
of  a  senator.  A  prince  of  such  a  character,  alike  incapable 
of  governing  either  in  peace  or  in  war,  might  purchase  the 
support,  but  he  could  never  obtain  the  esteem,  of  the  army. 
Yet  his  pride  was  equal  to  his  other  vices.  Whilst  he  passed 
his  indolent  life  either  within  the  walls  of  his  place  or  in  the 
neighboring  gardens  of  Sallust,  Ik;  was  repeatedly  heard  to 
declare,  that  he  alone  was  emperor,  and  that  the  other  princes 
were  no  more  than  his  lieutenants,  on  whom  he  had  devolved 
the  defence  of  the  frontier  provinces,  that  he  might  enjoy 
without  interruption  the  elegant  luxury  of  the  capital.  Rome, 
which  had  so  long  regretted  the  absence,  lamented,  during 
the  six  years  of  his  reign,  the  presence  of  her  sovereign. ^^ 

Though  Constantine  might  view  the  conduct  of  Maxentius 
with  abhorrence,  and  the  situation  of  the  Romans  with  com- 
passion, we  have  no  reason  to  presume  that  he  would  have 
taken  up  arms  to  punish  the  one  or  to  relieve  the  other.  But 
the  tyrant  of  Italy  rashly  ventured  to  provoke  a  formidable 
enemy,  whose  ambition  had  been  hitherto  restrained  by  con- 
siderations of  prudence,  rather  than  by  principles  of  justice.'"' 
After  the  death  of  Maximian,  his  titles,  according  to  the  estab- 
lished custom,  had  been  erased,  and  his  statues  thrown  down 
with  ignominy.     His  son,  who  had  persecuted  and  deserted 

**  Praetorianis  caedem  vulgi  quondam  annueret,  is  the  vague  ex- 
pression of  Aurclius  Victor.  See  more  particular,  though  somewhat 
different,  accounts  of  a  tumult  and  massacre  which  happened  at 
Ilome,  in  Eusebius,  (1.  viii.  c.  14,)  and  in  Zosimus,  (1.  ii.  p.  84.) 

*''  See,  in  tlie  Panegyrics,  (ix.  14,)  a  lively  description  of  the  indo- 
lence and  vain  pride  of  Maxentius.  In  another  place  the  orat-or 
ob8ervt>s  that  the  riches  which  Rome  had  accumulated  in  a  period  of 
1060  years,  were  lavished  by  the  tyrant  on  his  tnercenary  bauds  • 
tedemptis  ad  civile  latrocinium  manibus  in  gesserat. 

*^  After  the  victory  of  Constantine,  it  was  universally  allowed,  that 
the  motive  of  delivering  the  republic  from  a  detested  tyrant  would, 
tt  any  time,  have  justified  his  expedition  into  Italy.     Eiisch.  in.  ViU 
CoiMt*ntui.  L  i.  c.  26.    Panegyr.  Vet.  is.  2. 
23 


474  THE   DECLINE   AND    FALL 

him  when  alive,  affected  to  display  the  most  pious  regard  for 
his  memory,  and  gave  orders  that  a  similar  treatment  should 
be  immediately  inflicted  on  all  the  statues  that  had  been 
erected  in  Italy  and  Africa  to  the  honor  of  Constantine.  Tha. 
wise  prince,  who  sincerely  wished  to  decline  a  war,  with  the 
difficulty  and  importance  of  which  he  was  sufficiently  ac- 
quainted, at  first  dissembled  the  insult,  and  sought  for  redress 
by  the  milder  expedients  of  negotiation,  till  he  was  convinced 
that  the  hostile  and  ambitious  designs  of  the  Italian  emperor 
made  it  necessary  for  him  to  arm  in  his  own  defence.  Max- 
entius,  who  openly  avowed  his  pretensions  to  the  whole 
monarchy  of  the  West,  had  already  prepared  a  very  consid- 
erable force  to  invade  the  Gallic  provinces  on  the  side  ol 
Rhcetia ;  and  though  he  could  not  expect  any  assistance  from 
Licinius,  he  was  flattered  with  the  hope  that  the  legions  of 
Illyricum,  allured  by  his  presents  and  promises,  would  desert 
the  standard  of  that  prince,  and  unanimously  declare  them- 
selves his  soldiers  and  subjects.''^  Constantine  no  longer  hesi- 
tated. He  had  deliberated  with  caution,  he  acted  with  vigor. 
He  gave  a  private  audience  to  the  ambassadors,  who,  in  the 
name  of  the  senate  and  people,  conjured  him  to  deliver  Rome 
from  a  detested  tyrant ;  and,  without  regarding  the  timid 
remonstrances  of  his  council,  he  resolved  to  prevent  the 
enemy,  and  to  carry  the  war  into  the  heart  of  Italy .^^ 

The  enterprise  was  as  full  of  danger  as  of  glory ;  and  the 
unsuccessful  event  of  two  former  invasions  was  sufficient  to 
inspire  the  most  serious  apprehensions.  The  veteran  troops, 
who  revered  the  name  of  Maximian,  had  embraced  in  both 
those  wars  the  party  of  his  son,  and  were  now  restrained  by  a 
sense  of  honor,  as  well  as  of  interest,  from  entertaining  an  idea 
of  a  second  desertion.  Maxentius,  who  considered  the  Prae- 
torian guards  as  the  firmest  defence  of  his  throne,  had  in- 
creased them  to  their  ancient  establishment ;  and  they  composed, 


**  Zosimus,  1.  ii.  p.  84,  85.     Nazarius  in  PaneR^-r.  x.  7—13. 

*°  Sec  Panca-yr.  Vet.  ix.  2.  Omnibus  lere  tuis  Comitibus  et  Duci- 
bus  non  solum  tacitc  mussantibus,  sod  ctiam  apcrte  timentibus  ;  con- 
tra coiisilia  huminum,  contra  Ilaruspicum  monita,  ipse  per  tcmet  lib- 
erandai  urbis  tcmfus  vcnisse  sentircs.  The  embassy  of  the  Romans 
Is  mentioned  only  by  Zonaras,  (I.  xiii,)  and  by  Ccdronus,  (in  Com- 
pend.  Hist.  p.  270 ;)  but  those  modern  Greeks  had  the  opportunity 
of  consulting  many  writers  which  have  since  been  lost,  among  which 
wo  may  reckon  the  life  of  Constantine  by  Praxagoras.  Photins  (p. 
S3)  has  mado  a  short  extract  ffom  that  historical  work. 


OK    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  47R 

including  the  rest  of  the  Italians  who  were  enlisted  into  hia 
service,  a  formidable  body  of  fourscore  thousand  men.  Forty 
thousand  Moors  and  Carthaginians  had  been  raised  since  the 
reduction  of  Africa.  Even  Sicily  furnished  its  proportion  of 
troops  ;  and  the  armies  of  Maxentius  amounted  to  one  hundred 
and  seventy  thousand  foot  and  eighteen  thousand  horse.  The 
wealth  of  Italy  supplied  the  expenses  of  the  war ;  and  the 
adjacent  provinces  were  exhausted,  to  form  immense  maga- 
zines of  corn  and  every  other  kind  of  provisions. 

The  whole  force  of  Constantino  consisted  of  ninety  thou- 
sand foot  and  eight  thousand  horse  ;^^  and  as  the  defence  of 
(he  Rhine  required  an  extraordinary  attention  during  the 
absence  of  the  emperor,  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  employ 
above  half  his  troops  in  the  Italian  expedition,  unless  he  sacri- 
ficed the  public  safety  to  his  private  quarrel.^^  Xi  \\^q  head 
of  about  forty  thousand  soldiers,  he  marched  to  encounter  an 
enemy  whose  numbers  were  at  least  four  times  superior  to  his 
own.  But  the  armies  of  Rome,  placed  at  a  secure  distance 
from  danger,  were  enervated  by  indulgence  and  luxury. 
Habituated  to  the  baths  and  theatres  of  Rome,  they  took  the 
field  with  reluctance,  and  were  chiefly  composed  of  veterans 
who  had  almost  forgotten,  or  of  new  levies  who  had  never 
acquired,  the  use  of  arms  and  the  practice  of  war.  The  hardy 
legions  of  Gaul  had  long  defended  the  frontiers  of  the  empire 
against  the  barbarians  of  the  North  ;  and  in  the  performance 
of  that  laborious  service,  their  valor  was  exercised  and  their 
discijjline  confirmed.  There  appeared  the  same  difference 
between  the  leaders  as  between  the  armies.  Caprice  or  flat- 
tery had  tempted  Maxentius  with  the  hopes  of  conquest ;  but 
these  aspiring  hopes  soon  gave  way  to  the  habits  of  pleasure 
and  the  consciousness  of  his  inexperience.  The  intrepid  mind 
of  Constantino  had  been  trained  from  his  earliest  youth  to 
war,  to  action,  and  to  military  command. 

When   Hannibal    marched   from   Gaul   into   Italy,  he   was 

"  Zosiinus  (1.  ii.  p.  86)  has  given  us  this  curious  account  of  the 
forces  on  both  sides.  He  makes  no  mention  of  any  naviil  armaments, 
••hough  we  are  assured  (Panegyr.  Vet.  ix.  25)  that  the  war  waa 
curried  on  by  sea  as  well  as  by  land ;  and  that  the  Heet  of  Constan- 
iinc  took  possession  of  Sardinia,  Corsica,  and  the  ports  of  Italv. 

'*  Panegyr.  Vet.  ix.  3.  It  is  not  surprising  tliat  the  orator  should 
diminish  the  numbers  with  which  his  sovereign  achieved  the  con- 
quest of  Italy ;  but  it  appears  somewhat  singular  that  he  should 
"^-teem  the  tyrant's  army  at  no  mc-e  than  100,000  men. 


4T6  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

obliged,  first  to  discover,  and  then  to  open,  a  way  ovei 
mountains,  and  througli  savage  nations,  that  had  never  yielded 
a  passage  to  a  regular  anny.^^  The  Alps  were  then  guarded 
by  nature,  they  are  now  fortified  by  art.  Citadels,  constructed 
with  no  less  skill  than  labor  and  expense,  command  every 
avenue  into  the  plain,  and  on  that  side  render  Italy  almost 
inaccessible  to  the  enemies  of  the  king  of  Sardinia.^^  But  ir 
the  course  of  the  intermediate  period,  the  generals,  who  have 
attempted  the  passage,  have  seldom  experienced  any  difilculty 
or  resistance.  In  the  age  of  Constantine,  the  peasants  of  the 
mounta/  s  were  civilized  and  obedient  subjects  ;  the  country 
was  plentifully  stocked  with  provisions,  and  the  stupendou3 
highways,  which  the  Romans  had  carried  over  the  Alps, 
opened  several  communications  between  Gaul  and  Italy.^' 
Constantine  preferred  the  road  of  the  Cottian  Alps,  or,  as  it  is 
now  called,  of  Mount  Cenis,  and  led  his  troops  with  such  active 
diligence,  that  he  descended  into  the  plam  of  Piedmont  before 
the  court  of  Maxentius  hod  received  any  certain  intelligence 
of  his  departure  from  the  banks  of  the  Rhine.  The  city  of 
Susa,  however,  which  is  situated  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Cenis, 
was  surrounded  with  walls,  and  provided  with  a  garrison 
sufficiently  numerous  to  check  the  progress  of  an  invader : 
but  the  impatience  of  Constantino's  troops  disdained  the  tedious 
forms  of  a  siege.  The  same  day  that  they  appeared  before 
Susa,  they  applied  fire  to  the  gates,  and  ladders  to  the  walls  ; 
and  mounting  to  the  assault  amidst  a  shower  of  stones  and 
arrows,  they  entered  the   place  sword   in  hand,  and  cut  in 

"  The  three  principal  passages  of  the  Alps  between  Gaul  and 
Italy,  are  those  of  Mount  St.  Bernard,  Mount  Cenis,  and  Mount 
Genevrc.  Tradition,  and  a  resemblance  of  names,  {Alpes  Penrmue,) 
had  assigned  the  first  of  these  for  the  march  of  Hannibal,  (see  Siraler 
de  Alpibus.)  The  Chevalier  Ac  Folard  (Polyb.  tom.  iv.)  and  M. 
d'Anville  have  led  him  over  Mount  Gcnevre.  But  notwithstanding 
the  authority  of  an  experienced  otficer  and  a  learned  geographer,  the 
pretensions  of  Mount  Cenis  are  supported  in  a  specious,  not  to  say 
a  convincing,  manner,  by  M.  Grosley.  Observations  sur  I'ltalie, 
^m.  i.  p.  40,  &c.* 

"  La  Brunette  near  Suse,  Dcmont,  Exiles,  Feiiestrelles,  Coni,  &c. 

**  See  Ammian.  Marccllin.  xv.  10.  His  description  of  the  roads 
Dver  the  Alps  is  clear,  lively,  and  accurate. 


•  Tlie  dissertation  of  Messrs.  Cramer  and  Wickham  nas  clearly  shown 
ihat  the  Little  St.  Bernard  must  claim  the  honor  of  Hannibal's  passage. 
A  tract  by  Mr.  Lonf<  (London,  1831)  has  added  some  sensible  correctv^i 
ol  HjunibaJ's  march  lo  the  Alp-s.  —  M. 


OF    IHL    SOMAN    EMPIRE.  477 

pieces  the  greatest  part  of  the  garrison.  The  flames  were 
extinguished  by  the  care  of  Constaiitine,  and  the  remains  of 
Susa  preserved  from  total  destruction.  About  forty  miles 
from  thence,  a  more  severe  contest  awaited  him.  A  nimier 
ous  army  of  Italians  was  assembled  under  the  lieutenants  of 
Maxentius,  in  the  plains  of  Turin.  Its  principal  strength  con« 
sisted  in  a  species  of  heavy  cavalry,  which  the  Roman.s,  since 
the  decline  of  their  discipline,  had  l)orrowcd  from  the  nation 
of  the  East.  The  horses,  as  well  as  the  men,  were  clothed  in 
complete  armor,  the  joints  of  whicii  were  artfully  adapted  to 
the  motions  of  their  bodies.  The  aspect  of  this  cavalry  was 
formidable,  their  weight  almost  irresistible  ;  and  as,  on  this 
occasion,  their  generals  had  drawn  them  up  in  a  compact 
column  or  wedge,  with  a  sharp  point,  and  with  spreading 
flanks,  they  flattered  themselves  that  they  should  easily  break 
and  trample  down  the  army  of  Constantiiie.  They  might, 
perhaps,  have  succeeded  in  their  design,  had  not  their  expe- 
rienced adversary  embraced  the  same  method  of  defence, 
which  in  similar  circumstances  had  been  practised  by  Aure- 
lian.  The  skilful  evolutions  of  Constantino  divided  and  baffled 
this  massy  column  of  cavalry.  The  troops  of  Maxentius  fled 
in  confusion  towards  Turin  ;  and  as  the  gates  of  the  city  were 
shut  against  them,  very  few  escaped  the  sword  of  the  victo 
rious  pursuers.  By  this  important  service,  Turin  deserved  to 
experience  the  clemency  and  even  favor  of  the  conqueror. 
He  made  his  entry  into  the  Imperial  palace  of  Milan,  and 
almost  all  the  cities  of  Italy  between  the  Alps  and  the  Po  not 
only  acknowledged  the  power,  but  embraced  with  zeal  the 
party,  of  Constantino. •''^ 

From  Milan  to  Rome,  the  iEmilian  and  Flaminian  highways 
offered  an  easy  march  of  about  four  hundred  miles  ;  but 
though  Constantino  was  impatient  to  encounter  the  tyrant,  he 
prudently  directed  his  operations  against  another  army  of  Ital- 
ians, who,  by  their  strength  and  position,  might  either  oppose 
his  progress,  or,  in  case  of  a  misfortune,  might  intercept  his 
••etreat.  Ruricius  Pompcianus,  a  general  distinguished  by  his 
valor  and  ability,  had  under  his  command  the  city  of  Verona, 
and  all  the  troops  that  were  stationed  in  the  province  of 
Venetia.     As  soon  as  he  was  informed  tliat  Constantine  wag 

»*  Zosimus  as  well  as  Eusebius  hasten  from  the  passage  of  the  Alpa 
W  the  decisive  action  near  Rome.     We  must  apply  to  the  two  Pane 
gyiics  tbi  the  intennediate  actions  of  Constantine. 


478  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

ailvcincing  towjirds  him,  he  detached  a  large  body  of  cn.\  a^ry 
vihich  wa?  def2ated  in  an  engagement  near  Brescia,  and  pur- 
sued by  the  Gallic  legions  as  fur  as  the  gates  of  Verona.  The 
necessity,  the  importance,  and  the  difficulties  of  the  siege  of 
Verona,  immediately  presented  themselves  to  the  sagacious 
mmd  of  Constantino.^'^  The  city  was  accessible  only  by  a 
narrow  peninsula  towards  the  west,  as  the  other  three  sides 
were  surrounded  by  the  Adige,  a  rapid  river,  which  covered 
the  province  of  Venetia,  from  whence  the  besieged  derivea 
an  inexhaustible  supply  of  men  and  provisions.  It  was  not 
without  great  difficulty,  and  after  several  fruitless  attempts 
that  Constantine  found  means  to  pass  the  river  at  some  distance 
above  the  city,  and  in  a  place  where  the  torrent  was  less 
violent.  He  then  encompassed  Verona  with  strong  lines, 
pushed  his  attacks  with  prudent  vigor,  and  repelled  a  desperate 
sally  of  Pompeianus.  That  intrepid  general,  when  he  had 
used  every  means  of  defence  that  the  strength  of  the  place  or 
that  of  the  garrison  could  afford,  secretly  escaped  from  Verona, 
anxious  not  for  his  own,  but  for  the  public  safety.  With  inde- 
fatigable diligence  he  soon  collected  an  army  sufficient  either 
to  meet  Constantine  in  the  field,  or  to  attack  him  if  he  obsti- 
nately remained  within  his  lines.  The  emperor,  attentive  to 
the  motions,  and  informed  of  the  approach,  of  so  formidable 
an  enemy,  left  a  part  of  his  legions  to  continue  the  operations 
of  the  siege,  whilst,  at  the  head  of  those  troops  on  whose  valor 
and  fidelity  he  more  particularly  depended,  he  advanced  in 
person  to  engage  the  general  of  Maxentius.  The  army  of 
Gaul  was  drawn  up  in  two  lines,  according  to  the  usual  prac- 
tice of  war ;  but  their  experienced  leader,  perceiving  that  the 
numbers  of  the  Italians  far  exceeded  his  own,  suddenly 
changed  his  disposition,  and,  reducing  the  second,  extended 
the  front  of  his  first  line  to  a  just  pro[)ortion  with  that  of  the 
enemy.  Such  evolutions,  which  only  veteran  troops  can 
execute  without  confusion  in  a  moment  of  danger,  commonly 
prove  decisive  ;  but  as  this  engagement  began  towards  the 
close  of  the  day,  and  was  contested  with  great  obstinacy  during 
the  whole  night,  there  was  less  room  for  the  conduct  of  the 

"  The  Marquis  Maffei  has  e?  ainincd  the  siege  and  battle  of  Verona 
with  that  degree  of  attention  and  accuracy  which  was  due  to  a  memo- 
rable action  that  happened  in  his  native  country.  The  fortihcations 
of  that  city,  constructed  by  Gallienus,  were  less  extensive  than  the 
modern  walls,  and  the  amphitheatre  was  not  included  within  their 
circumference.     See  Verona  Illustrata,  part  i.  p.  142,  150. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  479 

generals   than  for  the  courage   of  the   sokhers.     The   return 
of  light   displayed   the  victory  of  Constniuine,  and  a  fit  Id  of 
carnage    covered    with    many   thousands  of  the   vanquished 
Italians.     Their  general,  Pompeianus,  was    found  among  the 
slain  ;  Verona  immediately  surrendered  at  discretion,  and  the 
gaiTison  was  made  prisoners  of  war.^^     When  the  officers  of 
the  victorious  army  congratulated  their  master  on  this  impor- 
tant succ(!ss,  they  ventured  to  add  some  respectful  complaints 
of  such  a  nature,  however,  as  the  most  jealous  monarch's  will 
listen   to  without  displeasure.     They  represented  to  Constan- 
tino that,  not  contented  with  all  the  duties  of  a  comm  inder 
ho  had  exposed  his  own  person  with  an  excess  of  valo!  which 
almost  degenerated  into  rashness  ;  and  they  conjured  him  fo» 
the  future  to  pay  more  regard  to  the  preservation  of  a   life  in 
which  the  safety  of  Rome  and  of  the  empire  was  involved.^^ 

While  Constantino  signalized  his  conduct  and  valor  in  the 
field,  the  sovereign  of  Italy  appeared  insensible  of  the  calam- 
ities and  dancer  of  a  civil  war  which  raged  in  the  heart  of  his 
dominions.  Pleasure  was  still  the  only  business  of  Maxentius. 
Concealing,  or  at  least  attempting  to  conceal,  from  the  public 
knowledge  the  misfortunes  of  his  arms,^"  he  indulged  himself 
in  a  vain  confidence,  which  deferred  the  remedies  of  the  ap- 
proaching evil,  without  deferring  the  evil  itself.*^'  The  rapid 
progress  of  Constantino ^'^  was  scarcely  sufficient  to  awaken 
him  from  this  falal  security  ;  he  flattered  himself,  that  his 
well-known  liberality,  and  the  majesty  of  the  Roman  name, 
which  had  already  delivered  him  from  two  invasions,  would 
dissipate  with  the  same  facility  the  rebellious  army  of  Gaul. 
The  officers  of  experience  and  ability,  who  had  served  under 
the  banners  of  Maximian,  were  at  length  compelled  to  inform 
his  effeminate  son  of  the  imminent  danger  to  which  he  was 

**  They  wanted  chains  for  so  great  a  multitude  of  captives ;  and 
the  whole  council  Avas  at  a  loss ;  but  tlie  sagacious  conqueror  imagined 
the  happy  expedient  of  converting  into  fetters  the  swords  of  the  van- 
quished.    Panegyr.  Vet.  ix.  II. 

*»  Panegyr.  Vet.  ix.  10. 

*"  Literas  calamitatum  suarum  indices  supprimebat.  Panegyr.  Vet. 
jt.  15. 

'*  lieinedia  malorum  potius  quam  mala  ditforebat,  is  the  fine  cen- 
iure  which  Taci  ;us  passes  on  the  supine  indolence  of  Vitellius. 

•*  The  Manjuis  ^laffei  has  made  it  extremely  probable  that  Con 
Ftantine  was  still  at  Verona,  the   1st  of  September,  A.  D.  312,  and 
thai  the  memoraMe  Kra  of  the  ind'ctions  was  dated  fiom  his  conquesJ 
01  ihe  Cisalpint  Gaul. 


480  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALi. 

reduced ;  and,  witli  a  freedom  thai  at  once  surprised  and 
convinced  him,  io  urge  the  necessity  of  preventing  his  ruin, 
by  a  vigorous  exertion  of  his  remaining  power.  The  resources 
«»f  Maxentius,  both  of  men  and  money,  were  still  considerable. 
The  Praetorian  guards  felt  how  strongly  their  own  interest  and 
safety  were  connected  with  his  cause;  and  a  third  army  was 
soon  collected,  more  numerous  than  those  which  had  beer 
lost  in  the  battles  of  Turin  and  Verona.  It  was  far  from  tho 
intention  of  the  emperor  to  lead  his  troops  in  person.  A 
stranger  to  the  exercises  of  war,  he  trembled  at  the  appre 
hension  of  so  dangerous  a  contest ;  and  as  fear  is  commonly 
superstitious,  he  listened  with  melancholy  attention  to  ,the 
rumors  of  omens  and  presages  which  seemed  to  menace  his 
life  and  empire.  Shame  at  length  supplied  the  place  of 
courage,  and  forced  him  to  take  the  field.  He  was  unable  to 
sustam  the  contempt  of  the  Roman  people.  The  circus 
resounded  with  their  indignant  clamors,  and  they  tumultuously 
besieged  the  gates  of  the  palace,  reproaching  the  pusilla- 
nimity of  their  indolent  sovereign,  and  celebrating  the  heroic 
spirit  of  Constantine.^3  Before  Maxentius  left  Rome,  he 
consulted  the  Sibylline  books.  The  guardians  of  these  ancient 
oracles  were  as  well  versed  in  the  arts  of  this  world  as  they 
were  ignorant  of  the  secrets  of  fate  ;  and  they  returned  him 
a  very  prudent  answer,  which  might  adapt  itself  to  the 
event,  and  secure  their  reputation,  whatever  should  be  the 
chance  of  arms.^"* 

The  celerity  of  Constantine's  march  has  been  compared  to 
the  rapid  conquest  of  Italy  by  the  first  of  the  Csesars  ;  nor  is 
the  flattering  parallel  repugnant  to  the  truth  of  history,  since 
no  more  than  fifty-eight  days  elapsed  between  the  surrender 
of  Verona  and  the  final  decision  of  the  war.  Constantine 
had  always  apprehended  that  the  tyrant  would  consult  tho 
dictates  of  fear,  and  perhaps  of  prudence ;  and  that,  instead 
of  risking  his  last  hopes  in  a  general  engagement,  he  would 
shut  himself  up  within  the  walls  of  Rome.  His  ample  mag- 
azines secured  him  against  the  danger  of  famine  ;  and  as  the 
situation  of  Constantine  admitted  not  of  delay,  he  might  have 
been  reduced  to  the  sad  necessity  of  destroying  with  fire  and 
■word  the  Imperial  city,  the  noblest   reward  of  his  victory, 

"  See  Panegyr.  Vet.  xi.  16.     lisctantius  de  M.  P.  c.  44. 
•*  Hlo  die  hostem  Ilomanorum  esse  periturum.     The  vanquijllidd 
prince  became  of  course  the  enemy  of  Rome. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  ISV 

ana  the  deliverance  of  which  had  been  the  motive,  or  rather 
indeed  the  pretence,  of  the  civil  war.^^  It  was  with  equal 
surprise  and  pleasure,  that  on  his  arrival  at  a  place  called 
Saxa  Rubra,  about  nine  miles  from  Rome,''^  he  discovered 
Ihe  army  of  Muxentius  prepared  to  give  him  battle.^''  Their 
long  front  filled  a  very  spacious  plain,  and  their  deep  array 
reached  to  the  banks  of  the  Tyber,  which  covered  their  rear 
and  forbade  their  retreat.  We  are  informed,  and  we  may 
believe,  that  Constantino  disposed  his  troops  with  consummate 
skill,  and  that  he  chose  for  himself  the  post  of  honor  and 
danger.  Distinguished  by  the  splendor  of  his  arms,  he 
charged  in  person  the  cavalry  of  his  rival  ;  and  his  irresist- 
ible attack  determined  the  fortune  of  the  day.  The  cavalry 
of  Maxentius  was  principally  composed  either  of  unwieldy 
cuirassiers,  or  of  light  Moors  and  Numidians.  They  yielded 
to  the  vigor  of  the  Gallic  horse,  which  possessed  more  activ- 
ity than  the  one,  more  firmness  than  the  other.  The  defeat 
of  the  two  wings  left  the  infantry  witliout  any  |)rotection  on  its 
flanks,  and  the  undisciplined  Italians  lied  without  reluctance 
from  the  standard  of  a  tyrant  whom  they  had  always  hated, 
and  whom  they  no  longer  feared.  The  Pr.etorians,  conscious 
that  their  ofiences  were  beyond  the  reach  of  mercy,  were 
animated  by  revenge  and  despair.  Notwithstanding  their 
repeated  efforts,  those  brave  veterans  were  unable  to  recover 
the  victory  :  they  obtamed,  however,  an  honorable  death  ; 
and  it  was  observed  that  their  bodies  covered  the  same  ground 
which  had  been  occupied  by  their  ranks."^"  The  confusion 
then  became  general,  and  the  dismayed  troops  of  Maxentius, 
pursued   by  an   implacable  enemy,  rushed    by  thousands  into 


'*  See  Pancgyr,  Vet,  ix.  16,  x.  27.  The  former  of  these  orators 
magnifies  the  hoards  of  com,  which  Maxentius  had  coUei'ted  from 
Africa  and  the  Ishinds.  And  yet,  if  there  is  any  truth  in  the  scarcity 
mentioned  by  Eusebius,  (in  Vit.  Constautin.  1.  i.  c.  36,)  the  Imperial 
granaries  must  have  been  open  only  to  the  soldiers. 

••'*  Maxentius  .   .  .  tandem  urbc  in  Saxa  Rubra,  raillia  fcrraenovem 
B>^errime   progrcssus.      Aurelius    Victor.      See    Ccllarius    (ioograph 
A  nti'i-  torn.  i.  p.  4()3.     Saxa  Rubra  was  in   the  neighborhood  of  the 
Crumcra,  a  tiitling  rivulet,  illustrated  by  the  valor  and  glorious  death 
of  the  three  hundred  Fabii. 

•'  The  post  which  Maxentius  had  taken,  with  the  Tyber  in  his  rear, 
ia  very  clearly  described  by  the  two  raucgyrists,  ix.  l(j,  x.  '^8. 

**  Kxceptis  latrocinii  ilhus  primis  aucLoribus,  qui  desperatd  veniA, 
locom  qucni  pugua;  sumpaeraui  texere  eorporibud.  l*ane(:yr  Vet 
U.  17. 

23* 


482  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

the  deep  and  rapid  stream  of  the  Tyber.  Tlie  cmpeior  him- 
Belf  attempted  to  escape  back  into  the  city  over  the  Milvian 
bridge  ;  but  the  crowds  which  pressed  together  through  that 
narrow  passage  forced  him  into  the  river,  where  he  was  im- 
mediately drowned  by  the  weight  of  his  armor.*^^  H'.s  body, 
which  had  sunk  very  deep  into  the  mud,  was  found  with  somo 
difficuhy  the  next  day.  The  sight  of  his  head,  when  it  waa 
exposed  to  the  eyes  of  the  people,  convinced  them  of  their 
deliverance,  and  admonished  them  to  receive  with  acclama- 
tions of  loyalty  and  gratitude  the  fortunate  Constantine,  who 
thus  achieved  by  his  valor  and  ability  the  most  splendid  enter- 
prise of  his  life.^° 

In  the  use  of  victory,  Constantine  neither  deserved  the 
praise  of  clemency,  nor  incurred  the  censure  of  immoderate 
rigor.'^i  He  inflicted  the  same  treatment  to  which  a  defeat 
would  have  exposed  his  own  person  and  family,  put  to  death 
the  two  sons  of  the  tyrant,  and  carefully  extirpated  his  whole 

*'  A  very  idle  rumor  soon  prevailed,  that  Maxentius,  who  had  not 
taVen  any  precaution  for  his  own  retreat,  had  contrived  a  very  artful 
enare  to  destroy  the  army  of  the  pursuers  ;  but  that  the  wooden  bridge, 
which  was  to  have  been  loosened  on  the  approach  of  Constantine, 
unluckily  broke  down  under  the  weight  of  the  Hying  Italians.  M.  de 
Tillemont  (Hist,  des  Empereurs,  torn.  iv.  part  i.  p.  576)  very  seri- 
ously examines  whether,  in  contradiction  to  common  sense,  the  ta«»i- 
mony  of  EVisebius  and  Zosimus  ought  to  prevail  over  the  silence  of 
Lactantius,  Nazarius,  and  the  anonymous,  but  contemporary  orator, 
who  composed  the  ninth  Panegyric* 

'"  Zosimus,  1.  ii.  p.  86—88,  and  the  two  Panegyrics,  the  former  of 
which  was  pronounced  a  few  months  afterwards,  afford  the  clearest 
notion  of  this  great  battle.  Lactantius,  Eusebius,  and  even  the  Epit- 
omes, supply  several  useful  hints. 

"  Zosimus,  the  enemy  of  Constantino,  allows  (1.  ii.  p.  88)  that 
only  a  few  of  the  friends  of  Maxentius  were  put  to  death  ;  but  we 
may  remark  the  expressive  passage  of  Nazarius,  (PanegAT.  Vet.  x.  6,) 
Omnibus  qui  labefactari  statum  ejus  poterant  cum  stirpe  deletis.t' 
The  other  orator  (Pancgyr.  Vet.  ix.  20,  21)  contents  himself  with 
observing,  that  Constantine,  when  he  entered  Konic,  did  not  imitate 
the  cruel  massacres  of  Cinna,  of  ^larius,  or  of  Sylla. 


•  Manso  (Beylage,  vi.)  examines  the  question,  and  adduces  two  manl- 
iest allusions  to  the  bridge,  from  the  Life  of  Constantine  by  Praxagorus 
and  from  Libanius.  Is  it  not  very  prob;ibk>  that  such  a  bridge  was  thrown 
ovei  the  river  to  facilitate  the  advance,  and  to  secure  the  retieat,  of  the 
iLrm\  of  Maxentius  ?  In  case  of  defeat,  orders  were  given  for  aestroying 
It,  in  order  to  check  the  pursuit:  it  broke  down  accidentally,  rr  in  the  con- 
fusion wiis  destroyed,  as  has  not  unfrequently  been  the  case,  before  the 
propei  time.  —  M. 

I    This  iiiii.)  refer  to  tLe  son  or  sons  of  Maxentius.  --  M. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  483 

race.  The  most  distinguisHbd  adherents  of  Maxentius  musf 
have  expected  to  share  his  fate,  as  tliey  had  sliared  his  pros 
parity  and  his  crimes  ;  but  when  the  Roman  people  loudly 
demanded  a  greater  number  of  victims,  the  conqueror  resisted, 
with  firmness  and  humanity,  those  servile  clamors,  which  were 
dictated  by  flattery  as  well  as  by  resentment.  Informers  were 
punished  and  discouraged  ;  th(!  innocent,  who  had  sulfered 
under  the  late  tyranny,  were  recalled  from  exile,  and  restored 
to  their  estates.  A  general  act  of  oblivion  quieted  the  minds 
and  settled  the  property  of  the  people,  both  in  Italy  and  in 
Africa.7'^  The  first  time  that  Constantine  honored  the  senate 
with  his  presence,  he  recapitulated  his  own  services  and  ex- 
ploits in  a  modest  oration,  assured  that  illustrious  order  of  hia 
sincere  regard,  and  promised  to  reestablish  its  ancient  dignity 
and  privileges.  The  grateful  senate  repaid  these  unmeaning 
professions  by  the  empty  titles  of  honor,  which  it  was  yet  in 
their  power  to  bestow ;  and  without  presuming  to  ratify  tho 
authority  of  Constantine,  they  passed  a  decree  to  assign  him 
the  first  rank  among  the  three  Augusti  who  governed  the  lio- 
man  world.'^-^  Games  and  festivals  were  instituted  to  preserve 
the  fame  of  his  victory,  and  several  edifices,  raised  at  the  ex- 
pense of  Maxentius,  were  dedicated  to  the  honor  of  his  suc- 
cessful rival.  The  triumphal  arch  of  Constantine  still  remains 
a  melancholy  proof  of  the  decline  of  the  arts,  and  a  singular 
testimony  of  the  meanest  vanity.  As  it  was  not  possible  to 
find  in  the  capital  of  the  empire  a  sculptor  who  was  caj)able 
of  adorning  that  public  monument,  the  arch  of  Trajan,  with- 
out any  respect  either  for  his  memory  or  for  the  ruies  of  pro- 
priety, was  stripped  of  its  most  elegant  figures.  The  diifer- 
ence  of  times  and  persons,  of  actions  and  characters,  was 
totally  disregarded.  The  Parthian  captives  appear  prostrate 
at  the  feet  of  a  prince  who  never  carried  his  arms  beyond  the 
Euphrates  ;  and  curious  antiquarians  can  still  discover  the 
head  of  Trajan  on  the  trophies  of  Constantine.  The  new 
ornaments  which  it  was  necessary  to  introduce  between  the 
vacancies  of  ancient  sculpture  are  executed  in  the  rudest  and 
most  unskilful  manner.^'* 

'*  See  the  two  Pancojyrics,  and  the  hiws  of  this  and  the  ensuing 
yoar,  in  the  Theodosiau  Code. 

"  Pane{,'yr.  Vet.  i.\.  20.  Lactantius  dc  M.  P.  c.  44.  Maxiniin, 
who  was  confessedly  tho  cklest  Ca-sar,  claimed,  with  some  show  of 
reaton,  the  first  rank  among  the  Augusti. 

'*  Adhuc  cuncta   opera  qua-  magnitice  eonstruvcrat,  urbi.i  farum, 


484  THE   DECLINE    AND    FALL 

The  final  abolition  of  ihe  Prcotorian  guards  was  a  measure 
of  prudence  as  well  as  of  revenge.  Those  haughty  troops, 
whose  numbers  and  privileges  had  bees  restored,  and  even 
augmented,  by  Maxentius,  were  forever  suppressed  by  Con- 
stantine.  Their  fortified  camp  was  destroyed,  and  the  few 
Prajtorians  who  had  escaped  the  fury  of  the  sword  were  dis- 
persed among  the  legions,  and  banished  to  the  frontiers  of  the 
empire,  where  they  might  be  serviceable  without  again  becom 
ing  dangerous.'^  By  suppressing  the  troops  which  were 
usually  stationed  in  Rome,  Constantine  gave  the  fatal  blow  to 
the  dignity  of  the  senate  and  people,  and  the  disarmed  capital 
was  exposed  without  protection  to  the  insults  or  neglect  of  its 
distant  master.  We  may  observe,  that  in  this  last  effort  to 
oreserve  their  expiring  freedom,  the  Romans,  from  the  appro 
nension  of  a  tribute,  had  raised  Maxentius  to  the  throne.  He 
exacted  that  tribute  from  the  senate  under  the  name  of  a  free 
gift.  They  implored  the  assistance  of  Constantine.  He  van- 
quished the  tyrant,  and  converted  the  free  gift  into  a  perpetual 
tax.  The  senators,  according  to  the  declaration  which  was 
required  of  their  property,  were  divided  into  several  classes. 
The  most  opulent  paid  annually  eight  pounds  of  gold,  the 
next  class  paid  four,  the  last  two,  and  those  whose  poverty 
might  have  claimed  an  exemption,  were  assessed,  however,  at 
seven  pieces  of  gold.  Besides  tne  regular  members  of  the 
senate,  their  sons,  their  descendants,  and  even  their  relations, 
enjoyed  the  vain  privileges,  and  supported  the  heav*  burdens, 
ol  the  senatorial  order;  nor  will  it  any  longer  excite  our  sur- 
prise, that  Constantine  should  be  attentive  to  increase  the 
number  of  persons  who  were  included  under  so  useful  a  de- 
scription."^    After   the    defeat  of   Maxentius,   the    victorious 

atque  basLlicam,  Flavii  meritis  patres  sacraverc.  Aurelius  Victor. 
With  regard  to  the  theft  of  Trajan's  trophies,  consult  Flaminiua 
Vacca,  apud  Montfaucon,  Diarium  Italicum,  p.  250,  and  I'Antiquit^ 
Expliquce  of  the  latter,  torn.  iv.  p.  171. 

'*  Prajtoriae  legiones   ac   subsidia   factionibus    aptiora  quam    urbi 
Boms,  sublata  pcnitus ;  simul  arma  atque  usus  indumcnti  militaris 
Aurelius  "Victor.     Zosimus  (1.  ii.  p.  89)  mentions  this  fact  as  an  histo 
riAn,  and  it  is  very  pompously  celebrated  in  the  ninth  Panegyric. 

*•  Ex  omnibus  provincus  optimates  viros  Curia;  tuae  pigneravcris 
nt  Senatiis  dignitas  ....  ex  totius  Orbis  tlore  consisterct.  Naza 
rius  in  I'anegyr.  Vet.  x.  35.  The  word  pigneraveris  might  almost 
■com  maliciously  chosen.  Concerning  the  senatorial  tax,  see  Zosi 
mus,  1.  ii.  p.  116,  the  second  title  of  the  sixth  book  of  the  Theodo 
wan  Code,  with  Goacfroy's  Commentary,  and  Mcmoinn  de  I'Acurtt 
Hue  des  Liscriptions,  tom.  xxviii.  p.  726. 


OF    THK    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  48& 

emperor  passed  no  more  than  two  or  three  months  in  Rome, 
wliich  he  visited  twice  during  the  remainder  of  his  life,  to 
eelebnite  the  solemn  festivals  of  the  tenth  and  of  the  twentieth 
years  of  his  reign.  Constantine  was  almost  perpetually  in 
motion,  to  exercise  the  legions,  or  to  inspect  the  state  of  the 
provinces.  Treves,  Milan,  Aquileia,  Sirmium,  Naissus,  and 
Thessalonica,  were  the  occasional  places  of  his  residence,  till 
he  founded  a  new  Rome  on  the  confines  of  Europe  and  Asif»7' 
Before  Constantine  marched  into  Italy,  he  had  secured  the 
friendship,  or  at  least  the  neutrality,  of  Licinius,  the  lllyrian 
emperor.  He  had  promised  his  sister  Constantia  in  marriage 
to  that  prince  ;  but  the  celebration  of  the  nuptials  was  deferred 
till  after  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  and  the  interview  of  the 
two  emperors  at  Milan,  which  was  appointed  for  that  purpose, 
appeared  to  cement  the  union  of  their  families  and  interests.''^ 
In  the  midst  of  the  public  festivity  they  were  suddenly  obliged 
to  take  leave  of  each  other.  An  inroad  of  the  F' ranks  sum- 
moned Constantine  to  the  Rhine,  and  the  hostile  approach  of 
the  sovereign  of  Asia  demanded  the  immediate  presence  <»f 
Licinius.  Maximin  had  been  the  secret  ally  of  Maxentius, 
and  without  being  discouraged  by  his  fate,  he  resolved  to  try 
the  fortune  of  a  civil  war.  He  moved  out  of  Syria,  towards 
the  frontiers  of  Bithynia,  in  the  dei)th  of  winter.  The  season 
was  severe  and  tempestuous ;  great  numbers  of  men  as  well 
as  horses  perished  in  the  snow  ;  and  as  the  roads  were  broken, 
up  by  incessant  rains,  he  was  obliged  to  leave  behind  liiu)  a 
considerable  part  of  the  heavy  baggage,  which  was  unable  to 
follow  the  rapidity  of  his  forced  marches.  By  this  extraor- 
dinary effort  of  diligence,  he  arrived,  with  a  harassed  but  for- 
midable army,  on  the  banks  of  the  Thracian  Bosphorus  before 
the  lieutenants  of  Licinius  were  apprised  of  his  hostile  inten- 
tions. Byzantium  surrendered  to  the  power  of  Maximin,  after 
a  siege  of  eleven  days.  He  was  detained  some  days  under 
the  walls  of  Heraclea  ;  and  he  had  no  sooner  taken  possession 


"  From  the  Theodosian  Code,  we  may  now  begin  to  trace  the 
motions  of  the  emperors  ;  but  the  dates  both  of  time  and  place  have 
frequently  been  altered  by  the  carelessness  of  transcribers. 

'*  Zosimus  (1.  ii.  p.  89)  observes,  that  before  the  war  the  sister  of 
Constantino  had  been  betrothed  to  Licinius.  According  to  the  younger 
Victor,  Diocletian  was  invited  to  the  nuptials ;  but  having  ventured 
to  plead  his  age  and  intirmities,  he  received  a  second  letter,  tilled  with 
reproaches  for  his  supposed  partiality  to  the  cause  of  Maxentius  and 
Viiximin. 


186  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALI. 

of  thai  city,  than  he  was  alarmed  by  the  intelligence,  that 
Licinius  had  pitched  his  camp  at  the  distance  of  only  eighteen 
miles.  After  a  fruitless  negotiation,  in  which  the  two  princes 
nttempted  to  seduce  the  fidelity  of  each  othcr''s  adherents, 
they  had  recourse  to  arms.  The  emperor  of  the  East  com- 
manded a  disciplined  and  veteran  army  of  above  seventy 
thousand  men  ;  and  Licinius,  who  had  collected  about  thirty 
thousand  Illyrians,  was  at  first  oppressed  by  the  superiority  of 
numbers.  His  militar}''  skill,  and  the  firmness  of  his  troops, 
restored  the  day,  and  obtained  a  decisive  victory.  The  incred- 
ible speed  which  Maximin  exerted  in  his  flight  is  much  more 
celebrated  than  his  prowess  in  the  battle.  Twenty-four  hours 
afterwards  he  was  seen,  pale,  trembling,  and  without  his  Im- 
perial ornaments,  at  Nicomcdia,  one  hundred  and  sixty  miles 
from  the  place  of  his  defeat.  The  wealth  of  Asia  was  yet 
unexhausted  ;  and  though  the  flower  of  his  veterans  had  fallen 
in  the  late  action,  he  had  still  power,  if  he  could  obtain  time, 
to  draw  very  numerous  levies  from  Syria  and  Egypt.  But 
he  survived  his  misfortune  only  three  or  four  months.  His 
death,  which  happened  at  Tarsus,  was  variously  ascribed  to 
despair,  to  poison,  and  to  the  divine  justice.  As  Maximin 
was  alike  destitute  of  abilities  and  of  virtue,  he  was  lamented 
neither  by  the  people  nor  by  the  soldiers.  The  provinces  of 
the  East,  delivered  from  the  terrors  of  civil  war,  cheerfully 
acknowledged  the  authority  of  Licinius.'^ 

The  vanquished  emperor  left  behind  him  two  children,  a  boy 
of  about  eight,  and  a  girl  of  about  seven,  years  old.  Their 
moffensive  age  might  have  excited  compassion  ;  but  the  com- 
passion of  Licinius  was  a  very  feeble  resource,  nor  did  if 
restrain  him  from  extinguishing  the  name  and  memory  of  his 
adversary.  The  death  of  Severianus  will  admit  of  less  excuse, 
as  it  was  dictated  neither  by  revenge  nor  by  policy.  The 
conqueror  had  never  received  any  injury  from  the  father  of 
that  unhappy  youth,  and  the  short  and  obscure  reign  of  Seve- 
rus,  in  a  distant  part  of  the  empire,  was  already  forgotten. 
Ihit  the  execution  of  Candidianus  was  an  act  of  the  blackest 
cruelty  and  ingratitude.  He  was  the  natural  son  of  Galerius, 
the   friend  and  benefactor  of  Licinius.     The  prudent  father 

'*  Zosimus  mentions  the  defeat  and  death  of  Maximin  as  ordinary 
events;  but  Jiactantius  expatiates  on  them,  (de  M.  ]'.  c.  46 — 50,)  as- 
ciibing  them  to  the  miraculous  interposition  of  Heaven.  Licinius  at 
tliat  time  was  one  of  the  protectors  of  the  church. 


OP    THE    RO.MAN    EMPIRE.  487 

nad  judged  hiin  too  young  to  sustain  the  weight  of  a  diadem  ; 
but  he  hoped  that,  under  the  protection  of  princes  who  were 
indebted  to  his  favor  for  the  Imperial  purple,  Candidianus 
might  pass"  a  secure  and  honorable  life.  He  was  now  ad- 
vancing towards  the  twentieth  year  of  his  age,  and  the  royalty 
of  his  birth,  though  unsupported  either  by  merit  or  ambition, 
was  sufficient  to  exasperate  the  jealous  mind  of  Licinius.^'^ 
To  these  innocent  and  illustrious  victims  of  his  tyranny,  we 
must  add  the  wife  and  daughter  of  the  emperor  Diocletian. 
When  that  prince  conferred  on  Galerius  the  title  of  Cajsar,  he 
had  given  him  in  marriage  his  daughter  Valeria,  whose  melan- 
choly adventures  might  furnish  a  very  singular  subject  foi 
tragedy.  She  had  fulfilled  and  even  surpassed  the  duties  ol'  a 
wife.  As  she  had  not  any  children  herself,  she  condescenil(;d 
to  adopt  the  illegitimate  son  of  her  husband,  and  invariably 
displayed  towards  the  unhappy  Candidianus  the  tenderness 
and  anxiety  of  a  real  mother.  After  the  death  of  Galerius, 
her  ample  possessions  provoked  the  avarice,  and  her  personal 
attractions  excited  the  desires,  of  his  successor,  Maximin.^' 
He  had  a  wife  still  alive ;  but  divorce  was  permitted  by  the 
Roman  law,  and  the  fierce  passions  of  the  tyrant  demanded 
an  immediate  gratification.  The  answer  of  Valeria  was  such 
as  became  the  daughter  and  widow  of  emperors ;  but  it  was 
tempered  by  the  prudence  which  her  defenceless  condition 
compelled  her  to  observe.  She  represented  to  the  persons 
whom  Maximin  had  employed  on  this  occasion,  "  that  even  if 
honor  could  permit  a  woman  of  her  character  and  dignity  to 
entertain  a  thought  of  second  nuptials,  decency  at  least  must 
forbid  her  to  listen  to  his  addresses  at  a  time  when  the  ashes 
of  her  husband  and  his  benefactor  were  still  warm,  and  while 
the  sorrows  of  her  mind  were  still  expressed  by  her  mourning 
garments.     She  ventured  to  declare,  that  she  could  place  very 

'"  Lactantius  de  M.  P.  c.  50.  Aurclius  Victor  touches  on  the 
different  conduct  of  Licinius,  and  of  Constautine,  in  the  use  of 
victory. 

"'  The  sensual  appetites  of  Maximin  were  gratified  at  the  expense 
of  his  subjects.  His  eunuchs,  who  forced  away  wives  and  virjj;ins, 
examined  their  naked  charms  with  anxious  curiosity,  lest  any  part  of 
their  body  should  be  found  unworthy  of  the  royal  embraces.  Coy- 
ness and  disdain  were  considered  as  treason,  and  the  obstinate  fait 
one  was  condemned  to  be  drowned.  A  custom  was  gradually  intro- 
duced, that  no  j)crson  should  marry  a  wife  without  the  permission  of 
the  emperor,  "  ut  ipse  in  omnibus  nuptlLs  pra;gustator  essct."  Lac- 
Untius  (10  M.  V.  c.  3S, 


48b  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

little  confidence  in  the  professions  of  a  man  whose  cruc 
inconstancy  was  capable  of  repudiating  a  faithful  and  affec- 
tionate wife."  S2  On  this  repulse,  the  love  of  Maximin  was 
converted  into  fury;  and  as  witnesses  and  judges  were  always 
at  his  disposal,  it  was  easy  for  him  to  cover  his  fury  with  an 
appearance  of  legal  proceedings,  and  to  assault  the  reputation 
as  well  as  the  happiness  of  Valeria.  Her  estates  were  confis- 
cated, her  eunuchs  and  domestics  devoted  to  the  most  inhuman 
tortures  ;  and  several  innocent  and  respectable  matrons,  who 
were  honored  with  her  friendship,  suffered  death,  on  a  false 
accusation  of  adultery.  The  empress  herself,  together  witb 
her  mother  Prisca,  was  condemned  to  exile;  and  as  they 
were  ignominiously  hurried  from  place  to  place  before  they 
were  confined  to  a  sequestered  village  in  the  deserts  of  Syria 
they  exposed  their  shame  and  distress  to  the  provinces  of  the 
East,  which,  during  thirty  years,  had  respected  their  august 
dignity.  Diocletian  made  several  ineffectual  efforts  to  allevi- 
ate the  misfortunes  of  his  daughter ;  and,  as  the  last  return 
that  he  (expected  for  the  Imperial  purple,  which  he  had  con- 
ferred upon  Maximin,  he  entreated  that  Valeria  might  be 
permitted  to  share  his  r  rement  of  Salona,  and  to  close  the 
eyes  of  her  afllicted  father.^-'  He  entreated ;  but  as  he  could 
no  longer  threaten,  his  prayers  were  received  with  coldness 
and  disdain  ;  and  the  pride  of  Maximin  was  gratified,  in  treat- 
ing Diocletian  as  a  suppliant,  and  his  daughter  as  a  criminal. 
The  death  of  Maximin  seemed  to  assure  the  empresses  of  a 
favorable  alteration  in  their  fortune.  The  public  disorders 
relaxed  the  vigilance  of  their  guard,  and  they  easily  found 
means  to  escape  from  the  place  of  their  exile,  and  to  repair, 
though  with  some  precaution,  and  in  disguise,  to  the  court  of 
Licinius.  His  behavior,  in  the  first  days  of  his  reign,  and  the 
honorable  reception  which  he  gave  to  young  Candidianus, 
inspired  Valeria  with  a  secret  satisfaction,  both  on  her  own 
account  and  on  that  of  her  adopted  son.  But  these  grateful 
prospects  were  soon  succeeded  by  horror  and  astonishment ; 
and  the  bloody  executions  which  stained  the  palace  of  NicO- 
media  sufficiently  convinced  her  that  the  throne  of  Maximin 


*"'  Lactantius  de  M.  P.  c.  39. 

"'  Dioclctiiin  at  last  sent  cognatiim   suum,  quondam   militarcm  w 

Kotentcm  viruin,  to  intercede  in  favor  of  his  daughter,  (I^a(;tantiu.s  df 
I.  P.  c.  41.)     We  are  not  sufHciently  aotjuaintcd  with  the  historv  o\ 
thciiC  times  to  point  out  the  jjcrsoi^  who  wa.s  employed. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMFIBE.  4^J> 

was  filled  by  a  tyiant  more  inhuman  than  himself.  Valeria 
consulted  her  safety  by  a  hasty  flight,  and,  still  accompanied 
by  her  mother  Prisca,  they  wandered  above  fifteen  months  ^^ 
through  the  provinces,  concealed  in  the  disguise  of  plebeian 
habit?  They  were  at  length  discovered  at  Thessalonica;  and 
as  the  sentence  of  their  death  was  already  pronounced,  they 
were  immediately  beheaded,  and  their  bodies  thrown  into  the 
sea.  The  j)eople  gazed  on  the  melancholy  spectacle ;  but 
their  grief  and  indignation  were  suppressed  by  the  terrors  of  a 
military  guard.  Such  was  the  unworthy  fate  of  the  wife  and 
daughter  of  Diocletian.  We  lament  their  misfortunes,  wo 
cannot  discover  their  crimes;  and  whatever  idea  we  may 
j\  stly  entertain  of  the  cruelty  of  Licinius,  it  remains  a  matter 
of  surprise  that  he  was  not  contented  with  some  more  secret 
and  decent  method  of  revenge. ^^ 

The  Roman  world  was  now  divided  between  Constantine 
and  Licinius,  the  former  of  whom  was  master  of  the  West, 
and  the  latfcr  of  the  East.  It  might  perhaps  have  been  ex- 
pected that  the  conquerors,  fatigued  with  civil  war,  and  con- 
nected by  a  private  as  well  as  public  alliance,  would  have 
renounced,  or  at  least  would  have  suspended,  any  further 
designs  of  ambition.  And  yet  a  year  had  scarcely  elapsed 
ufter  the  death  of  Maximin,  before  the  victorious  emperors 
turned  their  arms  against  each  other.  The  genius,  the  suc- 
<:ess,  and  the  aspiring  temper  of  Constantine,  may  seem  to 
mark  him  out  as  the  aggressor;  but  the  perfidious  character 
of  Licinius  justifies  the  most  unfavorable  suspicions,  and  by 
the  faint  light  which  history  reflects  on  this  transaction,^'*  we 
may  discover  a  conspiracy  fomented  by  his  arts  against  the 
authority  of  his  colleague.     Constantine  had  lately  given  his 


**  Valeria  quoquc  per  varias  provinciaa  quindccim  mensibus  plcbeio 
ciiltft  pervagata.  Lactantius  de  M.  P.  c.  51.  There  is  some  doubt 
whether  we  should  compute  the  lifteeu  months  from  the  moment  of 
her  exile,  or  from  that  of  her  escape.  The  expression  of  pervagata 
seems  to  denote  the  latter ;  but  in  that  case  we  must  suppose  that  the 
treatise  of  Lactantius  was  written  after  the  first  civil  war  between 
Licinius  and  Constantine.     Sec  Cuper,  p.  2.54. 

**  Ita  illis  j)udicitia  et  conditio  cxitio  fuit.  Lactantius  de  M.  V,  c. 
CI.  He  relates  the  misfortune*  of  the  innocent  wife  and  daughter  of 
Diocletian  with  a  VQry  natural  mixture  of  pity  and  exultation. 

***  The  curious  reader,  who  consults  the  Valesian  fragment,  p.  713, 
will  probably  accuse  me  of  giving  a  bold  and  licentious  paraphrase  j 
Lilt  if  he  considers  it  with  attention,  he  will  acknowledge  that  my 
biterpietation  is  probable  and  coiisLstent. 


i9(J  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

sister  Anaslasia  in  marriage  toBas«iaiius,a  i^ian  of  a  consider 
able  family  and  fortune,  and  had  elevated  his  new  kinsman 
to  the  rank  of  Caesar.  According  to  the  system  of  govern- 
ment  instituted  by  Diocletian,  Italy,  and  perhaps  Africa,  were 
designed  for  his  department  in  the  empire.  But  the  perform- 
ance of  the  promised  favor  was  either  attended  with  so  much 
oe'.ay,  or  accompanied  with  so  many  unequal  conditions,  thar 
the  tideUty  of  Bassianus  was  alienated  rather  than  secured  b) 
the  honorable  distinction  which  he  had  obtained.  His  nomi- 
nation had  been  ratified  by  the  consent  of  Licinius  ;  and  that 
artful  prince,  by  the  means  of  his  emissaries,  soon  contrived 
to  enter  into  a  secret  and  dangerous  correspondence  with  the 
new  Csesar,  to  irritate  his  discontents,  and  to  urge  him  to  the 
rash  enterprise  of  extorting  by  violence  what  he  might  in 
vain  solicit  from  the  justice  of  Constantino.  But  the  vigilant 
emperor  discovered  the  conspiracy  before  it  was  ripe  for  exe- 
cution ;  and  after  solemnly  renouncing  the  alliance  of  Bassi- 
anus, despoiled  him  of  the  purple,  and  inflicted  the  deserved 
punishment  on  his  treason  and  ingratitude.  The  haughty 
refusal  of  Licinius,  when  he  was  required  to  deliver  up  the 
criminals  who  had  taken  refuge  in  his  dominions,  confirmed 
the  suspicions  already  entertained  of  his  perfidy  ;  and  the 
indignities  offered  at  iEmona,  on  the  frontiers  of  Italy,  to  the 
statues  of  Constantine,  became  the  signal  of  discord  between 
the  two  princes.^^ 

The  first  battle  was  fought  near  Cibalis,  a  city  of  Pannonia, 
situated  on  the  River  Save,  about  fifty  miles  above  Sirmi- 
um.^^  From  the  inconsiderable  forces  which  in  this  impor- 
tant contest  two  such  powerful  monarchs  brought  into  the  lield, 
it  may  be  inferred  that  the  one  was  sgddenly  provoked,  and 
that  the  other  was  unexpectedly  surprised.  The  einperoi  of 
the  West  had  only  twenty  thousand,  and  the  sovereign  of  the 


8"  The  situation  of  JEmona,  or.  as  it  is  now  called,  Laybach.  in  Car- 
niola,  (D'Anvilie,  Geograpliie  Ancicnnc,  torn.  i.  p.  1H7,)  may  suKt;vst  a 
ConJL'ctiiri".  As  it  lay  to  the  north  east  of  the  Julian  Alps,  that  nni)()r- 
tant  territory  beeanie  a  natural  object  of  dispute  between  the  sover- 
eigns of  Italy  and  ot   lUyricum. 

»»  Cibalis  or  Cibalae  (whose  name  is  still  preserved  in  the  obscure 
ruins  of  Swilei)  was  situated  about  tifty  miles  from  Sirmium,  t'le 
capital  of  lUvricum,  and  about  one  hundred  from  'raurunum,  or  Bel- 
grade, and  tiic  contlux  of  the  Danube  and  the  Save.  The  Uomaii 
garrisons  and  cities  on  those  rivers  are  tiuely  illustrated  )y  M.  d'Aii- 
villv.  in  a  njemo'.r  inserted  in  TAcademie  des  Inscriptions,  torn   xxnii 


OF    THE    R(.MAN    EMPIRE.  491 

East  no  moic  than  five  and  thirty  thousand,  men.  The  infe- 
riority of  number  was,  however,  compensated  by  the  advan- 
tage of  the  ground.  Constantino  had  taken  post  in  a  defile 
about  half  a  mile  in  breadth,  between  a  steep  hill  and  a  deep 
morass,  and  in  that  situation  he  steadily  expected  and  repulsed 
the  first  attack  of  the  enemy.  lie  pursued  his  success,  and 
advanced  into  the  plain.  But  the  veteran  legions  of  lUyricuin 
rillieil  under  the  standard  of  a  leader  who  had  been  trained  to 
uiins  in  the  school  of  Probns  and  Diocletian.  The  missile 
weapons  or  bolh  sides  were;  soon  exhausted  ;  the  two  armies, 
with  equal  valor,  rushed  to  a  closer  engagement  of  swords 
and  spears,  and  the  doubtful  contest  had  already  lasted  fron. 
the  dawn  of  the  day  to  a  late  hour  of  the  evening,  when  tho 
right  wing,  which  Constantine  led  in  person,  made  a  vigorous 
and  decisive  charge.  The  judicious  retreat  of  Licinius  saved 
the  remainder  of  his  troops  from  a  total  defeat ;  but  when  he 
computed  his  loss,  which  amounted  to  more  than  twenty  thou- 
sand men,  he  thought  it  unsafe  to  pass  the  night  in  the  pres- 
ence of  an  active  and  victorious  enemy.  Abandoning  his 
camp  and  magazines,  he  marched  away  with  secrecy  and  dil- 
igence at  the  head  of  the  greatest  part  of  his  cavalry,  and  was 
soon  removed  beyond  the  danger  of  a  pursuit.  His  diligence 
preserved  his  wife,  his  son,  and  his  treasures,  which  he  had 
deposited  at  Sirmium.  Licinius  passed  through  that  city,  and 
breaking  down  the  bridge  on  the  Save,  hastened  to  collect  a 
new  army  in  Dacia  and  Thrace.  In  his  flight  he  bestowed  tho 
precarious  title  of  Caesar  on  Valens,  his  general  of  the  Illyrian 
frontier.^9 

The  plain  of  Mardia  in  Thrace  was  the  theatre  of  a  second 
battle  no  less  obstinate  and  bloody  than  the  former.  The 
troops  on  both  sides  displayed  the  same  valoi  and  discipline  , 
and  the  victory  was  once  more  decided  by  the  superior  abili- 
ties of  Constantine,  who  directed  a  body  of  five  thousand  men 
lo  gain  an  advantageous  height,  from  whence,  during  the  heat 
of  the  action,  they  attacked  tlie  rear  of  the  enemy,  and  made 
a  very  considerable  slaughter.  The  troops  of  Licinius,  how- 
ever,  presenting  a  double  front,  still  maintained  their  ground, 
till    the    approach  of   night    put    an  end  to  the  combat,  and 


**  Zosimus  (\  n.  p.  90,  91)  gives  a  very  particular  account  of  thi« 
battle;  but  the  descriptions  of  Zofimus  are  rhetorical  rather  than 
nilitary 


492  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

secured  their  rjtreat  towards  the  mountains  of  Macedonia.^ 
The  loss  of  two  battles,  and  of  his  b.avest  veterans,  reduccid 
the  fierce  spirit  of  Licinius  to  sue  for  peace.  His  ambassador 
Mistrianus  was  admitted  to  the  audience  of  Constantine  :  he 
expatiated  on  the  common  topics  of  moderation  and  humanity 
which  are  so  familiar  to  the  eloquence  of  the  vanquished  ;  rep- 
resented in  the  most  insinuating  language,  that  the  event  of 
the  war  was  still  doubtful,  whilst  its  inevitable  calamities  were 
alike  pernicious  to  both  the  contending  parties ;  and  declared, 
that  he  was  authorized  to  propose  a  lasting  and  honorable 
peace  in  the  name  of  the  tjco  emperors  his  masters.  Constan- 
tine received  the  mention  of  Valens  with  indignation  and  con- 
tempt. "  It  was  not  for  such  a  purpose,"  he  sternly  replied, 
"  that  we  have  advanced  from  the  shores  of  the  western  ocean 
in  an  uninterrupted  course  of  combats  and  victories,  that,  after 
rejecting  an  ungrateful  kinsrtian,  we  should  accept  for  our 
colleague  a  contemptible  slave.  The  abdication  of  Valens  is 
the  first  article  of  the  treaty."  ^^  It  was  necessary  to  accept 
this  humiliating  condition ;  and  the  unhappy  Valens,  after  a 
reign  of  a  few  days,  was  deprived  of  the  purple  and  of  his  life. 
As  soon  as  this  obstacle  was  removed,  the  tranquillity  of  the 
Roman  world  was  easily  restored.  The  successive  defeats  of 
Licinius  had  ruined  his  forces,  but  they  had  displayed  hia 
courage  and  abilities.  His  situation  was  almost  desperate,  but 
the  efforts  of  despair  are  sometimes  formidable,  and  the  good 
sense  of  Constantine  preferred  a  great  and  certain  advantage 
to  a  third  trial  of  the  chance  of  arms.  He  consented  to  leave 
his  rival,  or,  as  he  again  styled  Licinius,  his  friend  and  brother, 
in  the  possession  of  Thrace,  Asia  Minor,  Syria,  and  Egypt ; 
but  the  provinces  of  Pannonia,  Dalmatia,  Dacia,  Macedonia, 
and  Greece,  were  yielded  to  the  Western  empire,  and  the 
dominions  of  Constantine  now  extended  from  the  confines  of 
Caledonia  to  the  extremity  of  Peloponnesus.    It  was  stipulated 

•^  Zosimua,  1.  ii.  p.  92,  93.  Anonym.  Valcsian.  p.  713.  The  Epit- 
omes furnish  some  circumstances  ;  but  they  frequently  confound  the 
two  wars  between  Licinius  and  Constantine. 

"  Petrus  I'atricius  in  Excerpt.  Legat.  p.  27.  If  it  should  be  thought 
that  ydfili(ios  signifies  more  properly  a  son-in-law,  wo  miglit  coi'jec- 
turc  that  Constantine,  assuming  the  name  as  well  as  the  duties  of  a 
father,  had  aciopted  his  younger  brothers  and  sisters,  the  children  of 
Theodora.  But  in  the  best  authors  yuii^'iyo;  sometimes  signifies  a  hus- 
band, sometimes  a  father-in-law,  and  sometimes  a  kinsman  in  gcneruL 
See  Spanheim,  Observat.  ad  Julian.  Otiit.  i.  p.  72.' 


or  THE  roMan  emi'ire.  VJ3 

by  the  same  treaty,  that  three  royal  youths,  the  sons  of  em- 
perors, should  be  ca/led  to  the  hopes  of  the  succession.  Cns- 
pus  and  the  young  Constantine  were  soon  afterwards  declared 
Caesars  in  the  West,  while  the  younger  Licinius  was  invested 
with  the  same  dignity  in  the  East.  In  this  double  proportion 
of  honors,  the  conqueror  asserted  the  superiority  of  his  arma 
and  power.^"-^ 

The  reconciliation  of  Constantine  and  Licinius,  though  it 
•was  imbittered  by  resentment  and  jealousy,  by  the  remem- 
brance of  recent  injuries,  and  by  the  apprehension  of  future 
dangers,  maintained,  however,  above  eight  years,  the  tran- 
quillity of  the  Roman  world.  As  a  very  regular  series  of  the 
Imperial  laws  commences  about  this  period,  it  would  not  be 
diflicult  to  transcribe  the  civil  regulations  which  employed  the 
leisure  of  Constantine.  But  the  most  important  of  his  insti- 
tutions are  intimately  connected  with  the  new  system  of  pol- 
icy and  religion,  which  was  not  perfectly  established  till  the 
last  and  peaceful  years  of  his  reign.  There  are  many  of  his 
laws,  which,  as  far  as  they  concern  the  rights  and  property 
of  individuals,  and  the  practice  of  the  bar,  are  more  properly 
referred  to  the  private  tiian  to  the  public  jurisprudence  of  the 
empire ;  and  he  published  many  edicts  of  so  local  and  tempo- 
rary a  nature,  that  they  would  ill  deserve  the  notice  of  a  gen- 
eral history.  Two  laws,  however,  may  be  selected  from  the 
crowd  ;  the  one  for  its  importance,  the  other  for  its  singular- 
ity ;  the  former  for  its  remarkable  benevolence,  the  latter  for 
its  excessive  severity.  1.  The  horrid  practice,  so  familiar  to 
the  ancients,  of  exposing  or  murdering  their  new-born  infants, 
was  become  every  day  more  frequent  in  the  provinces,  and 
especially  in  Italy.  It  was  the  effect  of  distress ;  and  the  dis- 
tress was  principally  occasioned  by  the  intolerable  burden  of 
taxes,  and  by  the  vexatious  as  well  as  cruel  prosecutions  of 
the  officers  of  the  revenue  against  their  insolvent  debtors. 
The  less  opulent  or  less  industrious  part  of  mankind,  instead 


"'  Zosimus,  1.  ii.  p.  93.  Anonym.  Valesian.  p.  713.  Eutropius,  x. 
V.  Aurelius  Victor,  Euseb.  in  C'hron.  Sozomcn,  1.  i.  c.  2.  Four  of 
these  writers  affirm  that  the  promotion  of  the  Caesars  was  an  article 
of  the  treaty.  It  is,  however,  certain,  that  the  younger  Constantine 
and  Licinius  were  not  yet  born ;  and  it  is  highly  probable  that  the 
promotion  was  made  the  1st  of  March,  A.  D.  317.  The  treaty  had 
probably  stipulated  that  the  two  Caesars  might  be  created  by  the 
western,  and  one  only  by  the  eastern  emperor;  but  ea<'h  of  them 
resei-vcd  to  himself  the  choice  of  the  persons. 


494  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALI 

of  rejoicing  in  an  increase  of  family,  deemed  it  an  act  of 
paternal  tenderness  to  release  their  children  from  the  impend- 
ing miseries  of  a  life  which  tliey  themselves  were  unable  to 
Bupport.  The  humanity  of  Constantine,  moved,  perhaps,  by 
some  recent  and  extraordinary  instances  of  despair,*  engaged 
him  to  address  an  edict  to  all  the  cities  of  Italy,  and  afterwards 
of  Africa,  directing  immediate  and  sufficient  relief  to  be  given 
to  those  parents  who  should  produce  before  the  magistrates 
the  children  whom  their  own  poverty  would  not  allow  them  tc 
educate.  But  the  promise  was  too  liberal,  and  the  provision 
too  vague,  to  effect  any  general  or  permanent  benefit-^^  The 
law,  though  it  may  merit  some  praise,  served  rather  to  display 
than  to  alleviate  the  public  distress.  It  still  remains  an 
authentic  monument  to  contradict  and  confound  those  venal 


»3  Codex  Thcodosian.  1.  xi.  tit.  27,  torn.  iv.  p.  188,  with  Godefroy'8 
observations.     See  likewise  1.  v.  tit.  7,  8. 


*  This  explanation  appears  to  me  little  probable.  Godefroy  has  made  a 
much  more  happy  conjecture,  supported  by  all  the  historical  circumstances 
which  relate  to  this  edict.  It  was  published  the  12th  of  May,  A.  D.  315, 
at  Naissus  in  Pannonia,  the  birthplace  of  Constantine.  The  8th  of  Octo- 
ber, in  that  year,  Constantine  gained  the  victory  of  Cibalis  over  Licinius. 
He  was  yet  uncertain  as  to  the  fate  of  the  war  :  the  Christians,  no  doubt, 
whom  he  favored,  had  prophesied  his  victory.  Lactantius,  then  prece^Jtor 
of  Crispus,  had  just  written  his  work  upon  Christianity,  (his  Divine  In- 
stitutes ;)  he  had  dedicated  it  to  Constantine.  In  tliis  book  he  had 
inveighed  with  great  force  against  infanticide,  and  the  e.\posure  of  infants, 
(1.  vi.  c.  20.)  Is  it  not  probable  that  Constantine  had  read  this  work,  that 
he  had  conversed  on  the  subject  with  Lactantius,  that  he  was  moved, 
among  other  things,  by  the  passage  to  which  I  have  referred,  and  in  the 
first  transport  of  his  enthusiasm,  he  published  the  edict  in  question  ?  The 
whole  of  the  edict  bears  the  character  of  precipitation,  of  excitement, 
(entrainement,)  rather  than  of  deliberate  reflection  —  the  extent  of  the 
promises,  the  indefiniteness  of  the  means,  of  the  conditions,  and  of  the 
time  during  which  the  parents  might  have  a  right  to  the  succor  of  the  state. 
Is  there  not  reason  to  believe  that  the  humanity  ©f  Constantine  was  excited 
by  tlie  influence  of  Lactantius,  by  that  of  the  principles  of  Christianity, 
and  of  the  Christians  themselves,  aheady  in  high  esteem  with  the  emperor, 
rather  than  by  some  ''extraordinary  instances  of ■  despair "  ?  ***  See 
Hegewisch,  Essai  Hist,  sur  Ics  Finances  Romaines. 

The  edict  for  Africa  was  not  published  till  322  :  of  that  we  may  say  in 
truth  that  its  origin  was  in  the  misery  of  the  times.  Africa  had  suffered 
much  from  the  cruelty  of  Maxentius.  Constantine  says  expressly,  that  he 
had  learned  that  parents,  under  the  pressure  of  distress,  were  there  selling 
their  children.  This  decree  is  more  distinct,  more  maturely  deliberated, 
than  the  former  ;  the  succor  which  was  to  be  given  to  the  parents,  and  the 
source  from  which  it  was  to  be  derived,  are  determined.  (Code  Theod.  L 
li.  tit.  27,  c.  2.)  If  the  direct  utility  of  these  laws  may  not  have  been 
very  extensive,  they  had  at  least  the  great  ^nd  happy  effect  of  establishing 
«  decisive  opposition  between  the  principles  of  the  government  and  tho»« 
•rhich,  to  this  time,  had  prevailed  among  the  subjects  of  the  empire.  —  G 


OF    THE    nc  MAN    EMPIRE.  495 

orators,  who  wero  too  well  satisfied  with  their  o\\  n  situation  ic 
discover  either  vice  or  misery  under  the  governmeui  ol'  a 
generous  sovereign.'-''*  2.  The  laws  of  Constantine  against 
rapes  were  dictated  with  very  little  indulgence  for  the  most 
amiable  weaknesses  of  human  nature  ;  since  the  description 
of  that  crime  was  applied  not  only  to  the  brutal  violence  which 
compelled,  but  even  to  the  gentle  seduction  which  might  per- 
suade, an  unmarried  woman,  under  the  age  of  twenty-five,  to 
leave  the  house  of  her  parents.  "  The  successful  ravisher 
was  punished  with  death  ;  and  as  if  sin)ple  death  was  inade- 
quate to  the  enormity  of  his  guilt,  he  was  either  burnt  aHve, 
or  torn  in  pieces  by  wild  beasts  in  the  amphitheatre.  The 
virgin's  declaration,  that  she  had  been  carried  away  with  her 
own  consent,  instead  of  saving  her  lover,  exposed  her  to  share 
his  fate.  The  duty  of  a  public  prosecution  was  intrusted  to 
the  parents  of  the  guilty  or  unfortunate  maid  ;  and  if  the  sen- 
timents of  nature  prevailed  on  them  to  dissemble  the  injury, 
and  to  repair  by  a  subsequent  marriage  the  honor  of  their 
family,  tney  were  themselves  punished  by  exile  and  confisca- 
tion. The  slaves,  whether  male  or  female,  who  were  con- 
victed of  having  been  accessory  to  rape  or  seduction,  were 
burnt  alive,  or  put  to  death  by  the  ingenious  torture  of  pouring 
down  their  throats  a  quantity  of  melted  lead.  As  the  crime 
was  of  a  public  kind,  the  accusation  was  pernntted  even  to 
strangers.  The  commencement  of  the  action  was  not  limited 
to  any  term  of  years,  and  the  consequences  of  the  sentence 
were  extended  to  the  innocent  ofispring  of  such  an  irregular 
union."  ^^  But  whenever  the  offence  inspires  less  horror  than 
the  punishment,  the  rigor  of  penal  law  is  obliged  to  give  way 
to  the  common  feelings  of  mankind.  The  most  odious  parts 
of  this  edict  were  softened  or  repealed  in  the  subsequent 
reigns; 9^  and  even  Constantine  himself  very  frequently  alle- 
viated, by  partial  acts  of  mercy,  the  stern  temper  of  his  gen- 
eral institutions.     Such,  indeed,  was  the  singular  humor  ot 

•♦  Omnia  foris  placita,  domi  prospera,  annonae  ubortate,  fructuura 
copia,  &c.  Pancgyr.  Vet.  x.  38.  This  oration  of  Nazarius  was  pro- 
nounced on  the  day  of  the  Quinqucnnalia  of  the  Caesars,  the  1st  of 
March,  A.  D.  321. 

*'  See  the  edict  of  Constantine,  addressed  to  the  Roman  people, 
In  the  Theodosian  Code,  1.  ix.  tit.  21,  torn.  iii.  p.  1.S9. 

**  His  son  very  fairly  assigns  the  true  reason  of  the  repeal :  "  N« 
«ub  specie  atrocioris  judicii  aliqua  in  ulciscendo  crimine  dilatio  nas- 
jerctur."     Cod.  Theod   torn,  iii  p.  193. 


496  THE    DECLI^E    AN!     FALL 

I  hat  emperor,  who  showed  himself  as  indulgen  ,  and  evec 
remiss,  in  the  execution  of  his  laws,  as  he  was  severe,  and 
even  cruel,  in  the  enacting  of  them.  It  is  scarcely  possible  to 
observe  a  more  decisive  symptom  of  weakness,  either  in  the 
character  of  the  prince,  or  in  the  constitution  of  the  govern. 
nnent.9''' 

The  civil  administration  was  sometimes  interrupted  by  the 
military  defence  of  the  empire.  Crispus,  a  youth  of  the 
most  amiable  character,  who  had  received  with  the  title  of 
Caesar  the  command  of  the  Rhine,  distinguished  his  conduct, 
as  well  as  valor,  in  several  victories  over  the  Franks  and  Ale 
manni  ;  and  taught  the  barbarians  of  that  frontier  to  dread  the 
eldest  son  of  Constantine,  and  the  grandson  of  Constantius.98 
The  emperor  himself  had  assumed  the  more  difficult  and 
important  province  of  the  Danube.  The  Goths,  who  in  the 
time  of  Claudius  and  Aurelian  had  felt  the  weight  of  the 
Roman  arms,  respected  the  power  of  the  empire,  even  in  the 
midst  of  its  inteitine  divisions.  But  the  strength  of  that  war- 
like nation  was  now  restored  by  a  peace  of  near  fifty  years ; 
a  new  generation  had  arisen,  who  no  longer  remembered  the 
misfortunes  of  ancient  days  :  the  Sarmatians  of  the  Lake 
Mseotis  followed  the  Gothic  standard  either  as  subjects  or  as 
allies,  and  their  united  force  was  poured  upon  the  countries 
of  lUyricum.  Campona,  Margus,  and  Benonia,t  appear  to 
have  been  the  scenes  of  several  memorable  sieges  and  bat- 
tles ;  99  and  though  Constantine   encountered  a  very  obstinate 


"  Eusebius  (in  Vita  Constant.  1.  iii.  c.  1)  choo9e3  to  affirm,  that  in 
the  reign  of  this  hero,  the  sword  of  justii;e  hung  idle  in  the  hands  of 
the  magistrates.  Eusebius  himself,  (1.  iv.  c.  29,  54,)  and  the  Theodo- 
Bian  Code,  will  inform  us  that  this  excessive  lenity  was  not  owing  to 
the  want  cither  of  atrocious  criminals  or  of  penal  laws. 

9*  Nazarius  in  Tauegyr.  Yet.  x.  The  victory  of  Crispus  over  the 
Alemanni  is  expressed  on  some  medals.* 

»»  See  Zosimus,  1.  ii.  p.  93,  94  ;  though  the  narrative  of  that  his- 
torian is  neither  clear  nor  consistent.  The  Panegyric  of  Optatianus 
(c.  23)  mentions  the  alliance  of  the  Sarmatians  with  the  Carpi  and 
Qetae,  and  points  out  the  several  tields  of  battle.     It  is  supposed  that 


•  Other  medals  are  extant,  the  legends  of  which  commemorate  thr 
success  of  Constantine  over  the  Sarmatians  and  other  barbaroub  nations, 
Bakmatia  uf.victa.  Victouia  Gothica.  Debellatoki  gentium  bak- 
BAROin'M.  ExuPEiiATOR  OMNIUM  GENTIUM.  St.  Martin,  note  ou  La 
Beau,  i.  188.  —  M.  ^    ^  „ 

t  Campoi'.a,  Old  Buda,  in  Hungary;  Marguj.  Kastolatz  C.  K.ol'uoxa: 
BoDonia,  Widdin,  in  Ma)9ia.  —  O.  and  M 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  497 

resistance,  lie  prevailed  at  length  in  the  contest,  and  the  Goths 
were  coMdpel  ed  to  purchase  an  ignominious  retreat,  by  restor- 
ing tlie  booty  and  prisoners  which  they  had  taken.  Nor  was 
this  advantage  stTfficient  to  satisfy  the  indignation  of  the  em 
peror.  He  resolved  to  chastise  as  well  as  to  repulse  the  inso- 
lent barba«ians  who  had  dared  to  invade  the  territories  of 
Rome.  At  the  head  of  his  legions  he  passed  the  Danube, 
after  repairing  the  bridge  which  had  been  constructed  by 
Trajan,  penetrated  into  the  strongest  recesses  of  Uacia,!*^"  and 
when  he  had  inflicted  a  severe  revenge,  condescended  to  give 
peace  to  the  suppliant  Goths,  on  condition  that,  as  often  as 
they  were  required,  they  should  supply  his  armies  with  a  body 
of  forty  thousand  soldiers. ^"1  Exploits  like  these  were  no 
doubt  honorable  to  Constantine,  and  beneficial  to  the  state  , 
but  it  may  surely  be  questioned,  whether  they  can  justify  thu 
exaggerated  assertion  of  Eusebius,  that  all  Scytiiia,  as  far 
as  the  extremity  of  the  North,  divided  as  it  was  into  so  many 
names  and  nations  of  the  most  various  and  savage  manners 
had  been  added  by  his  victorious  arms  to  the  Roman  empire. i*^^ 
In  this  exalted  state  of  glory  it  was  impossible  that  Con- 
stantine should  any  longer  endure  a  partner  in  the  empire. 
Confiding  in  the  superiority  of  his  genius  and  military  power, 
he  determined,  without  any  previous  injury,  to  exert  them  for 
the  destruction  of  Licinius,  whose  advanced  age  and  unpopu- 
lar vices  seemed  to  ofTer  a  very  easy  conquest.'"-'  But  the 
old  emperor,  awakened  by  the  approaching  danger,  deceived 
.he  expectations  of  his  friends,  as  well  as  of  his  enemies. 
Calling  forth   that  spirit  and  those  abilities  by  which  he  had 

the  Sarinatian  games,  celebrated  in  the  month  of  Xovembcr,  derived 
their  origin  from  the  success  of  this  war. 

'""  In  the  Ca-sars  of  Julian,  (p.  329.  Coinmentaire  de  Spanheim,  p 
252.)  Constantine  boasts,  that  he  had  recovered  the  province  (Dacia) 
which  Trajan  liad  subdued.  But  it  is  insinuated  by  Silcnus,  that  tho 
contiuests  of  Constantine  were  like  tlic  gardens  of  Adonis,  which 
fade  and  wither  almost  the  moment  they  appear. 

""  Jornandos  dc  llobus  Geticis,  c.  21.  I  know  not  whether  we 
may  entirely  depend  on  his  authority.  Such  an  alliance  has  a  very 
recent  air,  and  scarcely  is  suited  to  the  maxims  of  the  beginning  of 
the  fourth  c;entury. 

"-'■^  Eusebius  in  Vit.  Constanthi.  1.  i.  c.  8.  This  passage,  however, 
is  taken  from  a  general  declamation  on  the  greatness  of  Constantine, 
end  not  from  any  particular  account  of  the  Gothic  war. 

'"■*  Constantinus  tamon,  vir  ingcns,  ct   omnia  efiicore  nitens   qua 
animo  pra-parixssct,  simul  principatum  totius  orbis  affectans,  Licinio 
bellum  rjtiilit.     Eutropius,  x.  5.     Zosimus,  1.  ii.  p.  89.     The  rcascn* 
24 


498  THE    DECLINE    AND   FALL 

deserved  the  friendship  of  Galetius  and  the  Imperial  purple, 
he  prepanid  .limself  for  the  contest,  collected  the  foi^es  of  the 
East,  and  soon  filled  the  plains  of  Hadrianople  with  his 
troops,  and  the  Straits  of  the  Hellespont  with  his  fleet.  The 
army  consisted  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  foot,  and 
fifteen  thousand  horse  ;  and  as  the  cavalry  was  drawn,  for  the 
most  part,  from  Phrygia  and  Cappadocia,  we  may  conceive  a 
more  favorable  opinion  of  the  beauty  of  the  horses,  than  of 
the  courage  and  dexterity  of  their  riders.  The  fleet  was  com- 
posed of  three  hundred  and  fifty  galleys  of  three  ranks  of 
oars.  A  hundred  and  thirty  of  these  were  furnished  by 
Egypt,  and  the  adjacent  coast  of  Africa.  A  hundred  and 
ten  sailed  from  the  ports  of  Phoenicia  and  the  Isle  of  Cyprus; 
and  the  maritime  countries  of  Bithynia,  Ionia,  and  Caria  were 
likewise  obliged  to  provide  a  hundred  and  ten  galleys.  The 
troops  of  Constantine  were  ordered  to  rendezvous  at  Thes- 
salonica ;  they  amounted  to  above  a  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  horse  and  foot.^"^  Their  emperor  was  satisfied  with 
their  martial  appearance,  and  his  army  contained  more  sol- 
diers, though  fewer  men,  than  that  of  his  eastern  competi- 
tor. The  legions  of  Constantine  were  levied  in  the  warlike 
provinces  of  Europe  ;  action  had  confirmed  their  discipline, 
victory  had  elevated  their  hopes,  and  there  were  among  them  a 
great  number  of  veterans,  who,  after  seventeen  glorious  cam- 
paigns under  the  same  leader,  prepared  themselves  to  deserve 
an  honorable  dismission  by  a  last  effort  of  their  valor.^*^^  Bui 
the  naval  preparations  of  Constantine  were  in  every  respect 
much  inferior  to  those  of  Licinius.  The  maritime  cities  of 
Greece  sent  their  respective  quotas  of  men  and  ships  to  the 
celebrated  harbor  of  Plrceus,  and  their  united  forces  consisted 
of  no  more  than  two  hundred  small  vessels;  a  very  feeble 
armament,  if  it  is  compared  with  those  formidable  fleets  which 
were  equipped  and  maintained  by  the  republic  of  Athena 
during  the  Peloponnesian  war.'"''  Since  Italy  was  no  longer 
the  seat  of  government,  the  naval  establishments  of  Misenum 

which  they  have  assi<^ncd  for  the  first  civil  war  may,  with  more  pro- 
priety, be  applied  to  the  second. 

'"<  Zosimus,  1.  ii.  p.  94,  9.5. 

'"*  Constantine  was  very  attentive  to  the  privilof:;es  and  comfortt 
of  his  fellow-veterans,  (Convcterani,)  as  he  now  began  to  style  them. 
S^.c  the  Thcodosian  Code,  1.  vii.  tit.  10,  torn.  ii.  p.  419,  429. 

'"*  Whilst  the  Athenians  maintained  the  empire  of  the  sen,  theu 
fleet  consisted  of  three,   and   afterwards  of  foiir,  hundred  gaLlevs  of 


or    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  495 

•nd  liavcnna  had  been  gradually  neglected  ;  and  ;i3  the  ship- 
ping and  mariners  of  the  empire  were  supported  by  commerce 
rather  than  by  war,  it  was  natural  that  they  sliould  the  most 
abound  in  the  industrious  provinces  of  Egypt  and  Asia.  It  is 
only  surprising  that  the^  eastern  emperor,  who  possessed  so 
great  a  superiority  at  sea,  sliould  have  neglected  the  oppor- 
tunity of  carrying  an  offensive  war  into  the  centre  of  his  rival's 
dominions. 

hislead  of  embracing  such  an  active  resolution,  which  might 
have  changed  the  whole  face  of  the  war,  the  prudent  Licinius 
expected  the  approach  of  his  rival  in  a  camp  near  Hadriano- 
ple,  which  he  had  fortified  with  an  anxious  care,  that  betrayed 
ills  apprehension  of  the  event.  Constantino  directed  his 
march  from  Thessalonica  towards  that  part  of  Thrace,  till  he 
found  himself  stopped  by  the  broad  and  rapid  stream  of  the 
Hebrus,  and  discovered  the  numerous  army  of  Licinius,  which 
filled  the  steep  ascent  of  the  hill,  from  the  river  to  the  city  of 
Hadrianople.  Many  days  were  spent  in  doubtful  and  distant 
skirmishes ;  but  at  length  the  obstacles  of  the  passage  and  of 
the  attack  were  removed  by  the  intrepid  conduct  of  Constan- 
tine.  In  this  place  we  might  relate  a  wonderful  exploit  of 
Constantine,  which,  though  it  can  scarcely  be  paralleled  eithei 
in  poetry  or  romance,  is  celebrated,  not  by  a  venal  orator 
devoted  to  his  fortune,  but  by  an  historian,  the  partial  enemy 
of  his  fame.  We  are  assured  than  the  valiant  emperor  threw 
himself  into  the  River  Hebrus,  accompanied  only  by  twelve 
horsemen,  and  that  by  the  etfort  or  terror  of  his  invincible 
arm,  he  broke,  slaughtered,  and  put  to  flight  a  host  of  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thousand  men.  The  credulity  of  Zosimus  pre- 
vailed so  strongly  over  his  passion,  that  among  the  events  of  tlie 
memorable  battle  of  Hadrianople,  he  seems  to  have  selected  and 
embellished,  not  the  most  important,  but  the  most  marvellous. 
The  valor  and  danger  of  Constantine  are  attested  by  a  slight 
wound  which  he  received  in  the  thigh ;  but  it  may  be  discov- 
ered even  from  an  imperfect  narration,  and  perhaps  a  corrupted 
text,  that  the  victory  was  obtained  no  less  by  the  conduct  of 
the  general  than  by  the  courage  of  the  hero  ;  that  a  body  of 
five  thousand  archers  marched  round  to  occupy  a  thick  wood 


three  ranks  of  oars,  all  completely  equipped  and  ready  for  immediate 
•ervice.  The  arsenal  in  the  port  of  riraeus  had  cost  the  republic  a 
thousand  talents,  about  two  hundred  and  sixteen  thousand  pounds. 
gee  Thucydidea  do  Bel.  Tclopon.  1.  ii.  c.  13,  and  Meiusius  dc  For- 
tuiia  Attica,  c.  19. 


500  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

m  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  whose  attention  was  diverted  by  the 
construction  i;f  a  bridge,  and  that  Licinius,  perplexed  by  so 
many  artful  evolutions,  was  reluctantly  drawn  from  his  advan- 
tageous post  to  combat  on  equal  ground  in  the  plain.  The 
contest  was  no  longer  equal.  His  confused  multitude  of  new 
levies  was  easily  vanquished  by  the  experienced  veterans  of 
the  West.  Thirty-four  thousand  men  are  reported  to  have 
been  slain.  The  fortified  camp  of  Licinius  was  taken  by 
assault  the  evening  of  the  battle  ;  the  greater  part  of  the  fugi- 
tives, who  had  retired  to  the  mountains,  surrendered  them- 
selves the  next  day  to  the  discretion  of  the  conqueror;  and  his 
rival,  who  could  no  longer  keep  the  field,  confined  himself 
within  the  walls  of  Byzantium. '"^ 

The  siege  of  Byzantium,  which  was  immediately  undertaken 
by  Constantine,  was  attended  with  great  labor  and  uncertainty. 
In  the  late  civil  wars,  the  fortifications  of  that  place,  so  justly 
considered  as  the  key  of  Europe  and  Asia,  had  been  repaired 
and  strengthened  ;  and  as  long  as  Licinius  remained  master 
of  the  sea,  the  garrison  was  much  less  exposed  to  the  danger 
of  famine  than  the  army  of  the  besiegers.  The  naval  com- 
manders of  Constantine  were  summoned  to  his  camp,  and 
received  his  positive  orders  to  force  the  passage  of  the  Helles- 
pont, as  the  fleet  of  Licinius,  instead  of  seeking  and  destroying 
their  feeble  enemy,  continued  inactive  in  those  narrow  straits, 
where  its  superiority  of  numbers  was  of  little  use  or  advantage. 
Crispus,  the  emperor's  eldest  son,  was  intrusted  with  the  exe- 
cution of  this  daring  enterprise,  which  he  performed  with  so 
much  courage  and  success,  that  he  deserved  the  esteem,  and 
most  probably  excited  the  jealousy,  of  his  father.  The  engage- 
ment lasted  two  days ;  and  in  the  evening  of  tlie  first,  the 
contending  fleets,  after  a  considerable  and  mutual  loss,  retired 
into  their  respective  harbors  of  Europe  and  Asia.  Tlie  second 
day,  about  noon,  a  strong  south   wind  i"^    sprang   up,  which 


'"^  Zosimus,  I.  ii.  p.  95,  96.  This  great  battle  is  described  in  the 
Valesian  fragment,  (p.  714,)  in  a  clear  though  concise  manner. 
"  Licinius  vero  circum  Hadrianopolin  maximo  exorcitu  latcra  ardui 
raontis  implevcrat ;  illuc  toto  agmine  Constantinus  inllcxit.  Cum 
bellura  terra  marique  traheretur,  (juamvis  per  arduum  suis  nitentibuSi 
Bttamen  disciplina  militari  ct  I'elicitatc,  Constantinus  Licinii  confiv 
Bura  et  sine  ordine  agentem  vicit  cxercituni ;  leviter  i'emorc  sau- 
cifttus." 

'"*  Zosimus,  1.  ii.  p.  97,  98.  The  current  always  sets  out  of  the 
HiJlcspont ;  and  when  it  is  assisted  by  a  north  wind,  no  vessel  caii 


or    THE    ROMAN    EMriRE.  i)01 

carried  the  vessels  of  Crispus  against  the  enemy ,  and  as  tV.s 
casual  advantage  was  im[)roved  by  his  skilful  intrepidity,  he 
soon  obtained  a  complete  victory.  A  hundred  and  thirtj 
vessels  were  destroyed,  five  thousand  men  were  slain,  and 
Ainandus,  the  admiral  of  the  Asiatic  fleet,  escaped  with  the 
utmost  tliihculty  to  the  shores  of  Chalcedon.  As  soon  as  the 
Hellespont  wa's  open,  a  plentiful  convoy  of  provisions  flowed 
into  the  camp  of  Constantine,  who  had  already  advanced  the 
operations  of  the  siege.  He  constructed  artificial  mounds  of 
earth  of  an  equal  height  with  tiie  ramparts  of  Byzantium. 
The  lofty  towers  which  were  erected  on  that  foundation  galled 
.he  besieged  with  large  stones  and  darts  from  the  military 
engines,  and  the  battering  rams  had  shaken  the  walls  in  sev- 
eral places.  If  Licinius  persisted  much  longer  in  the  defence^ 
he  exposed  himself  to  be  involved  in  the  ruin  of  the  place. 
Before  he  was  surrounded,  he  prudently  removed  his  person 
and  treasures  to  Chalcedon  in  Asia;  and  as  he  was  always 
desirous  of  associating  companions  to  the  hopes  and  dangers 
of  his  fortune,  he  now  bestowed  the  title  of  Caesar  on  Martini- 
anus,  who  exercised  one  of  the  most  important  offices  of  the 
empire. ^'^^ 

Such  were  still  the  resources,  and  such  the  abilities,  of 
Licinius,  that,  after  so  many  successive  defeats,  he  collected 
in  Bithynia  a  new  army  of  fifty  or  sixty  thousand  men,  while 
the  activity  of  Constantine  was  employed  in  the  siege  of 
Byzantium.  The  vigilant  emperor  did  not,  however,  neglect 
the  last  struggles  of  his  antagonist.  A  considerable  part  of  his 
victorious  army  was  transported  over  the  Bosphorus  in  small 
vessels,  and  the  decisive  engagement  was  fought  soon  after 
their  landing  on  the  heights  of  Chrysopolis,  or,  as  it  is  now 
called,  of  Scutari.  The  troops  of  Licinius,  though  they  were 
lately  raised,  ill  armed,  and  worse  disciplined,  made  head 
against  their  conquerors  with  fruitless  but  desperate  valor,  till 
a  total  defeat,  and  a  slaughter  of  five  and  twenty  thousand 
men,  irretrievably  determined  the  fate  of  their  leader. n"     He 

attempt  the  passage.  A  south  wind  renders  the  force  of  the  current 
almost  iin])erceptiblc.     See  Touriiefort's  Voyage  au  Levant,  l,et.  xi. 

'"*  Aurclius  Victor.  Zosimus,  1.  ii.  p.  93.  According  to  the  latter, 
Mnrtiniauus  was  Magister  Othciorum,  (he  uses  the  Latin  api)eUation 
in  ( J  reek.)  Some  medals  seem  to  intimate,  that  during  his  short 
reign  he  received  tlic  title  of  Augustus. 

""  Eusel)ius  (in  Vita  Constantin.  1.  ii.  c.  16,  17)  ascribes  this  deci- 
iivo  victory  to  the  pious  prayers  of  the  emperor.     The  Valcsiaii  frag- 


502  THL    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

retired  to  Nicomedia,  rather  with  the  view  of  gaining  some 
time  for  negotiation,  than  with  the  hope  of  any  eflectual 
defence.  Constantia,  his  wife,  and  the  sister  of  Constantine, 
interceded  with  her  brother  in  favor  of  her  husband,  and  ob- 
tained from  his  policy,  rather  than  from  his  compassion,  a 
solemn  promise,  confirmed  by  an  oath,  that  after  the  sacrifice 
of  Martinianus,  and  the  resignation  of  the  purple,  Liciniug 
himself  should  be  permitted  to  pass  the  remainder  of  his  life 
in  peace  and  atBuence.  The  behavior  of  Constantia,  and  her 
relation  to  the  contending  parties,  naturally  recalls  the  remem- 
brance of  that  virtuous  matron  who  was  the  sister  of  Augus- 
tus, and  the  wife  of  Antony.  But  the  temper  of  mankind  was 
altered,  and  it  was  no  longer  esteemed  infamous  for  a  Roman 
to  survive  his  honor  and  independence.  Licinius  solicited  and 
accepted  the  pardon  of  his  offences,  laid  himself  and  his  pur- 
ple at  the  feet  of  his  lord  and  master,  was  raised  from  the 
ground  with  insulting  pity,  was  admitted  the  same  day  to  the 
Imperial  banquet,  and  soon  afterwards  was  sent  away  to  Thes- 
salonica,  which  had  been  chosen  for  the  place  of  his  confine- 
ment.ii^  His  confinement  was  soon  terminated  by  death,  and 
it  is  doubtful  whether  a  tumult  of  the  soldiers,  or  a  decree  of 
the  senate,  was  suggested  as  the  motive  for  his  execution. 
According  to  the  rules  of  tyranny,  he  was  accused  of  forming 
a  conspiracy,  and  of  holding  a  treasonable  correspondence 
with  the  barbarians  ;  but  as  he  was  never  convicted,  either  by 
his  own  conduct  or  by  any  legal  evidence,  we  may  perhaps  be 
allowed,  from  his  weakness,  to  presume  his  innocence. ^^^ 
The  memory  of  Licinius  was  branded  with  infamy,  his  statues 
were  thrown  down,  and  by  a  hasty  edict,  of  such  mischievous 
tendency  that  it  was  almost  immediately  corrected,  all  his 
laws,  and  all  the  judicial  proceedings  of  his  reign,  were  at 
once    abolished. 1^^     By  this  victory  of  Constantine,  the  Ro- 


ment  (p.  714)  mentions  a  body  of  Gothic  auxiliaries,  under  their  chief 
Aliquaca,  who  adhered  to  the  party  of  Licinius. 

'"  Zosimus,  1.  ii.  p.  102.  Victor  Junior  in  Epitome.  Anonym. 
Valesian.  p.  714. 

^^  Contra  rcligioncm  saeramonti  Thcssalonicaj  privatus  occisus  est. 
Eutropius,  X.  6  ;  and  his  evidence  is  confirmed  by  Jerome  (in  Chronic.) 
fts  well  as  by  Zosinius,  1.  ii.  p.  102.  The  Valerian  writer  is  the  only 
one  who  mentions  the  soldiers,  and  it  is  Zonaras  alone  who  calls  in 
the  assistance  of  the  senate.  Euscbius  prudently  slides  over  this  del- 
icate transaction.  But  Sozomen,  a  century  afterwards,  ventures  to 
assert  the  treasonable  jjracticcs  of  Licinius. 

»"  See  the  Theodosian  Code,  1.   xv.  tit.   16,  torn.  v.  p.  404,  406 


or    THE    noriTAN    nMPlRE.  503 

man  world  was  aguin  united  undur  the  authority  of  one  em- 
peror, thirty-seven  years  after  Diocletian  had  divided  his 
power  and  provinces  with  his  associate  Maxiinian. 

The  successive  steps  of  the  elevation  of  Constantine,  from 
his  first  assuming  the  pm'ple  at  York,  to  the  resignation  of 
Licinius,  at  Nicomedia,  have  heen  related  with  some  minute- 
ness and  precision,  not  only  as  the  events  are  in  themselves 
both  interesting  and  important,  but  still  niore,  as  they  contrib- 
uted to  the  decline  of  the  empire  by  the  expense  tf  blood  and 
treasure,  and  by  the  per[)etual  increase,  as  well  of  the  taxes, 
as  of  the  military  establisluDcnt.  The  foundation  of  Constan- 
tinople, and  the  establish.ment  of  the  Christian  religion,  were 
the  immediate  and  memorable  consequences  of  this  revolution, 

Theae  edicts  of  Constantine  betray  a  degree  of  passion  and  preeiji" 
U&oy  very  lubecoming  the  character  of  a  lawgiver. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  CHRISTIAN  RELIGION,  AND  THE  SENTl' 
MENTS,  MANNERS,  NUMBERS,  AND  CONDITION  OF  THE  FRIMI- 
TIVE    CHRISTIANS.* 

A  CANDID  but  rarional  inquiry  into  the  progress  and  cstalv 
lishment  of  Christianity  may  be  considered  as  a  very  essen- 
tial part  of  the  history  of  the  Roman  empire.  While  that 
great  body  was  invaded  by  open  violence,  or  undermined  by 
slow  decay,  a  pure  and  humble  religion  gently  insinuated 
Itself  into  the  minds  of  men,  grew  up  in  silence  and  obscurity, 
deriv^  new  vigor  from  opj)osition,  and  finally  erected  the 
triumphant  banner  of  the  Cross  on  the  ruins  of  the  Capitol. 
Nor  was  the  influence  of  Christianity  confined  to  the  period  or 
to  tlie  limits  of  the  Roman  empire.  After  a  revolution  of 
thirteen  or  fourteen  centuries,  that  religion  is  still  professed  by 
he  nations  of  Europe,  the  most  distinguished  portion  of  human 
Kind  in  arts  and  learning  as  well  as  in  arms.  By  the  industiy 
and  zeal  of  tlie  Europeans,  it  has  been  widely  diffused  to  the 
most  distant  shores  of  Asia  and  Africa  ;  and  by  the  means  of 
their  colonies  has  been  firmly  established  from  Canada  to 
Chiu,  in  a  wond  umcnown  to  tne  ancients. 

But  this  inquiry,  however  usim"j1  or  entertaining,  is  attended 
with  two  peculiar  difficulties.  The  scanty  and  suspicious 
materials  of  ecclesiastical  history  seldom  enable  us  to  dispel 
the  dark  cloud  that  hangs  over  the  first  age  of  the  church. 
The  great'  law  of  impartiality  too  often  obliges  us  to  reveal  the 
imperfections  of  the  uninspired  teachers  and  believers  of  the 
gospel  ;  and,  to  a  careless  observer,  Ihcii-  faults  may  seem  to 
cast  a  shade  on  the  faith  which  they  professed.  But  the 
scandal  of  the   pious  Christian,  and  the  fallacious  triumph  of 

*  In  spite  of  my  resolution,  Lardner  led  me  to  look  through  the  famous 
fifteenth  and  sixteenth  chapters  of  Gibbon.  I  could  not  lay  llieni  down 
without  fiuisliin.:;  them.  The  causes  assigned,  in  the  fifteenth  chapter,  for 
the  dirt'usion  of  Christianity,  must,  no  doubt,  have  contributed  to  it  mate- 
rially ;  but  I  doubt  whether  he  saw  them  all.  Perhajjs  those  which  he 
enumerates  are  among  the  most  obvious.  They  niiglit  all  be  safely  a(h)ptp.d 
V-y  a  Christian  writer,  with  some  change  in  the  language  and 'maun«r. 
Mackinijsk ;  sec  Life,  i.  p.  2-i4.  —  M 
504 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  505 

tlin  Infidfl,  should  cease  as  soon  as  they  recollect  not  oniv  hy 
whom,  but  likewise  to  lohom,  the  Divine  Revelation  was  given. 
The  theologian  may  indulge  tlie  pleasing  task  of  describing 
Keligion  as  she  descended  from  Heaven,  arrayed  in  her  native 
purity.  A  more  melancholy  duty  is  imposed  on  the  historian. 
lie  must  discover  the  inevitable  mixture  of  error  and  ccyrrup- 
lion,  which  she  contracted  in  a  long  residence  upon  earth, 
among  a  weak  and  degenerate  race  of  btsings.* 

Our  curiosity  is  naturally  prompted  to  inquire  by  what 
n:eans  the  Christian  faith  obtained  so  remarkable  a  victory 
o'.er  the  established  religions  of  the  earth.  To  this  inquiry, 
an  obvious  but  satisfactory  answer  may  be  returned  ;  that  it 
was  owing  to  the  convincing  evidence  of  the  doctrine  itself, 
and  to  the  ruling  providence  of  its  great  Author.  But  as 
truth  and  reason  seldom  fmd  so  favorable  a  reception  in  the 
world,  and  as  the  wisdom  of  Providence  frequently  conde- 
scends to  use  the  passions  of  the  human  heart,  and  the  general 
circumstances  of  mankind,  as  instruments  to  execute  its  jjur- 
pose,  we  may  still  be  permitted,  though  with  becoming  sub- 
mission, to  ask,  not  inrleed  what  were  the  first,  but  what 
were  the  secondary  causes  of  the  rapid  growth  of  the  Christian 
church.  It  will,  perhaps,  appear,  that  it  was  most  efTectually 
favored  and  assisted  by  the  five  following  causes :  I.  The 
inflexible,  and,  if  we  may  use  the  expression,  the  intolerant 
zeal  of  the  Christians,  derived,  it  is  true,  from  the  Jewish 
religion,  but  purilicd  from  the  narrow  and  un'^ocial  spirit, 
which,  instead  of  inviting,  had  deterred  the  Gentiles  from 
embracin<;  the  law  of  Moses. t  II.  The  doctrine  of  a  future 
life,  improved  by  every  additional  circumstance  which  could 

•  The  art  of  Gibbon,  or  at  least  the  unfair  impression  produced  by  these 
two  memorable  chapters,  consists  in  confoundini;  tot^ethcr,  in  ore  undis- 
tini^uishabli'  mass,  the  vrii/in  and  aposto/ic  propi^ation  of  the  Cihristian 
religion  witb  its  later  pro<?ress.  The  main  ((uestioii,  the  divine  origin  of 
the  relii;iou  is  dexterously  eluded  or  speciously  conceded  ;  his  plan  enabled 
nim  to  commence  his  account,  in  most  parts,  below  the  apostolic  tiiui's;  and 
it  is  only  by  the  strength  of  the  dark  coloring  with  which  ho  has  brought 
out  the  fi'.ilings  and  the  follies  of  succeeding  ages,  that  a  shadow  of  doubt 
and  suspici(jn  is  thrown  back  on  the  iirimitive  period  of  Cliristiai\ity.  Di- 
vest this  whole  passage  of  the  latent  sarcasu\  betrayed  bv  the  subseiiuent 
tone  of  tile  whole  dis(|uisition,  and  it  m  ght  commence  a  Christian  histor), 
Written  in  the  most  Ciiristian  spirit  of  candor.  — M. 

■*■  Though  we  are  thus  far  agreed  with  respect  to  the  inflexibility  and 
hitolerance  of  Christian  zeal,  yet,  as  to  the  princij)le  from  wiiich  it  wa* 
derived,  we  are,  toto  cu-lo,  divided  in  opinion.  You  deduce  it  from  the 
Jewish  religion  ;  I  would  refer  it  to  a  moie  ade<iuate  and  a  moie  cbvioii* 
source,  a  full  persuasion  of  the  truth  of  Christianity  Watson,  Lttli  is  tn 
Gibbon,  i.  S>.  —  M. 
1:4* 


506  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

give  wcght  and  efficacy  to  that  important  truth.  Ill  The 
miraculous  powers  ascribed  to  the  primitive  church.  IV.  The 
pure  and  austere  morals  of  the  Christians.  V.  The  union 
and  discipline  of  the  Christian  republic,  which  gradually 
formed  an  independent  and  increasing  state  hi  the  heart  of  the 
Roman  empire. 

I,   We  have  already  described  the  religious  harmony  of  the 
ancient  world,  and  the  facility*  with  which  the  most  diiVereiit 


•  This  facility  has  not  always  prevented  intolerance,  which  seems  inhe- 
rent in  the  religious  spirit,  when  armed  with  authority.  The  separation  of 
the  ecclesiastical  and  civil  power,  appears  to  be  the  only  moans  of  at  once 
maintaining  religion  and  tolerance:  but  this  is  a  very  modern  notion. 
The  passions,  which  mingle  themselves  with  opinions,  made  the  Pagans 
very  often  intolerant  and  persecutors  ;  witness  the  Persians,  the  Egyptians 
even  the  Greeks  and  Romans. 

1st.  The  PersicDts.  —  Ca.mhyses,  conqueror  of  the  Egyptians,  condemned 
to  death  the  magistrates  of  Memphis,  because  they  had  offered  divine 
honors  to  their  god.  Apis  :  he  caused  the  god  to  be  brought  before  him, 
struck  him  with  his  dagger,  commanded  the  priests  to  be  scourged,  and 
ordered  a  general  massacre  of  all  the  Egyptians  who  should  be  found  cel- 
ebrating the  festival  of  Apis :  he  caused  all  the  statues  of  the  gods  to  be 
burnt.  Not  content  with  this  intolerance,  he  sent  an  army  to  reduce  the 
Amnionians  to  slavery,  and  to  set  on  fire  the  temple  in  which  Jupitef 
delivered  his  oracles.     See  Herod,  iii.  25 — 29,  37.  .     ■   ,         . 

Xerxes,  during  his  invasion  of  Greece,  acted  on  the  same  principles  :  he 
destroyed  all  the  temples  of  Greece  and  Ionia,  except  that  of  Ephesus. 
See  Pans.  1.  vii.  p.  533,  and  x.  p.  887.    Strabo,  1.  xiv.  p.  941. 

2d.  The  Ef/!/ptia7is.— They  thought  themselves  defiled  when  they  had 
drunk  from  the  same  cup  or  eaten  at  the  same  table  with  a  man  of  a  dif- 
ferent belief  from  their  own.  "  lie  who  has  voluntarily  killed  any  sacred 
animal  is  punished  with  death  ;  but  if  any  one,  even  involuntarily,  has 
killed  a  cat  or  an  ibis,  he  cannot  escape  the  extreme  penalty  :  the  people 
drag  him  away,  treat  him  in  the  most  cruel  manner,  sometimes  without 
waiting  for  a  judicial  sentence.  *  *  *  Even  at  the  time  when  King  Ptolemy 
■was  not  yet  the  acknowledged  friend  of  tlic  Roman  people,  while  the  mul- 
titude were  paying  court  with  all  possible  attention  tL  the  strangers  who 
came  from  Italv  *  *  a  Roman  having  killed  a  cat,  the  people  ruslied  to  his 
house,  and  neither  the  entreaties  of  the  nobles,  whom  the  king  sent  to 
them,  nor  the  terror  of  the  Roman  name,  were  sufHciently  power! iil  to 
rescue  the  man  from  punishment,  though  he  had  committed  the  crime 
involuntarily."  Diod.  Sic.  i.  83.  Juvenal,  in  his  13th  Satire,  describes  the 
sanguinary  conflict  between  the  iiiliabitants  of  Ombos  and  of  Tcntyra, 
from  religious  animosity.  The  fury  was  carried  so  far,  that  the  cuiuiueroia 
toie  and  devoured  the  quivering  limbs  of  the  conquered. 

Ardpl  adliiic  Otiibos  r.  Tcntyra,  siimmus  utriiique 
Inile  fiiKir  viilfjo,  qiKKl  nuiniria  viriiioriun 
Odit  ulcrqiie  locus  ;  (|iiiiiii  solos  crcdal  liahciidos 
Esse  Ueos  qiios  ipse  tolit.  •'^at.  xv.  r.  S^. 

8d.  T/ie  GrteAs.  —  "  Let  us  not  here,"  says  the  Abbe  Guenee.  "  refer  to 
the  cities  of  Peloponnesus  and  their  severity  against  atheism;  the  Ephe- 
glaac  prosecuting  lleraditus  for  impiety;  the  Greeks  armed  one  against 
the  other  by  religious  zeal,  in  the  Ainphi.tyoiiic  war.  Let  us  sav  nothing 
either  of  the  frightful  cruelties  inflicted  by  three  successors  of  Alexander 
upon  the  Jews,  to  force  them  to  al)aiidon  their  religion,  nor  of  Antiochus 
•ipeUing  the  philosophers  from  his  states.     Let  us  not  seek  our  proots  of 


OF    Tin:     ROMAN    EMPIRE.  »0T 

and  even  hostile  nations  embraced,  or  at  leas>  'cspected   pach 
oth(^r's  superstitions.     A  single  people  refuse')  lo  join  in  the 


Intolerance  so  far  off.  Athens,  the  polite  and  learned  A  "Hens,  will  supply 
us  with  sufficient  examples.  Kvery  citizen  made  a  public  .iiid  solemn  vow 
to  conform  to  the  ieli<,'ii)n  of  his  country,  to  defend  it,  and  lo  ciuse  it  to 
be  respected.  An  e.\i)rcss  law  severely  punislicd  all  discoui'.es  against  the 
gods;  and  a  rigid  decree  ordered  the  denunciation  of  all  whv)  should  deny 
their  existence.  *  *  *  The  practice  was  in  unison  witli  tlie  severity  of  the 
law.  The  proceedings  oomuienced  against  Protagoras  ;  a  I'xice  set  upon 
the  head  of  Diagoras  ;  the  danger  of  Alcibiaues  ;  Aristotle  uldiged  to  tiy  ; 
Stilpo  banished  ;  Anaxagoras  hardly  escaping  death ;  Peri.-.les  himself, 
after  all  his  services  to  his  country,  and  all  the  glory  he  hid  acquired, 
compelled  to  api)ear  before  the  tribunals  and  make  his  definice  ;   *  *   a 

Sricstess  executed  for  having  introduced  strange  gods ;  Stcratts  con- 
einncd  and  drinking  the  hemlock,  because  he  was  accused  of  not  recog- 
nizing those  of  his  country,  &c. ;  these  facts  attest  too  loudly,  to  be  called 
in  question,  the  religious  intolerance  of  the  most  humane  and  enlightened 
people  in  Greece."  Lettres  de  quelques  Juifs  a  Mons.  Voltaire,  i.  p.  221 
(Compare  Bentley  on  Freethinking,  from  which  much  of  this  ij  derived.) 
-M. 

4th.  The  Romans.  —  The  laws  of  Rome  were  not  less  express  ai'd  severe. 
The  intolerance  of  foreign  religions  reaches,  with  the  Romans,  as  liigh  as 
the  laws  of  the  twelve  tables  ;  the  prohibitions  were  afterwards  renewed 
at  ditfercnt  times.  Intolerance  did  not  discontinue  under  the  emperors  ; 
witness  the  counsel  of  M;ecenas  to  Augustus.  This  counsel  is  so  remark- 
able, that  I  think  it  right  to  insert  it  entire.  "  Honor  the  gods  yourself," 
says  Maicenas  to  Augustus,  "  in  every  way  according  to  the  usage  of  your 
ancestors,  and  compel  (af/yic'j^t)  others  to  worship  theni.  Hate  and  pun- 
ish those  who  introduce  strange  gods,  (ropf  ii  61}  ^tn'^ui/rut  nian  ku'i  KiXa^i,) 
not  only  for  the  sake  of  the  gods,  (he  who  despises  them  will  respect  no 
one, )  but  because  those  wlio  introduce  new  gods  engage  a  multitude  of  per- 
sons in  foreign  Uiws  and  customs.  From  hence  arise  unio.is  bound  by 
oaths,  and  confederacies,  and  associations,  things  dangerous  to  amonarchy." 
Dion  Cass.  1.  ii.  c.  .'iG.  (But,  though  some  may  ditfer  from  it,  see  Gibbon's 
just  observation  on  this  passage  in  Dion  Cassius,  ch.  xvi.  note  117 ;  ici- 
pugned,  indeed,  by  M.  Guizot,  note  in  loc.)  —  M. 

iivcn  the  laws  which  the  philosophers  of  Athens  and  of  Rome  wrote  foi 
their  imaginary  republics  are  intolerant.  Plato  does  not  leave  to  his  citi- 
zens freedom  of  religious  worship  ;  and  Cicero  expressly  prohibits  them 
from  having  other  gods  than  those  of  the  state.  Lettres  de  quelques  Juifs 
a  Mons.  Voltaire,  i.  p.  22G.  — G. 

According  to  M.  Guizot's  just  remarks,  religious  intolerance  will  ahvay« 
ally  itself  with  the  passions  of  man,  however  ditfercnt  those  passions  maj- 
be.  In  the  instances  quoted  above,  with  the  Persians  it  was  the  pride  of 
despotism  ;  to  conciuor  the  gods  of  a  country  was  the  last  mark  of  subju- 
gation. With  the  Egy))tians,  it  was  the  gross  Fetichism  cf  the  super- 
stitious populace,  and  tl>e  local  jealousy  of  neighboring  towns.  In  Greece, 
persecution  was  in  general  connected  with  political  party  ;  in  Rome,  with 
the  stern  supremacy  of  the  law  and  the  interests  of  the  state.  Gibbon  ha;) 
been  mistaken  in  attributing  to  tlic  tolerant  spirit  of  Paganism  that  which 
arose  out  of  the  peculiar  cirf'umstances  of  the  times.  1st.  The  decay  of 
the  old  Polytheism,  thrmiuh  the  progress  of  reason  and  intelligence,  and 
the  ptevalence  of  philosophical  opinions  among  the  higher  orders.  2d 
The  Roman  character,  in  which  the  |)olitical  always  predominated  over  the 
religious  part.  The  Romans  were  contented  with  having  bowed  the  world 
to  !i  uiiii'.iriii'ty  of  subjection  to  their  power,  and  cared  not  fc.r  establish 
jii  the  (to  tbeiul  less  liuiiortant  uniformity  of  religion.  —  M. 


50y  TIIK    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

rommon  intercourse  of  manlcind.  T!ie  Jews,  who,  iiiider  tlie 
Assyrian  and  Persian  monarchies,  had  languished  for  rn/iny 
dges  the  most  despised  portion  of  their  slaves, ^  emerged  from 
obsciH'itv  under  the  successors  of  Alexander  :  and  as  thev^ 
multiplied  to  a  surprising  degree  in  the  East,  and  afterwards 
in  the  West,  they  soon  excited  the  curiosity  and  wonder  of 
othel  nations.^  The  sullen  obstinacy  with  which  they  main- 
tainei  their  peculiar  rites  and  unsocial  manners,  seemed  to 
murk  them  out  as  a  distinct  species  of  men,  who  boldly  pro- 
fessed, or  who  faintly  disguised,  their  implacable  hatred  to 
the  rest  of  human  kind.-^  Neither  the  violence  of  Antiochus, 
nor  the  arts  of  Herod,  nor  the  example  of  the  circumjacent 
nations,  could  ever  persuade  the  Jews  to  associate  with  the 
institutions  of  Moses  the  elegant  mythology  of  the  Greeks.* 


'  Dura  Assyrios  penes,  Modosque,  ot  Persas  Oriens  fuit,  dcspcetis- 
sima  pars  servientium.  Tacit.  Hist.  v.  8.  Herodotus,  who  visited 
i^sia  whilst  it  obeyed  the  last  of  those  empires,  slightly  mentions 
the  Syrians  of  Palestine,  who,  according  to  their  own  confession,  had 
received  from  Egypt  the  rite  of  circumcision.     See  1.  ii.  c.  104. 

-  Diodorus  Siculus,  1.  xl.  Dion  Cassius,  1.  xxxvii.  p.  121.  Tacit 
Hist.  V.  1 — 9.     Justin,  xxxvi.  2,  3. 

*  Tradidit  arcane  qua;cunque  volumine  Moses, 
Non  monstraro  vias  cadem  nisi  sacra  colenti, 
Qu;esitum  ad  fonteni  solos  dedu".ere  verpas. 

The  letter  of  this  law  is  not  to  be  found  m  the  present  volume  ot 
Moses.  But  the  wise,  the  humane  Maimonides  openly  teaches  that 
if  an  idolater  fall  into  the  water,  a  Jew  ought  not  to  save  him  from 
instant  death.     See  liasnagc,  Histoire  des  Juits,  1.  vi.  c.  28.* 

*  A  Jewish  sect,  which  indulged  themselves  in  a  sort  of  occasional 
conformity,  derived  from  Herod,  by  whose  cxamp.le  and  authority 
they  had  been  seduced,  the  name  of  Herodians.  But  their  numbers 
were  so  inconsiderable,  and  their  duration  so  snort,  that  Josephus  has 
liot  thought  them  worthy  of  his  notice.  See  Prideaux's  Connection, 
vol.  ii.  p.  235. t 

*  It  is  diametrically  opposed  to  its  spirit  and  to  its  letter  ;  see,  among 
Other  passages,  Deut.  v.  18,19,  (God)  "  iovcth  the  stranger  in  giving  him  food 
and  raiment.  Love  ye,  therefore,  the  stranger:  for  ye  v.ere  stranscrs  in 
the  land  of  Fj>,'ypt."  Comp.  Lev.  x,\iii.  2-5.  Juvenal  is  a  satirist,  whose 
Btrong  cx])rcssii)us  can  hardly  be  received  as  historic  evidence;  and  he 
wrote  after  the  horrible  cruelties  of  the  llomans,  which,  dur;n<i  and  aftei 
the  war,  miijht  giv-f>  some  cause  for  the  complete  isolation  of  the  Jew  from 
the  rest  of  the  A^orld.  The  Jew  was  a  bigot,  but  his  religion  was  not  the 
Oidv  source  of  lii.s  bigotry.  After  how  nmny  centuries  of  iviutual  wro'.g 
and  hatred,  which  had  stUl  further  estranged  the  Jew  from  nuinkind,  ;'.i(^ 
Klaimohides  write  ?  —  M. 

"t"  The  llenidians  were  probably  more  of  a  political  party  tli.in  a  religioue 
Beet,  thougli  '.jiblnm  is  most  Hkely  right  ai  to  their  occasional  cor,forMiity 
fcep  IlijI    of  the  Jews    ii.  108.  —  M. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  509 

A.ccorcling  id  the  ti  axims  of  universal  toleration,  tlie  Komans 
protected  a  siiper.stitit)ii  wliicli  tliey  despised.-''  Tlic  polite 
Augustus  condescended  to  give  orders,  ttiat  sacrifices  sliould 
be  offered  for  his  prosperity  in  the  temple  of  Jerusalem;* 
while  the  meanest  of  the  posterity  of  Ahraham,  who  should 
have  paid  the  samo  liomage  to  the  Jupiter  of  the  Capitol, 
would  have  been  an  object  of  abhorrence  to  himself  and  to  his 
brethren.  But  the  moderation  of  the  conquerors  was  insuffi- 
cient to  ap|)ease  the  jealous  prejudices  of  their  subjects,  who 
were  alarmed  and  scandalized  at  the  ensigns  of  paganism, 
whicli  necessarily  introduced  themselves  into  a  Roman  prov- 
ince.'' The  mad  attempt  of  Caligula  to  place  his  own  statue 
in  the  temple  of  Jerusalem  was  defeated  by  the  unanimous 
resolution  of  a  people  who  dreaded  death  much  less  than  such 
an  idolatrous  profanation.^  Their  attachment  to  the  law  of 
Moses  was  equal  to  their  detestation  of  foreign  religions.  The 
current  of  zeal  and  devotion,  as  it  was  contracted  into  a  nar- 
row chatmel,  ran  with  the  strength,  and  sometimes  with  the 
fury,  of  a  torrent. 

This  inflexible  perseverance,  which  appeared  so  odious  or  so 
ridiculous  to  the  ancient  world,  assumes  a  more  awful  charac- 
ter, since  Providence  has  deigned  to  reveal  to  us  the  mys- 
terious history  of  the  chosen  people.  But  the  devout  and 
even  scrupulous  attachment  to  the  Mosaic  religion,  so  conspic- 
uous among  the  Jews  who  lived  under  the  second  temple, 
becomes    still    more  surprising,    if  it    is    compared   with    the 

*  Cicero  pro  Flacco,  c.  28.* 

*  Philo  de  Logationc.  Augustus  left  a  foundation  for  a  perpetual 
sacrifice.  Yet  he  ajiproved  of  the  neglect  which  his  grandson  Caiu3 
expressed  towards  ttc  temple  of  Jerusalem.  See  Sueton.  in  August. 
c.  9:5,  and  Casaubon's  notes  on  that  passage. 

^  See,  in  particular,  Joseph.  Anticjuitat.  xvii.  6,  xviii.  3  ;  and  de 
Bell.  Judiac.  i.  X),  and  ii.  9.  edit.  liavercamp.f 

*  Jussi  a  Caio  Ciusare,  efHgicni  ejus  in  templo  locare,  arma  ])0tiu3 
Buniijscri'.  Tacit.  Ilist.  v.  9.  iMiilo  and  Josejjhus  give  a  very  cir- 
cumstantial, but  a  very  rhetorical,  account  of  this  transaction,  which 
excecdiuiily  perplexed  the  governor  of  Syria.  At  the  first  mention 
of  this  idolatrous  proposal,  King  Agrippa  fainted  away  ;  and  did  not 
recove^lus  senses  until  the  third  day.     (Hist,  of  Jews,  ii.  181,  &c.) 


•  The  edicts  of  Julius  Cassar,  and  of  some  of  the  cities  in  Asia  Minor, 
nCrel)s.  Decret.  pro  Ju(la;is,)  in  favor  of  the  nation  in  gcuoral,  or  of  the 
Asiatic  Jews,  spe.ik  a  ditfoient  Luigungc.  —  M. 

_  t  This  was  during  tlio  government  of  Pontius  Pil.ite.  (Hist,  of  Jews, 
}i.  1-56.)  Prohatjly  in  part  to  avoid  this  collioion,  the  Roman  governor,  in 
general,  resided  at  Cicsarea. — M 


blC  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

Btubborn  increJility  of  tneir  forefathers  When  Uie  law  was 
given  in  thuncier  from  Mount  Sinai,  when  the  tides  of  the 
ocean  and  the  course  of  the  planets  were»suspended  for  the 
convenience  of  the  Israehtes,  and  when  temporal  rewards 
and  punisluneiits  were  the  immediate  consequences  of  thoir 
piety  or  disobedience,  they  perpetually  relapseil  into  rebellion 
against  the  visible  majesty  of  their  Divine  King,  placed  the 
idols,  of  the  nations  in  the  sanctuary  of  Jehovah,  and  imitated 
every  fantastic  ceremony  that  was  practised  in  the  tents  of 
the  Arabs,  or  in  the  cities  of  Pluunicia.^  As  the  protection 
of  Heaven  was  deservedly  withdrawn  from  the  ungrateful 
race,  their  faith  acquired  a  proportionable  degree  of  vigor  and 
purity.  The  contemporaries  of  Moses  and  Joshua  had  beheld 
with  careless  indiiference  the  most  amazing  miracles.  Under 
the  pressure  of  every  calamity,  the  belief  of  tliose  miracles 
has  preserved  the  Jews  of  a  later  period  from  the  universal 
contagion  of  idolatry  ;  and  in  contradiction  to  every  known 
principle  of  the  human  mind,  that  singular  people  seems  to 
have  yielded  a  stronger  and  more  ready  assent  to  the  tradi- 
tions of  their  remote  ancestors,  than  to  the  evidence  of  their 
own  senses.^" 

The  Jewish  religion  was  admirably  fitted  for  defence,  but  i* 


*  For  the  enumeration  of  the  Syrian  and  Arabian  deities,  it  may  be 
observed,  that  Milton  has  comprised  in  one  hundred  and  thirty  very 
beautiful  lines  the  two  lar>^e  and  learned  syntagmas  which  Seidell 
had  composed  on  that  abstruse  subject. 

'"  "How  long  will  this  people  provoke  me:  and  how  long  will  il 
be  ere  they  hciia^e  me,  for  all  the  sujn^  which  I  have  shown  among 
them?"  (Numbers  .\iv.  II.)  It  w^ould  be  easy,  hut  it  would  be  un- 
becoming,  to  justify  the  complaint  of  the  Deity  fjiom  the  whole  tenor 
ji  the  Mosaic  history.* 

*  Anions  a  nide  and  t)arljarous  people,  rolis^ious  impressions  are  cas-dy 
made,  and  are  as  soon  otla-ed.  The  ignorance  which  multiplies  imaginary 
wonders,  would  weaken  or  destroy  the  etfect  of  real  mnaele.  At  tlu 
period  of  the  Jen-ish  history,  referred  to  in  the  passage  from  Numbers, 
their  fears  predominated  over  their  faith,  — the  fears  of  an  unwarlike 
people,  just  rescued  from  debasing  slavery,  and  couunanded  to  attack  a 
fierce,  a  well-armed,  a  gigantic,  and  a  far  more  nuujerous  race,  the  jjiliabi" 
auts  of  Canaan.  As  to'the  fretpient  apostasy  of  the  .lews,  their  reliu'ion 
was  bcvoud  their  st  itc  of  civilization.  Nor  is  it  uncommon  for  a  peopio  to 
cling  with  passionate  attacinuent  to  that  of  which,  at  first,  they  could  not 
appreciate  the  v.ilue.  Patriotism  and  national  pride  will  contend,  even  to 
death,  for  political  rights  wliich  have  been  forced  upim  a  reluctant  people 
The  Christian  may  at  least  retort,  with  justice,  that  the  great  -uijii  of  hl8 
religion,  the  resunectiou  of  Jesus,  was  most  ai>i'iitl.v  bel.cicd.  and  mou' 
resolutely  asserted  by  the  eve-witnesses  of  tlie  I'm  t.  —  .M. 


Ot    THE    ROMAN    EIIPIRE,  511 

was  ncvor  des  gncd  for  conquest  and  it  seoms  probable  that 
the  number  of  proselytes  was  never  inu  li  su()eriur  to  that  tf 
apostates.  The  divine  promises  were  originally  made,  and 
the  distinguishing  rite  of  circurr^ision  was  enjoined,  to  a 
single  family.  When  the  posterity  of  Abraham  had  multi- 
plied like  the  sands  of  the  sea,  the  Dcjity,  from  whose  mouth 
ihey  received  a  system  of  laws  and  ceremonies,  declared 
himself  the  pro|)er  and  as  it  were  the  national  God  of  Israel  ; 
nnd  wita  the  most  jealous  care  separated  his  favorite  peoj)le 
from  the  rest  of  mankind.  The  conquest  of  the  land  of 
Canaan  was  acconipanied  with  so  many  wonderful  and  with 
so  many  bloody  circumstances,  that  the  victorious  Jews  were 
left  in  a  state  of  irreconcilable  hostility  with  all  their  neigh- 
[)ors.  They  had  been  commanded  to  extirpate  some  of  the 
most  idolatrous  tribes,  and  the  execution  of  the  divine  will 
had  seldom  been  retarded  by  the  weakness  of  humanity 
With  the  other  nations  they  were  forbidden  to  contract  an)' 
marriages  or  alliances  ;  and  the  prohibition  of  receiving  them 
into  the  co^igregation,  which  in  some  cases  was  perpetual, 
almost  always  extended  to  the  third,  to  the  seventh,  or  even  to 
the  tenth  generation.  The  obligation  of  preaching  to  the 
Gentiles  the  faith  of  Moses  had  never  been  inculcated  as  a 
precept  of  the  law,  nor  were  the  Jews  inchned  to  impose  it 
on  themselves  as  a  voluntary  duty. 

In  the  admission  of  new  citizens,  that  unsocial  people  was 
actuated  by  the  selfish  vanity  of  the  (ireeks,  rather  than  by 
the  generous  policy  of  Rome.  The  descendants  of  Abraham 
were  flattered  by  the  opinion  that  they  alone  were  the  heirs  of 
the  covenant,  and  they  were  apprehensive  of  diminishing  the 
value  of  their  inheritance  by  sharing  it  too  eas-ily  witii  the 
strangers  of  the  earth.  A  larger  acquaintance  with  mankind 
extended  their  knowledge  without  correcting  their  prejudices  ; 
and  whenever  llnj  (>ud  of  Israel  accptired  any  new  votaries, 
he  was  much  more  indebted  to  the  inconstant  humor  of  poly- 
theism than  to  the  active  zeal  of  his  own  missionaries.' ^  Tlie 
religion  of  Moses  seems  to  be  instituted  for  a  particular  coun- 
try as  well  as  for  a  single  nation  ;  and  if  a  strict  obedience 
hud  been  paid  to  the  order,  that  every  male,  three  times  in  the 
year,  should  present  himself  before  the  Lord  Jehovah,  it  would 
bave  been   impossible  that  the  Jews  could  ever  have  spread 

"  All  that  ri'latos  to  tlio  Jewish  proselytes  has  been  very  ably 
treati'd  by  IJasnagc,  Hist,  dos  Juit's,  1.  vi.  c.  6.  7. 


512  THE    DEIXINE    AND    FALL 

themselves  beyond  the  narrow  limits  of  the  promised  land.^' 
That  obstacle  was  indeed  removed  by  the  destruction  of  the 
temple  of  Jerusalem ;  but  the  most  considerable  part  of  the 
Jewish  religion  was  invol\¥3d  in  its  destruction  ;  and  the 
Pagans,  who  had  long  wondered  at  the  strange  report  of  an 
empty  sanctuary,'^  were  at  a  loss  to  discover  what  could  be 
the  object,  or  what  could  be  the  instruments,  of  a  worship 
which  was  destitute  of  temples  and  of  altars,  of  priests  and 
of  sacrifices.  Yet  even  in  their  fallen  state,  the  Jews,  still 
asserting  their  lofty  and  exclusive  privileges,  shunned,  instead 
of  courting,  the  society  of  strangers.  They  still  insisted  with 
infle.xible  rigor  on  those  parts  of  the  law  which  it  was  in  their 
power  to  practise.  Their  peculiar  distinctions  of  days,  of 
meats,  and  a  variety  of  trivial  though  burdensome  obser- 
vanct's,  were  so  many  objects  of  disgust  and  aversion  for  the 
other  nations,  to  whose  habits  and  prejudices  they  were  dia- 
metrically opposite.  The  painful  and  even  dangerous  rite  of 
circumcision  was  alone  capable  of  repelling  a  willing  proselyte 
from  the  door  of  the  synagogue.''* 

Under  these  circumstances,  Christianity  offered  itself  to  the 
world,  armed  with  the  strength  of  the  Mosaic  law,  and  deliv- 
ered from  the  weight  of  its  fetters.  An  exclusive  zeal  for 
the  truth  of  religion,  and  the  unity  of  God,  was  as  carefully 
inculcated  in  the  new  as  in  the  ancient  system  :  and  whatever 
was  now  revealed  to  mankind  concerning  the  nature  and  de- 
signs of  the  Supreme  Being,  was  fitted  to  increase  their  rev- 
erence for  that  mysterious  doctrine.  The  divine  authority  of 
Moses  and  the  prophets  was  admitted,  and  even  established, 
as  the  firmest  basis  of  Christianity.  From  the  beginning  of 
the  world,  an  uninterrupted  series  of  predictions  had  an- 
nounced and  prepared  the  long-expected  coming  of  the  Mes- 
siah, who,  in  compliance  witli  the  gross  apjjrehensions  of  the 


'«  Sco  Exod.  xxiv.  23,  Dcut.  xvi.  Ifi,  the  commentators,  and  a  very 
Bensibln  note  in  the  Universal  History,  vol.  i.  p.  603,  edit.  tbl. 

'*  When  Pomjiev,  using  or  aliusing  the  right  of  conquest,  entered 
into  tne  Holy  of  llolics,    it   wns   observed    with   amazement,    "NulQ 
inlus  I)ei\m  "cttigie,  vacuam  sedem  et  inania  arcana."      Tacit,  llist.  v. 
9.     It  was  a  popular  saying,  witli  regard  to  the  Jews, 
Nil  prater  iiiihes  t>.t  ctBli  nuinuti  adorant. 

"  A  second  kind  of  circumcision  was  intlicted  on  a  Samaritan  m 
Egyptian  i)ro..clyte.  The  sullen  iudlHurence  of  the  Tal.-nudi^ts,  \\\lh 
respect  to  the  conversion  of  strangers,  may  he  sefn  in  Busuage.  Uj* 
toire  des  Juifs,  1.  vl.  c.  6. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  513 

jews,  had  been  more  frequently  represented  unde;r  tlie  char 
acter  of  a  King  and  Conqueror,  than  under  that  of  a  Prophet, 
a  Martyr,  and  the  Son  of  God.  By  his  expiatory  sacrifice,  the 
niiperfect  sacrifices  of  the  temjjle  were  at  once  consunimateo 
and  abolislied.  The  ceremonial  law,  which  consisted  only  of 
types  and  figures,  was  succeeded  by  a  pure  and  spiritual  wor- 
slii[),  equally  adapted  to  all  climates,  as  well  as  to  every  con- 
dition of  mankind  ;  and  to  the  initiation  of  blood  was  substi- 
tuted a  more  harmless  initiation  of  water.  The  promise  of 
divine  favor,  instead  of  being  partially  confined  to  the  pos- 
terity of  Abraham,  was  universally  proposed  to  the  freeman 
and  the  slave,  to  the  Greek  and  to  the  barbarian,  to  the  .lew 
and  to  the  Gentile.  Every  privilege  that  could  raise  the  prose- 
lyte from  earth  to  heaven,  that  could  exalt  his  devotion,  secure 
h'.s  happiness,  or  even  gratify  that  secret  pride  which,  under 
the  semblance  of  devotion,  insinuates  itself  into  the  human 
heart,  was  still  reserved  for  the  members  of  the  Christian 
church  ;  but  at  the  same  time  all  mankind  was  permitted, 
and  even  solicited,  to  accept  the  glorious  distinction,  which 
was  not  only  protfered  as  a  favor,  but  imposed  as  an  obliga- 
tion. It  became  the  most  sacred  duty  of  a  new  convert  to 
difl^ise  among  his  friends  and  relations  the  inestimable  bless- 
ing which  he  had  received,  and  to  warn  them  against  a  refu- 
sal that  would  be  severely  punished  as  a  criminal  disobedi- 
ence to  the  will  of  a  benevolent  but  all-powerful  Deity. 

The  enfranchisement  of  the  church  from  the  bonds  of  the 
synagogue  was  a  work,  however,  of  some  time  and  of  some 
dilhculty.  The  Jewish  converts,  who  acknowledged  Jesus  in 
the  character  of  the  Messiah  foretold  by  their  ancient  oracles, 
respected  him  as  a  prophetic  teacher  of  virtue  and  religion; 
but  they  obstinately  adhered  to  the  ceremonies  of  their  ances 
tors,  and  were  desirous  of  imposing  them  on  the  Gentiles, 
who  continually  augmented  the  number  of  believers.  These 
Kulaizing  (Jhristians  seem  to  have  argued  with  some  degree  of 
plausibility  from  the  divine  origin  of  the  Mosaic  law,  and  from 
the  immutable  perfections  of  its  great  Author.  They  afiirmed, 
tluit  if  the  Being,  who  is  the  same  through  all  eternity,  had 
designed  to  abolish  those  sacred  rites  which  had  served  to 
distinguish  his  chosen  jjeople,  the  repeal  of  them  would  liave 
been  no  less  clear  and  solemn  than  their  first  promulgation  : 
that^  inst(;ad  of  those  frequent  declarations,  which  either  sup- 
pose or  assert  the  perpetuity  of  the  Mosaic  religion,  it  would 
nave  been  represented  as  a  provisionary  scheme  intended  to 


514  THt    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

last  only  to  the  coming  of  the  Messiah,  who  should  instruct 
mankind  in  a  more  perfect  mode  of  faith  and  of  worship  :  •* 
tliat  the  Messiali  himself,  and  his  disciples  who  conversed  with 
him  on  «!arih,  instead  of  authorizing  by  their  example  the  most 
minute  observances  of  the  Mosaic  law,!**  would  have  ])ublished 
to  the  world  the  abolition  of  those  useless  and  obsolete  cere- 
monies, without  sutlering  Christianity  to  remain  during  so 
many  years  obscurely  confounded  among  the  sects  of  tho 
Jewish  church.  Arguments  like  these  appear  to  have  been 
used  in  the  defence  of  the  expiring  cause  of  the  Mosaic  law  , 
hut  the  industry  of  our  learned  divines  has  abundantly  ex- 
plained the  ambiguous  language  of  the  Old  Testament,  and 
the  ambiguous  conduct  of  the  apostolic  teachers.  It  was 
proper  gradually  to  unfold  the  system  of  the  gospel,  and  to 
pronounce,  tvith  the  utmost  caution  and  tenderness,  a  sentence 
of  condemnation  so  repugnant  to  the  inclination  and  prejudices 
of  the  believing  Jews. 

The  history  of  the  church  of  Jerusalem  affords  a  lively 
proof  of  the  necessity  of  those  precautions,  and  of  the  deep 
impression  which  the  Jewish  religion  had  made  on  the  minds 
of  its  sectaries.  The  first  fifteen  bishops  of  Jerusalem  were 
all  circumcised  Jews  ;  and  the  congregation  over  which  they 

firesided  united  the  law  of  Moses  with  the  doctrine  of  Christ.*'' 
t  was  natural  that  the  primitive  tradition  of  a  church  which 
M'^as  founded  only  forty  days  after  the  death  of  Christ,  and 
was  governed  almost  as  many  years  under  the  immediate 
inspection  of  his  apostle,  should  be  received  as  the  standard  of 
orthodoxy.*^     The  distant  churches  very  frequently  ai)pealed 

'*  These  arii;uments  were  urged  with  great  ingenuity  by  the  Jew 
Orobio,  and  refuted  with  equal  ingenuity  and  candor  by  the  Christian 
Limborch.  See  the  Arnica  C'oUatio,  (it  well  deserves  that  name,)  or 
account  of  the  dispute  between  them. 

'^  Jesus  .  .  .  cireumcisus  erat  ;  cibis  utebatur  Judaicis  ;  vcstiti!! 
fiiniili ;  purgatos  scabic  mittcbat  ad  saccrdotes  ;  I'aschata  ct  alios  dies 
testes  religiose  observabat :  Si  quos  sana\  it  sabbatho,  ostendit  noil 
tantum  ox  lege,  sed  ct  cxccptis  scntentiis,  talia  opera  sabbatho  non 
intcrdictt.  (irotius  dc  Veiitate  Religionis  Ohristiana?,  1.  v.  c.  7.  A 
little  afterwards,  (c.  12,j  he  expatiates  on  the  condescension  of  tht 
apostkfl. 

"  Pd;ne  oninos  Christum  Dcum  sub  legis  obscrvationo  crcdebant 
Bulpic'.us  Scvcius,  ii.  31.     See  Eusebius,  Hist.  Ecclcisiust.  1.  iv.  c.  o. 

'*  Moshciin  de  llcbus  Christianis  ante  Constantinuni  Magnum,  p 
163.  In  this  masterly  performance,  which  I  shall  often  have  occasion 
to  qiiote,  he  enters  much  more  fully  into  the  state  of  \\c  primitive 
thurch,  tlian  he  has  an  opportunity  of  doing  in  his  Genfir.il   History 


OF    THE    ROMAN     tMPIRE.  51 S 

to  the  authority  of  their  venerable  Parent,  and  relieved  hcl 
distresses  by  a  liberal  contribuion  of  alms.  But  when  numer- 
ous and  opulent  Sdcieties  weie  established  in  the  great  cities 
of  the  empire,  in  Antioch,  Alexandria,  Ephesus,  Corinin,  and 
Rome,  the  reverence  which  Jerusalem  had  inspire  J  to  all  the 
Christian  colonies  insensibly  diminished.  Tlie  Jewish  con- 
verts, or,  as  they  were  afterwards  called,  the  Nazarenes,  who 
had  laid  the  foundations  of  the  church,  soon  found  themselves 
overwhelmed  by  the  increasing  multitudes,  that  from  all  the 
various  religions  of  polytheism  enlisted  under  the  banner  of 
Christ  :  and  the  Gentiles,  who,  with  the  approbation  of  their 
peculiar  apostle,  had  rejected  the  intolerable  weight  of  the 
Mosaic  ceremonies,  at  length  refused  to  their  more  scrupulous 
brethren  the  same  toleration  which  at  first  they  had  humbly 
solicited  for  their  own  practice.  The  ruin  of  the  temple  of 
the  city,  and  of  the  public  religion  of  the  Jews,  was  severely 
felt  by  the  Nazarenes  ;  as  in  their  manners,  though  not  in 
their  faith,  they  maintained  so  intimate  a  connection  with  their 
impious  countrymen,  whose  misfortunes  were  attributed  by  the 
Pagans  to  the  contempt,  and  more  justly  ascribed  by  the  Chris- 
tians to  the  wrath,  of  the  Supreme  Deity.  The  Nazarenes 
retired  from  the  ruins  of  Jerusalem*  to  the  little  town  of  Pella 
beyond  the  Jordan,  where  that  ancient  church  languished  above 
sixty  years  in  solitude  and  obscurity.''-^  They  still  enjoyed 
the  comfort  of  making  frequent  and  devout  visits  to  the  Holy 
City,  and  the  hope  of  being  one  day  restored  to  those  seats 
which  both  nature  and  religion  taught  them  to  love  as  well  as 
to  revere.  But  at  length,  under  the  reign  of  Hadrian,  the 
desperate  fanaticism  of  the  Jews  filled  up  the  measure  of  their 
calamities ;  and  the  Romans,  exasperated  by  their  repeated 
rebellions,  exercised  the  rights  of  victory  with  unusual  rigor. 
The  emperor  founded,  under  the  name  of  ^lia  Capitolina,  a 
new  city  on  Mount  Sion,-"  to  which  he  gave  the  privileges  of 

'•  Eusebius,  1.  iii.  c.  5.  Le  Clerc,  Hist.  Ecclesiast.  p.  60o.  Duriiii» 
this  occasional  absence,  the  bishop  and  church  of  Pclla  still  retained 
the  title  of  Jerusalem.  In  the  same  manner,  the  Roman  pontilfs 
resided  seventy  years  at  Avis^non  ;  and  the  patriarchs  of  Alexandrin 
have  long  since  transferred  their  episcopal  scat  to  Cairo. 

**  Dion  Cassius,  1.  Ixix.  The  exile  of  the  Jewish  nation  from 
Jerusalem  is  attested  by  Aristo  of  Pella,  (apud  Euseb.  1.  iv.  c.  6,)  and 


•  This  is  incorrect :  all  the  traditions  concur  in  placing  the  abandon- 
anent  of  the  city  by  the  Christians,  not  only  before  it  was  in  ruins,  but 
lefore  the  siege  had  coiunenced.     Euseb.  lic.  cit.,  and  Le  Ulcrc  — M 


516  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

a  colony  ;  and  denouncing  the  severest  penalties  against  any 
of  the  Jewish  people  who  should  dare  to  approach  its  pre- 
cincts, he  fixed  a  vigilant  garrison  of  a  Roman  cohort  to 
enforce  the  execution  of  his  orders.  The  Nazarenes  had  only 
one  way  left  to  escape  the  common  proscription,  and  the  force 
of  truth  was  on  this  occasion  assisted  by  the  influence  of  .em- 
poral  advantages.  They  elected  Marcus  for  their  bishop,  a 
prelate  of  the  race  of  the  Gentiles,  and  most  probably  a  native 
either  of  Italy  or  of  some  of  the  Latin  provinces.  At  his 
persuasion,  the  most  considerable  part  of  the  congregation 
renounced  the  Mosaic  law,  in  the  practice  of  which  they  had 
persevered  above  a  century.  By  this  sacrifice  of  their  habits 
and  prejudices,  they  purchased  a  free  admission  into  the  col- 
ony of  Hadrian,  and  more  firmly  cemented  their  union  with 
the  Catholic  church.^^ 

When  the  name  and  honors  of  the  church  of  Jerusalem  had 
been  restored  to  Mount  Sion,  the  crimes  of  heresy  and  schism 
were  imputed  to  the  obscure  remnant  of  the  Nazarenes,  which 
refused  to  accorfipany  their  Latin  bishop.  They  still  preserved 
their  former  habitation  of  Pella,  spread  themselves  into  the 
villages  adjacent  to  Damascus,  and  formed  an  inconsiderable 
church  in  the  city  of  Beroea,  or,  as  it  is  now  called,  of  Aleppo, 
in  Syria.-=^  The  name  of  Nazarenes  was  deemed  too  honor- 
able for  those  Christian  Jews,  and  they  soon  received,  from 
the  supposed  poverty  of  their  understanding,  as  well  as  of 
their  condition,  the  contemptuous  epithet  of  Ebionites.'^^  j^  .^ 
few  years  after  the  return  of  the  church  of  Jerusalem,  it 
became  a   matter   of  doubt  and  controversy,  whether  a  man 


is  mentioned  by  several  ecclesiastical  writers  ;  Ijiough  some  of  them 
too  hastily  extend  this  interdiction  to  the  whole  country  of  Palestine. 

'^  EusJbius,  1.  iv.  c.  6.  Suliiicius  Soverus,  ii.  31.  By  comparing 
their  unsatisfactory  accounts,  ilosheim  (p.  .'V27,  &c.)  has  drawn  out  a 
very  distinct  representation  of  the  circumstances  and  motives  of  tliis 
revolution. 

**  Le  Clcrc  (Hist.  Ecclcsiast.  p.  477,  535)  seems  to  have  collected 
from  Eu:<cbius,  Jerome,  Epiphanius,  and  otlicr  writers,  all  the  princi- 
pal circumstances  that  relate  to  the  Nazarenes  or  Ebionites.  The 
nature  of  their  opinions  soon  divided  thi'in  into  a  stricter  and  a  milder 
Beet.;  and  there  is  some  reason  to  conjecture,  that  the  family  of 
Jesus  Christ  remained  members,  at  least,  of  the  latter  and  more  mod- 
erate party. 

■■''  Some  writers  have  been  jjlcased  to  create  an  Ebion,  the  imagi- 
nary author  of  their  sect  and  name.  Hut  we  can  more  safely  rely  on 
dje  learned  Eusebius  tha/i  on  the  vehement  Tertullian,  or  the  credu 


0"="    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  517 

who  sincerely  acknowledged  Jesus  as  the  Messiah,  but  who 
Btill  continued  to  observe  the  law  of  Moses,  could  possibly 
hope  for  salvation.  The  humane  temper  of  Justin  Martyr 
inclined  him  to  answer  this  question  in  the  afhrmativc  ;  and 
though  he  expressed  himself  with  the  most  guarded  diflidence, 
he  ventured  to  determine  in  favor  of  such  an  imperfect 
Christian,  if  he  were  content  to  practise  the  Mosaic  ccremo* 
nics,  without  pretending  to  assert  their  general  use  or  neces 
sity.  But  when  Justin  was  pressed  to  declare  the  sentiment 
of  the  church,  he  confessed  that  there  were  very  many  among 
the  orthodox  Christians,  who  not  only  excluded  their  Judaizing 
brethren  from  the  hope  of  salvation,  but  who  declined  any 
intercourse  with  them  in  the  common  offices  of  friendship, 
hospitality,  and  social  life.-''  The  more  rigorous  opinion  pre- 
vailed, as  it  was  natural  to  expect,  over  the  milder  ;  and  an 
eternal  bar  of  separation  was  fixed  between  the  disciples  of 
Moses  and  those  of  Christ.  The  unfortunate  Ebionites, 
rejected  from  one  religion  as  apostates,  and  from  the  other  as 
heretics,  found  themselves  compelled  to  assume  a  more  decided 
character  ;  and  although  some  traces  of  that  obsolete  sect 
may  be  discovered  as  late  as  the  fourth  century,  they  insensi- 
bly melted  away,  either  into  the  church  or  the  synagogue.-^ 

lous  Epiphanius.  According  to  I.c  Clerc,  the  Hebrew  word  Ebjonim 
may  be  translated  into  Latin  by  that  of  Paupercs.  See  Hist.  Eccle- 
siast.  p.  477.* 

**  See  the  very  curious  Dialogue  of  Justin  Mart\T  with  the  Jew 
Tryphon.t  The  conference  between  them  was  held  at  Ephesus,  in 
the  reign  of  Antoninus  Pius,  and  about  twenty  years  after  the  return 
of  the  cliurch  of  Pella  to  Jerusalem.  For  this  date  consult  the 
accurate  note  of  Tillcinont,  Memoires  Ecclesiastiques,  torn.  ii.  p.  511. 

"  Of  all  the  systems  of  Christianity,  that  of  Abyssinia  is  the  only 
one  which  still  adheres  to  the  Mosaic  rites.   (Geddes's  Church  History 


*  The  opinion  of  Le  Clerc  is  generally  admitted ;  but  Neander  has  sug- 
gested some  good  reasons  for  supposing  that  this  term  only  applied  to 
poverty  of  condition.  The  obscure  history  of  their  tenets  and  divisions, 
IS  clearly  and  rationally  traced  in  his  History  of  the  Church,  vol.  i.  part  ii. 
p.  612,  &c.,  (jtTin.  edit.  —  M. 

t  Justin  Martyr  makes  an  important  distinction,  which  Gibbon  has 
neglected  to  notice.  *  *  *  Tliurc  v.cre  some  who  were  not  content  with 
observing  the  Mosaic  law  themselves,  but  enforced  the  same  observance, 
as  necessary  to  salvation,  upon  the  heathen  converts,  and  refused  all  social 
intercourse  with  them  if  they  did  not  conform  to  the  law.  Justin  Martyr 
himself  freely  admits  those  who  kept  the  law  themselves  to  Christian 
tommimion,  tliough  he  acknowledges  that  some,  not  the  Church,  thought 
Otherwise;  of  the  other  party,  he  himself  thought  less  favorably — i^oiuij 
<a\  Touroii  ovK  ('nto^i^Snai.  The  former  by  some  are  consideicd  the  Naza- 
cenes,  the  latter  the  Ebionites.  —  G  and  M. 


51 P  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

Willie  the  orthodox  church  preserved  a  just  med'um  bo. 
tween  excessive  veneration  and  improper  contempt  for  the 
law  of  Moses,  the  various  heretics  deviated  into  equal  but 
opposite  extremes  of  error  and  extravagance.  From  the 
acknowledged  truth  of  the  Jewish  religion,  the  Ebionites  had 
concluded  that  it  could  never  be  abolished.  From  its  su[)[)osed 
imperfections,  the  Gnostics  as  hastily  inferred  that  it  never 
was  instituted  by  the  wisdom  of  the  Deity.  There  are  some 
objections  agamst  the  authority  of  Moses  and  the  prophets, 
which  too  readily  present  themselves  to  the  sceptical  mind  ; 
though  they  can  only  be  derived  from  our  ignorance  of  remottj 
antiquity,  and  from  our  incapacity  to  form  an  adequate  judg- 
ment of  the  divine  economy.  These  objections  were  eagerly 
embraced  and  as  petulantly  urged  by  the  vain  science  of  the 
Gnostics.26  As  those  heretics  were,  for  the  most  part,  averse 
to  the  pleasures  of  sense,  they  morosely  arraigned  the  polyg- 
amy of  the  patriarchs,  the  gallantries  of  David,  and  the 
seraglio  of  Solomon.  The  conquest  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  and 
the  extirpation  of  the  unsuspecting  natives,  they  were  at  a  loss 
how  to  reconcile  with  the  common  notions  of  humanity  and 
justice.*  But  when  they  recollected  the  sanguinary  list  of 
murders,  of  executions,  and  of  massacres,  which  stain  almost 
every  page  of  the  Jewish  annals,  they  acknowledged  that  the 
barbarians  of  Palestine  had  exercised  as  much  compassion 
towards  their  idolatrous  enemies,  as  they  had  ever  shown  to 
their  friends  or  countrymen.^^     Passing  from  the  sectaries  of 


of  JEthiopia,  and  Dissertations  de  La  Grand  sur  la  Relation  du  P. 
Lobo.)  The  eunuch  of  the  queen  Candace  might  suggest  some  sus- 
picions ;  but  as  we  are  assured  (Socrates,  i.  19.  So/omen,  ii.  24. 
Ludolphus,  p.  281)  that  the  ^Ethiopians  were  not  converted  till  the 
fourth  century,  it  is  more  reasonable  to  believe  that  they  respected 
the  sabbath,  and  distinguished  the  forbidden  meats,  in  imitation  of 
the  Jews,  who,  in  a  very  early  period,  were  seated  on  both  sides  of 
the  lied  Sea.  Circumcision  had  been  practised  by  the  most  ancient 
./Ethiopians,  from  motives  of  health  and  cleanliness,  which  seem  to 
be  explained  in  the  Kecherches  Philosophiques  sur  les  Americains, 
tom.  ii.  p.  117. 

**  Beausobrc,  Ilistoire  du  Manicheisme,  1.  i.  c.  3,  has  staled  their 
objections,  particularly  those  of  Faustus,  the  adversary  of  i\ugustin, 
with  the  most  learned  impartiality. 

"  Apud  ipsos  fides  obstinata,  miscricordia  in  prompt^  :  advcrsui 
tmncs  alios  hostile  odium.  Tacit.  Hist.  v.  4.     Surely  Tacitus  Kad  sesq 


*  On  the  "  war  law"  of  the  Jews,  see  Hist,  of  Jews,  i.  1,37.  — U 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE  519 

:he  law  In  the  law  itself,  they  asserted  that  it  was  imposstible 
that  n  religion  which  consisted  only  of  bloody  sacrifices  and 
trifling  ceremonies,  and  whose  rewards  as  well  as  punishnnenis 
were  all  of  a  carnal  and  temporal  nature,  could  inspire  the 
love  of  virtue,  or  restrain  the  imj^etuosity  of  passion.  Tho 
Mosiac  account  of  the  creation  and  fall  of  man  was  treated 
with  profane  derision  by  the  Gnostics,  who  would  not  listen 
with  patience  to  the  repose  of  the  Deity  after  six  days'  labor, 
to  the  rib  of  Adam,  the  garden  of  Eden,  the  trees  of  life  and 
of  knowledge,  the  speaking  serpent,  the  forbidden  fruit,  and 
the  condemnation  pronounced  against  human  kind  for  the 
venial  olfence  of  their  first  progenitors.-^  The  God  of  Isr.ael 
was  impiously  represented  by  the  Gnostics  as  a  being  liable  to 
passion  and  to  error,  capricious  in  his  favor,  implacable  in  hia 
resentment,  meanly  jealous  of  his  superstitious  worship,  and 
confining  his  partial  providence  to  a  single  people,  and  to  this 
transitory  life.  In  such  a  character  they  could  discover  none 
of  the  features  of  the  wise  and  omnipotent  Father  of  the 
universe.23  I'hey  allowed  that  the  religion  of  the  Jews  was 
somewhat  less  criminal  than  the  idolatry  of  the  Gentiles ;  but 
it  was  their  fundamental  doctrine,  that  the  Christ  whom  they 
adored  as  the  first  and  brightest  emanation  of  the  Deity  ap- 
peared upon  earth  to  rescue  mankind  from  their  various  errors, 

the  Jews  with  too  favorable  an  eye.*  The  perusal  of  Josephus  must 
have  destroyed  the  antithesis. 

■■'*'  Dr.  IJurnet  (Archajologia,  1.  ii.  c.  7)  has  discussed  the  first 
chapters  of  Genesis  with  too  much  wit  and  freedom.f 

'*  The  milder  Gnostics  considered  Jehovah,  the  Creator,  as  a  Being 
of  a  mixed  nature  between  God  and  the  Diemon.  Others  confounded 
him  with  the  evil  principle.  Consult  the  second  century  of  the  gen- 
eral history  of  Moshcim,  which  gives  a  very  distinct,  though  concise, 
account  of  their  strange  opinions  on  this  subject. 


•  Few  writers  have  suspected  Tacitus  of  partiality  towards  the  Jews. 
The  whole  later  history  of  the  Jews  illustrates  as  well  their  strong  feelings 
of  humanity  to  their  brethren,  as  their  hostility  to  the  rest  of  mankind. 
The  character  and  the  position  of  Josephus  with  the  Roman  authorities, 
must  be  kept  in  mind  during  the  perusal  of  his  History.  Perhaps  he  has 
not  exaggerated  the  ferocity  and  fanaticism  of  the  Jews  at  that  time;  but 
insurrectionary  warfare  is  not  the  best  school  for  the  humaner  virtues,  and 
much  must  be  allowed  for  the  grinding  tyranny  of  the  later  lloman  gov- 
ernors.    See  Ilist.  of  Jews,  ii.  2.54.  — M. 

+  Dr.  Burnet  apologized  for  the  levity  with  which  he  had  conducted 
•ome  of  his  arguments,  by  the  excuse  that  he  wrote  in  a  learned  language 
tor  scholars  alone,  not  for  the  vulgar.  AVhatever  may  be  thought  of  lis 
■access  in  tracing  an  Eastern  allegory  in  the  first  chapters  of  Genesii,  ni» 
pther  wcrks  proYC  him  to  have  been  a  man  of  great  genius  and  of  iinc.erfc 
^iety.  —  M. 


520  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

and  to  jeveal  a  new  system  of  truth  and  perfection.  The  most 
learned  of  the  fathers,  by  a  very  singular  condescension,  have 
imprudently  admitted  the  sophistry  of  the  Gnostics.*  Acknowl- 
edging that  the  literal  sense  is  repugnant  to  every  principle 
of  faith  as  well  as  reason,  they  deem  themselves  secure  and 
invulnerable  behind  the  ample  veil  of  allegory,  which  they 
carefully  spread  over  every  tender  part  of  the  Mosaic  dispen- 
sation.3'^ 

It  has  been  remarked  with  more  ingenuity  than  truth,  that 
the  virgin  purity  of  the  church  was  never  violated  by  schism 
or  heresy  before  the  reign  of  Trajan  or  Hadrian,  about  one 
hundred  years  after  the  death  of  Christ.^^  We  may  observe 
with  much  more  propriety,  that,  during  that  period,  the  dis 
ciples  of  the  Messiah  \\7ere  indulged  in  a  freer  latitude,  both 
of  faith  and  practice,  than  has  ever  been  allowed  in  succeeding 
ages.  As  the  terms  of  communion  were  insensibly  narrowed, 
and  the  spiritual  authority  of  the  prevailing  party  was  exercised 
with  increasing  severity,  many  of  its  most  respectable  ad- 
herents, who  were  called  upon  to  renounce,  were  provoked  to 
assert  their  private  opinions,  to  pursue  the  consequences  of  their 
mistaken  principles,  and  openly  to  erect  the  standard  of  rebellion 
against  the  unity  of  the  church.  The  Gnostics  were  distinguished 
as  the  most  polite,  the  most  learned,  and  the  most  wealthy  of  the 
Christian  name  ;  and  that  general  appellation,  which  expressed 
a  superiority  of  knowledge,  was  eitlier  assumed  by  their  own 
pride,  or  ironically  bestowed  by  the  envy  of  their  adversaries. 
They  were  almost  without  exception  of  the  race  of  the  Gen- 
tiles, and  their  principal  founders  seem  to  have  been  natives 

'"  See  Beausobre,  Hist,  du  Manicheisme,  1.  i.  c.  4.  Origcn  and  St. 
Augustin  were  among  the  allegorists. 

^'  Hegesippus,  ap.  Euscb.  1.  iii.  32,  iv.  22.  Clemens  Alexandrin. 
Stromal,  vii.  17.t 


*  The  Gnostics,  and  the  historian  who  has  stated  these  plausible  objec- 
tions with  so  much  force  as  ahnost  to  make  them  his  own,  would  have 
shown  a  more  considerate  and  not  less  reasonable  philosophy,  if  they  had 
considered  the  religion  of  Moses  witli  reference  to  the  age  in  whicli  it  was 
promulgated;  if  they  had  done  justice  to  its  sublime  as  well  as  its  more 
imperfect  views  of  the  divine  nature;  the  humane  and  civilizing  provisions 
of  the  Hebrew  law,  as  well  as  those  adapted  for  an  infant  and  barbarous 
people.     See  Hist,  of  Jews,  i.  3G,  37,  &c.  —  M. 

+  The  assertion  of  Hegesippus  is  not  so  positive:  it  is  sufficient  to  read 
the  whole  passage  in  Eusebius,  to  see  that  the  former  part  is  uiixlified  by 
the  latter.  H(!gcsippus  ad's,  that  up  to  this  periud  the  church  had 
remained  pure  and  immacul  ive  as  a  virgin.  Those  who  labored  to  corrupt 
the  doctriuoB  of  the  gospel  worked  as  yet  in  obscurity.  —  ^i 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  521 

of  Syria  or  Egypt,  where  the  warn.th  of  the  climate  disposea 
both  (he  m.nd  and  the  hody  to  indolent  and  contemplative 
devotion  The  Gnostics  blended  with  the  faith  of  Christ 
many  sublime  but  obscure  tenets,  which  they  derived  from 
oriental  philosophy,  arul  even  from  the  religion  of  Zoroaster, 
concerning  the  eternity  of  matter,  the  existence  of  two  prin- 
ciples, and  the  mysterious  hierarchy  of  the  invisible  world.-^"^ 
As  soon  as  they  launched  out  into  th;it  vast  abyss,  they  delivered 
themselves  to  the  guidance  of  a  disordered  imagination  ;  and 
as  the  paths  of  error  are  various  and  infinite,  the  Gnostics 
were  imperceptibly  divided  into  more  than  fifty  particular 
8ects,33  of  whom  the  most  celebrated  appear  to  have  been  the 
Basilidians,  the  Valentinians,  the  Marcionites,  and,  in  a  still 
later  period,  the  Manichaeans.  Each  of  these  sects  could 
boast  of  its  bishops  and  congregations,  of  its  doctors  and 
martyrs ;  34  and,  instead  of  the  Four  Gospels  adopted  by  the 
church,t  the  heretics  produced  a  multitude  of  histories,  in 
which  the  actions  and  discourses  of  Christ  and  of  his  apostles 
were  adapted  to  their  respective  tenets.^^     The  success  of  the 

'*  In  the  account  of  the  Gnostics  of  the  second  and  third  centuries, 
Mosheim  is  ingenious  and  candid ;  Le  Clcrc  dull,  but  exact ;  Beauso- 
bre  almost  always  an  apologist ;  and  it  is  much  to  be  feared  that  the 
primitive  fathers  are  very  frequently  calumniators.* 

'^  See  the  catalogues  of  Irenaeus  and  Epiphanius.  It  must  indeed 
be  allowed,  that  those  writers  were  inclined  to  multiply  the  number 
of  sects  which  opposed  the  unity  of  the  church. 

^*  Eusebius,  1.  iv.  c.  15.  Sozomen,  1.  ii.  c.  32.  See  in  Bayle.  in  the 
article  of  Marcion,  a  curious  detail  of  a  dispute  on  that  subject.  It 
Bhould  seem  that  some  of  the  Gnostics  (the  Basilidians)  dei-lined,  and 
even  refused,  the  honor  of  Martyrdom.  Their  reasons  were  singular 
and  abstruse.     See  Mosheim,  p.  539. 

'*  See  a  very  remarkable  passage  of  Origen,  (Proem,  ad  Lucam.) 
That  indefatigable  writer,  who  had  consumed  his  life  in  the  study  of 
the  Scriptures,  relies  for  their  authenticity  on  the  inspired  authority 
of  the  church.  It  was  impossible  that  the  Gnostics  could  receive  oui 
present  Gospels,  many  parts  of  which  (particularly  in  the  resurrection 
of  Christ)  are  directly,  and  as  it  might  seem  designedly,  pointed 
against  their  favorite  tenets.  It  is  therefore  somewhat  singular  that 
Ignatius  (Epist.  ad  Smyrn.  Patr.  Apostol.  torn.  ii.  p.  34)  should 
choose  to  employ  a  vague  and  doubtful  tradition,  instead  of  quotijig 
the  certain  testimony  of  the  evangelists.  J 


•  The  Histoire  du  Gnosticisme  of  M.  Matter  is  at  once  the  fairest  anl 
uost  complete  account  of  these  sects.  —  M. 

t  M    Hahn  has  restored  the  Marcionite  Gospel  with  great  ingenuity. 
H>«  work  is  reprinted  in  Thilo.  Codex.  Apoc.  Nov.  Test.  vol.  i.  —  M. 

X  Bishop  Pearson  has  attempted  very  happily  to  explain  this  "  singu 
25 


5i22  THE     )ECLINE    AND    FAL'j 

Gnostics  was  rapid  and  exlensive.36  They  covered  Asia  and 
Egypt,  established  themselves  in  Rome,  and  sometimes  pene- 
trated  into  the  provinces  of  the  West.  For  the  most  part  they 
arose  in  the  second  century,  flourished  during  the  third,  and 
were  suppressed  in  the  fourth  or  fifth,  by  the  prevalence  of 
more  fasliionable  controversies,  and  by  the  superior  ascend- 
ant of  the  reigning  power.  Though  they  constantly  disturbed 
the  peace,  and  frequently  disgraced  the  name,  of  religion, 
they  contributed  to  assist  rather  than  to  retard  the  progress  of 
Christianity.  The  Gentile  converts,  whose  strongest  objections 
and  prejudices  were  directed  against  the  law  of  Moses,  could 
find  admission  into  many  Christian  societies,  which  required 
not  from  their  untutored  mind  any  belief  of  an  antecedent 
revelation.  Their  faith  was  insensibly  fortified  and  enlarged, 
and  the  church  was  ultimately  benefited  by  the  conquests  of 
its  most  inveterate  enemies.37 

But  whatever  dilTerence  of  opinion  might  subsist  between 
the  Orthodox,  the  Ebionites,  and  the  Gnostics,  concerning  the 
divinity  or  the  obligation  of  the  Mosiac  law,  they  were  all 
equally  animated  by  the  same  exclusive  zeal  ;  and  by  the 
same  abhorrence  for  idolatry,  which  had  distinguished  the 
Jews  from  the  other  nations  of  the  ancient  world.  The  phi- 
losopher, who  considered  the  system  of  polytheism  as  a  com- 
position of  human  fraud  and  error,  could  disguise  a  smile  of 
contempt  under  the  mask  of  devotion,  without  apprehending 
that  either  the  mockery,  or  the  compliance,  would  expose  him 
to  the  resentment  of  any  invisible,  or,  as  he  conceived  them 
imaginary  powers.  But  the  established  religions  of  Paganism 
were  seen  by  the  primitive  Christians  in  a  much  more  odious 

^^  Faciunt  favos  et  vcspae ;  faciunt  ecclesias  et  Marcionitse,  is  the 
strong  expression  of  Tertullian,  which  I  am  obliged  to  quote  from 
memory.  In  the  time  of  Epiphanius  (advers.  Ha^reses,  p.  302)  the 
Marcionites  were  very  numerous  in  Italy,  Syria,  Egypt,  Arabia,  and 
Persia. 

^^  Augus'tin  is  a  memorable  instance  of  this  gradual  progress  from 
reason  to  faith.  He  was,  during  several  years,  engaged  in  the  Mani« 
jjhajan  sect. 


larity."  The  first  Christians  were  acquainted  with  a  number  of  sayings  ot 
Jesus  Christ,  whif^h  are  not  related  in  our  Gospels,  and  indeed  have  never 
Deen  written.  Why  might  not  St.  Ignatius,  who  had  lived  with  the  ii pes- 
tles or  thi'ir  disciples,  repeat  in  other  words  that  which  St.  Luke  has 
rehted.'particularly  at  a  time  when,  being  in  prison,  he  could  have  the 
Gospels  at  hand  ?  Pearson,  Vind.  Ign  pp.  2,  9;  p.  39G,  iii  to/a.  ii.  Fatre* 
Ajost.  ed.  Coteler.  — G 


OF    THE    ROMAN    E-'^'PIRi:.  o23 

and  formidable  liglit.  It  was  the  universal  sentinient  bolh  of  the 
church  and  of  heretics,  that  the  daemons  were  the  authors,  the 
patrons,  and  the  objects  of  idolatry.^^  Those  rebellious  spirits 
who  had  been  degraded  from  the  rank  of  angels,  and  cast 
down  into  the  infernal  pit,  were  still  permitted  to  roam  upon 
earth,  to  torment  the  bodies,  and  to  seduce  the  minds,  of 
sinful  men.  The  daemons  soon  discovered  and  abused  the 
natural  propensity  of  the  human  heart  towards  devotion,  and, 
artfully  withdrawing  the  adoration  of  mankind  from  their  Crea- 
tor, they  usurped  the  place  and  honors  of  the  Supreme  Deity. 
By  the  success  of  their  malicious  contrivances,  they  at  once 
gratified  their  own  vanity  and  revenge,  and  obtained  the  only 
comfort  of  which  they  were  yet  susceptible,  the  hope  of 
involving  the  human  species  in  the  participation  of  their  guilt 
and  misery.  It  was  confessed,  or  at  least  it  was  imagined, 
that  they  had  distributed  among  themselves  the  most  impor- 
tant characters  of  polytheism,  one  daemon  assuming  the  name 
and  attributes  of  Jupiter,  another  of  iEsculapius,  a  third  of 
Venus,  and  a  fmirth  perhaps  of  Apollo  ;  ^'^  and  that,  by  the 
advantage  of  their  long  experience  and  aerial  nature,  they 
were  enabled  to  e.xecute,  with  sufficient  skill  and  dignity,  the 
parts  which  they  nad  undertaken.  They  lurked  in  the  tem- 
ples, instituted  festivals  and  sacrifices,  invented  fables,  pro- 
nounced oracles,  and  were  frequently  allowed  to  perform 
miracles.  The  Christians,  who,  by  the  interposition  of  evil 
spirits,  could  so  readily  explain  every  praeternatural  appear- 
ance, were  disposed  and  even  desirous  to  admit  the  most 
extravagant  fictions  of  the  Pagan  mythology.  But  the  belief 
of  the  Christian  was  accompanied  with  horror.  The  most 
trifling  mark  of  respect  to  the  national  worship  he  considered 
Qs  a  direct  homaga  yielded  to  the  daemon,  and  as  an  act  of 
rebellion  against  the  majesty  of  God. 

In  consequence  of  this  opinion,  it  was  the  first  but  arduous 
duty  of  a  Christian  to  preserve  himself  pure  and  undefiled  by 
the  practice  of  idolatry.  The  religion  of  the  nations  was  not 
merely  a  speculative  doctrine  professed  in  the  schoo's  or 
preached  in  the  temples.     The  innumerable  deities  and  rites 


**  The  unanimous  sentiment  of  the  primitive  church  is  very  clearl; 
explained  by  Justin  Martyr,  Apolog.  Major,  by  Athenagoras,  Legal 
c.  22,  ixc,  and  by  I.actantius,  Institut.  Divin.  ii.  14 — 19. 

"  Tertullian  (Apolog.  c.  23)  alleges  the  confession  of  the  daemon 
themselves  as  often  as  they  wore  tormented  \fy  the  Christian  cxoreisU 


524  THE   DECLINE    AND    FALL 

of  polytheism  were  closely  interwoven  with  every  circum 
stance  of  business  or  pleasure,  of  public  or  of  private  life 
Rnd  it  seemed  impossible  to  escape  the  observance  of  them 
without,  at  the  same  time,  renouncing  the  commerce  of  man 
kind,  and  all  the  offices  and  amusements  of  society.^"     The 
important  transactions  of  peace  and   war  were   prepared  of 
concluded  by  solemn  sacrifices,  in  which  the  magistrate,  the 
senator,  and  the  soldier,  were  obliged  to  preside  or  to  partici- 
pate.''^    The  public  spectacles  were  an  essential  part  of  the 
cheerful  devotion  of  the  Pagans,  and  the  gods  were  supposed 
to  accept,  as  the  most  grateful  offering,  the   games  that   the 
prince  and  people  celebrated  in  honor  of  their  peculiar  fes- 
tivals.^2     The  Christian,   who  with  pious   horror  avoided  the 
abomination  of  the  circus  or  the  theatre,  found  himself  encom- 
passed with  infernal  snares  in  every  convivial  entertainment 
as  often  as  his  friends,  invoking  the  hospitable  deities,  poured 
out  libations  to  each   other''s  happiness.''^     When  the  bride, 
struggling  with  well-affected  reluctance,  was  forced  in  hyme- 
nceal    pomp  over  the  threshold    of   her  new   habitation,'*^  or 
when  the  sad   procession  of  the  dead  slowly  moved  towards 
the   funeral   pile  ;  ''^  the  Christian,  on  these   interesting  occa- 


^^  TertuUian  has  written  a  most  severe  treatise  against  idolatry,  to 
caution  his  brethren  against  the  hourly  danger  of  incurring  that  guilt. 
Recogita  sylvam,  et  quantiB  latitant  spinie.     De  Coronfi  Militis,  c.  10. 

■*'  The  Iloman  senate  was  always  held  in  a  temple  or  consecrated 
place.  (Aulas  Gcllius,  xiv.  7.)  Before  they  entered  on  business,  every 
senator  dropped  some  wine  and  frankincense  on  the  altar.  Sueton.  in 
August,  c.  35. 

''*  See  TertuUian,  De  Spcctaculis.  This  severe  reformer  shows  nc 
more  indulgence  to  a  tragedy  of  Euripides,  than  to  a  combat  of  gladi- 
ators. The  dress  of  the  actors  particularly  offends  him.  By  the  use 
of  the  lofty  buskin,  they  impiously  strive  to  add  a  cubit  to  their 
stature,   c.  23. 

*^  The  ancient  practice  of  concluding  the  entertainment  with  liba- 
tions, may  be  found  in  every  classic.  Socrates  and  Seneca,  in  their 
last  moments,  made  a  noble  application  of  this  custom.  Postquam 
Btagnum  calidae  aquae  introiit,  respergens  proximos  sers'orum,  additi\ 
voce,  libare  se  liquorem  ilium  Jovi  Liberator!.     Tacit.  Annal.  xv.  64. 

■'■'  See  the  elegant  but  idolatrous  hymn  of  Catullus,  on  the  nuptials 
of  Manlius  and  Julia.  O  Hymen,  Hymensee  16  !  Quis  huic  Deo 
compararier  ausit  ? 

*^  The  ancient  funerals  (in  those  of  Misenus  and  Pallas)  are  no  less 
accvirately  described  by  Virgil,  than  they  are  illustrated  by  his  com- 
mentator Servius.  The  pile  itself  was  an  altar,  the  flames  were  fed 
with  the  blood  of  victims,  and  all  the  as.'iiiiitants  were  sprinkled  wiib 
liiBtral  water. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  52f 

Bions  was  compelled  to  desert  the  pers ms  wlio  were  the  dear- 
est to  him,  rather  than  contract  the  guih  inherent  to  Miose  im- 
pious ceremonies.  Every  art  and  every  trade  that  was  in  the 
'east  concerned  in  the  framing  or  adorning  of  idols  was  pol- 
luted by  the  stain  of  idolatry  ; '"^  a  severe  sentence,  since  it 
devoted  to  eternal  misery  the  far  greater  part  of  ihe  comniu- 
nitv,  which  is  employed  in  the  exercise  of  liberal  or  mechanic 
professions.  If  we  cast  our  eyes  over  the  numerous  rcniE-ins 
of  antiquity,  we  shall  perceive,  that  besides  the  immediate 
representations  of  the  gods,  and  the  holy  instruments  of  their 
ft'orship,  the  elegant  forms  and  agreeable  fictions  consecratea 
by  the  imagination  of  the  Greeks,  were  introduced  as  the 
richest  ornaments  of  the  houses^  the  dress,  and  the  furniture 
of  the  Pagans.^"  Even  the  arts  of  music  and  painting,  of  elo- 
quence and  poetry,  flowed  from  the  same  impute  origin.  In 
the  style  of  the  fathers,  Apollo  and  the  Muses  were  the  organs* 
of  the  infernal  spirit ;  Homer  and  Virgil  were  the  most  emi- 
nent of  his  servants ;  and  the  beautiful  mythology  which  per 
vades  and  animates  the  compositions  of  their  genius,  is  des- 
tined to  celebrate  the  glory  of  the  dicmons.  Even  the  com- 
mon language  of  Greece  and  Rome  abounded  with  familiar 
but  impious  expressions,  which  the  imprudent  Christian  might 
too  carelessly  utter,  or  too  patiently  hear.'*'^ 

The  dangerous  temptations  which  on  every  side  lurked   in 
ambush  to  surprise  the  unguarded   believer,  assailed  him  with 
redoubled  violence  on  the  days  of  solemn  festivals.     So  art 
fully  were  they  framed  and  disposed  throughout  the  year,  thai 
superstition   always  wore    the  appearance   of    pleasure,   and 

««  Tcrtullian  dc  Idololatria,  c.  11.* 

•"  Sec  every  part  of  Montl'aucoii's  Antiquities.  Even  the  reverses 
of  the  Greek  and  Roman  coins  were  frequently  of  an  idolatrous 
nature.  Here  indeed  the  scrui)les  of  the  Christian  were  suspended 
oy  a  strouf^er  passion. f 

'*"  Tcrtullian  de  Idololatria,  c.  20,  21.  22.  If  a  Pagan  friend  (on 
•Jio  occasion  jjcrhaps  of  sneezing)  used  the  familiar  expression  of 
•'Jupiter  bless  you,"  the  Christian  was  obliged  to  protest  against  the 
Uvinity  of  Jupiter. 

•  The  exagji;prated  and  declamatory  opinions  of  Tcrtullian  ought  not 
o  b.-  taken  as  the  general  sentiment  of  the  early  Christians.  Gibbon  has 
■«o  often  allowed  himself  to  consider  the  peculiar  notions  of  certain 
Fathers  of  the  Church  as  inherent  in  Christianity.  This  is  not  accurate. 
-G. 

t  All  this  Bcrupulous  nicety  is  at  variance  with  the  decision  of  St.  Paui 
tbout  meat  otfeied  to  idols,  1  Cor.  x.  21 — 32  — M. 


526  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL. 

often  of  virtue  ^^  Some  of  the  most  sacred  festivals  in  the 
Roman  ritual  were  destined  to  salute  the  new  calends  of  Jan- 
uary with  vows  of  public  and  private  felicity;  to  indulge  the 
pious  remembrince  of  the  dead  and  living  ;  to  ascertain  the 
inviolable  bounds  of  property  ;  to  hail,  on  the  return  of  spring, 
the  genial  powers  of  fecundity  ;  to  perpetuate  the  two  mem- 
orable ffiras  of  Rome,  the  foundation  of  the  city  and  that  of 
the  republic  ;  and  to  restore,  during  the  humane  license  of 
the  Saturnalia,  the  primitive  equality  of  mankind.  Some  idea 
may  be  conceived  of  the  abhorrence  of  the  Christians  for 
such  impious  ceremonies,  by  the  scrupulous  delicacy  which 
they  displayed  on  a  much  less  alarming  occasion.  On  days 
of  general  festivity,  it  was  the  custom  of  the  ancients  to  adorn 
their  doors  with  lamps  and  with  branches  of  laurel,  and  to 
crown  their  heads  with  a  garland  of  flowers.  This  innocent 
and  elegiint  practice  might  perhaps  have  been  tolerated  as  a 
mere  civil  institution.  But  it  most  unluckily  happened  that 
the  doors  were  under  the  protection  of  the  household  gods, 
that  the  laurel  was  sacred  to  the  lover  of  Daphne,  and  that 
garlands  of  flowers,  though  frequently  worn  as  a  symbol  either 
of  joy  or  mourning,  had  been  dedicated  in  their  first  origin  to 
the  service  of  superstition.  The  trembling  Christians,  who 
were  persuaded  in  this  instance  to  comply  with  the  fashion  of 
their  country,  and  the  commands  of  the  magistrate,  labored 
under  the  most  gloomy  apprehensions,  from  the  reproaches  of 
their  own  conscience,  the  censures  of  the  church,  and  the 
denunciations  of  divine  vengeance.^** 

*'  Consult  the  most  labored  work  of  Ovid,  his  imperfect  Fasti.  He 
finished  no  more  than  the  first  six  months  of  the  year.  The  eompila- 
tion  of  Macrobius  is  called  the  Saturnalia,  but  it  is  only  a  small  part 
of  the  first  book  that  bears  any  relation  to  the  title. 

*°  Turtullian  has  composed  a  defence,  or  rather  panegj-ric,  of  tho 
rash  action  of  a  Christian  soldier,  who,  by  throwing  away  his  crown 
of  laurel,  had  exposed  himself  and  his  brethren  to  the  most  imminent 
danger.*  By  the  mention  of  the  emperors,  (Severus  and  Caracalla,) 
it  is  evident,  notwithstanding  the  wislios  of  M.  do  Tillemont,  that 
TcrtulHan  composed  his  treatise  Do  Coronfi  long  before  he  was  en- 
gaged in  the  errors  of  the  Montanists.  See  Mcmoires  Ecclcsiastiques 
torn.  iii.  p.  384.t 

*  The  soldier  did  not  tear  off  his  crown  to  throw  it  down  with  contempt ; 
ae  did  not  even  throw  it  away  ;  he  lield  it  in  his  hand,  while  others  wore 
It  on  their  heads.     Solus  hbero  csipitc,  ornamcnto  in  nianu  otioso.  —  G. 

t  Tertullian  docs  not  expressly  name  the  two  empoiDrs,  Severus  and 
Caracalla  :  he  speaks  only  of  two  euiperurs,  and  of  a  long  peace  which  the 


OF    THE    ROMAN    KMPIRE.  5'27 

Such  was  the  anxious  diligence  which  was  requited  to 
guard  the  chustity  of  the  gospel  from  the  infectious  breath  of 
idolatry.  The  superstitious  observances  of  public  or  private 
rites  were  carelessly  practised,  from  education  and  halnt,  by 
the  followers  of  the  established  religion.  But  as  often  as  they 
occurred,  they  afforded  the  Christians  an  opportunity  of  de- 
claring and  confirining  their  zealous  opposition.  By  these 
frequent  protestations  their  attachment  to  tlie  faith  was  contin- 
ually fortilied  ;  and  in  proportion  to  the  increase  of  zeal,  they 
combated  with  the  more  ardor  and  success  in  the  holy  war, 
which  they  had  undertaken  against  the  empire  of  the  demons. 

II.  The  writings  of  Cicero  ^^  represent  in  the  most  li\ely 
colors  the  ignorance,  the  errors,  and  the  uncertainty  of  the 
ancient  philosophers  with  regard  to  the  immortality  of  the 
soul.  When  they  are  desirous  of  arming  their  disciples 
against  the  fear  of  death,  they  inculcate,  as  an  obvious  . 
though  melancholy  position,  that  the  fatal  stroke  of  our  disso- 
lution releases  us  from  the  calamities  of  life  ;  and  that  those 
can  no  longer  suffer,  who  no  longer  e.xist.  Yet  there  were  a 
few  sages  of  Greece  and  Rome  who  had  conceived  a  more 
exalted,  and,  in  some  respects,  a  juster  idea  of  human  nature, 
Jiough  it  must  be  confessed,  that  in  the  sublime  inquiry,  '.heir 
reason  had  been  often  guided  by  their  imagination,  and  that 
their  imagination  had  been  prompted  by  their  vanity.  When 
they  viewed  with  complacency  the  extent  of  their  own  mental 
powers,  when  they  exercised  the  various  faculties  of  memory, 
of  fancy,  and  of  judgment,  in  the  most  profound  speculations, 
or  the  most  important  labors,  and  when  they  reflected  on  the 
desire  of  fame,  which  transported  them  into  future  ages,  far 
beyond    the   bounds  of  death   and  of  the  grave,    they  were 

*'  In  particular,  the  first  book  of  the  Tusculan  Questions,  and  the 
treatise  De   Senectutc,   and   the   Somnium   Scipioiiis,  contain,  in  the 
most   beautiful   language,    every   thing  that   Grecian   philosopliy,    or 
Uoman  good  sense,  could  possibly  suggest  on  this  dark  but  iniportanf 
object. 

clmrch  had  enjoyed.  It  is  generally  agreed  that  TertuUian  became  a 
Montanist  about  the  year  200  :  his  worit,  de  Corona  Militis,  appears  to  have 
been  written,  at  the  earliest,  about  the  year  "202  before  the  persecution  of 
Keverus  :  it  may  be  maintainc  i,  tlien,  that  it  is  subsequent  to  the  Monta- 
nism  of  the  author.  See  Mosheim,  Diss,  de  Apol.  Tertull.  p.  53.  Biblioth. 
rais.  Amsterd.  torn.  x.  part  ii.  p.  292.     Cave's  Hist.  Lit.  p.  92,  93.  — G. 

The  state  oi  Tcrtu.lian's  opinions  at  the  particular  period  is  almost  an 
idle  question.  "  The  fiery  African  "  is  not  at  any  time  to  be  considered  a 
Uar  representative  of  Christianity.  —  M. 


628  THf    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

unwilling  to  confound  themselves  with  the  beasts  of  the  fuijd, 
or  to  suppose  that  a  being,  for  whose  dignity  they  entertained 
the  most  sincere  admiration,  could  be  limited  to  a  spot  of 
earth,  and  to  a  few  years  of  duration.  With  this  favorable  pre- , 
possession  they  summoned  to  their  aid  the  science,  or  rather  j 
the  language,  of  Metaphysics.  They  soon  discovered,  that  as 
none  of  the  properties  of  matter  will  apply  to  the  operations 
of  the  mind,  the  human  soul  must  consequently  be  a  substance 
distinct  from  the  body,  pure,  simple,  and  spiritual,  incapable  of 
dissolution,  and  susce^Jtible  of  a  much  higher  degree  of  virtue 
and  happmess  after  the  release  from  its  corporeal  prison. 
From  tliese  specious  and  noble  principles,  the  philosophers 
who  trod  in  the  footsteps  of  Plato  deduced  a  very  unjustifia- 
ble  conclusion,  since  they  asserted,  not  only  the  future  immor- 
tality, but  the  past  eternity,  of  the  human  soul,  which  they 
were  too  apt  to  consider  as  a  portion  of  the  infinite  and  self- 
existing  spirit,  which  pervades  and  sustains  the  universe.^^  \ 
doctrine  thus  removed  beyond  the  senses  and  the  experience 
of  mankind,  might  serve  to  amuse  the  leisure  of  a  philosophic 
mind  ;  or,  in  the  silence  of  solitude,  it  might  sometimes 
impart  a  ray  of  comfort  to  desponding  virtue  ;  but  the  faint 
impression  which  had  been  received  in  the  schools,  was  soon 
obliterated  by  the  commerce  and  business  of  active  life.  We 
are  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  eminent  persons  who 
flourished  in  the  age  of  Cicero,  and  of  the  first  Caesai-s,  with 
their  actions,  their  characters,  and  their  motives,  to  be  assured 
that  their  conduct  in  this  life  was  never  regulated  by  any 
serious  conviction  of  the  rewards  or  punishments  of  a  future 
state.  At  the  bar  and  in  the  senate  of  Rome  the  ablest  ora- 
tors were  not  apprehensive  of  giving  offence  to  their  hearers, 
by  exposing  that  doctrine  as  an  idle  and  extravagant  opinion, 
which  was  rejected  with  contempt  by  every  man  of  a  liberal 
education  and  understanding.^-^ 

Since  therefore  the  most  sublime  efforts  of  philosophy  can 
extend  no  further  than  feebly  to  point  out  the  desire,  the  hope, 

**  The  prcfixistonce  of  human  souls,  so  far  at  least  as  that  doctrine 
is  compatible  with  religion,  was  adopted  by  many  of  the  Greek  and 
Latin  fathers.     See  Beausobre,  Hist,  du  Manicheisme,  1.  vi.  c.  4. 

"  See  Cicero  pro  Cluent.  c.  61.     Caesar  ap.  Sallust.  de  Bell.  Ciitiliu 
e.  oO.     Juvenal.  Satir.  ii.  149. 

Esse  aliquid  manes,  et  subterranea  regna, 

Nee  purri  credunt,  nisi  qui  nondiim  mre  lavantur 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  529 

or,  at  most,  the  probability,  of  a  future  state,  there  is  nothing, 
except  a  divine  revelation,  that  can  ascertain  the  existencje 
and  describe  the  condition,  of  the  invisible  country  which  is 
destined  to  receive  the  souls  of  men  after  their  separation  from 
the  body  But  we  may  perceive  several  defects  inherent  to  the 
popular  religions  of  Greece  and  Rome,  which  rendered  them 
vary  unequal  to  so  arduous  i  task.  1.  The  general  system  of 
their  mythology  was  unsupported  by  any  solid  proofs ;  and  the 
wisest  among  the  Pagans  had  already  disclaimed  its  usurped 
authority.  2.  The  description  of  tlic  infernal  regions  had 
been  abandoned  to  the  fancy  of  painters  and  of  poets,  who 
peopled  them  with  so  many  phantoms  and  monsters,  who  dis- 
pensed their  rewards  and  punishments  with  so  little  equity, 
.hat  a  solemn  truth,  the  most  congenial  to  the  human  heart, 
wsm  oppressed  and  disgraced  by  the  absurd  mixture  of  the 
wildest  fictions.^''  3.  The  doctrine  of  a  future  state  was 
scarcely  considered  among  the  devout  polytheists  of  Greece 
and  Rome  as  a  fundamental  article  of  faith.  The  providence 
of  the  gods,  as  it  related  to  public  communities  rather  than  to 
private  individuals,  was  princi[)ally  displayed  on  the  visible 
theatre  of  the  present  world.  The  petitions  which  were 
offered  on  the  altars  of  Jupiter  or  Apollo,  expressed  the  anx- 
iety of  their  worshippers  for  temporal  happiness,  and  their 
Ignorance  or  indiiference  concerning  a  future  life.^^  The  im- 
portant truth  of  the  immortality  uf  the  soul  was  inculcated  with 
more  diligence,  as  well  as  success,  in  India,  in  Assyria,  in 
Egypt,  and  in  Gaul ;  and  since  we  cannot  attribute  such  a 
difference  to  the  superior  knowledge  of  the  barbarians,  we 
must  ascribe  it  to  the  influence  of  an  established  priesthood, 
which  employed  the  motives  of  virtue  as  the  instrument  of 
ambition.^^ 


'*  The  xith  hook  of  the  Odyssey  gives  a  very  dreary  and  incoherent 
account  of  the  inferiml  shades.  I'indar  and  Virt^il  have  embellished 
the  picture ;  but  even  those  poets,  though  more  correct  than  their 
great  model,  arc  guilty  of  very  strange  inconsistencie?.  See  Bayle, 
Responses  aux  Questions  d'un   Provincial,  part  iii.  c.  22. 

**  See  the  .with  epistle  of  the  hrst  book  of  Horace,  the  xnith  Satire 
of  Juvenal,  and  the  iid  Satire  of  Persius  :  these  jjopular  discourses 
express  the  se:itiment  and  langiuif^e  of  the  multitude. 

**  If  we  contine  ourselves  to  the  Gauls,  we  may  observe,  that  they 
intrusted,  not  only  their  lives,  but  even  their  money,  to  the  security 
of  another  \\orld.  Vetus  ille  mos  Gallorum  occurrit  (says  Valerius 
Maximus  i.  ii.  c.  C,  p.  10)  ([uos,  nicmoriii  proditum  est,  pcfunia;* 
mutuas,  qaue  his  apud  inferos  rcddeicntur,  dare  solitos.  The  sauifl 
25* 


530  THE    DECLINE       ND    FALL 

We  might  naturally  expect  that  a  principle  so  essential  to 
religion,  would  have  been  revealed  in  the  clearest  terms  to  the 
chosen  people  of  Palestine,  and  that  it  might  safely  have  been 
intrusted  to  the  hereditary  priesthood  of  Aaron.  It  is  incum- 
bent  on  us  to  adore  the  mysterious  dispensations  of  Provi- 
dence,^''  when   we   discover  that  the  doctrine  of  the  immor- 

custom  is  more  darkly  insinuated  by  Mela,  1.  iii.  c.  2.  It  is  almost 
needless  to  add,  that  the  profits  of  trade  hold  a  just  proportion  to  the 
credit  of  the  merchant,  and  that  the  Druids  derived  from  their  holy 
profession  a  character  of  responsibility,  which  could  scarcely  be  claimed 
by  any  other  order  of  men. 

*'  The  right  reverend  author  of  the  Divine  Legation  of  Mosea 
assigns  a  very  curious  reason  for  the  omission,  and  most  ingeniously 
retorts  it  on  the  unbelievers.* 


*  The  hypothesis  of  Warbnrton  concerning  this  remarkable  fact,  which, 
as  far  as  the  Laio  of  Moses,  vs  unquestionable,  made  few  disciples;  and  it 
is  difficult  to  suppose  that  it  could  be  intended  by  the  author  himself  for 
more  than  a  display  of  intellectual  strength.  Modern  writers  have  ac- 
counted in  various  ways  for  tlie  silence  of  the  Hebrew  legislator  on  the 
immortality  of  the  soul.  According  to  Michaelis,  "  Moses  wrote  as  an 
historian  and  as  a  lawgiver  :  he  regulated  the  ecclesiastical  discipline, 
rather  than  the  religious  belief  of  his  people;  and  the  sanctions  of  the 
law  being  temporal,  he  had  no  occasion,  and  as  a  civil  legislator  could  not 
with  propriety,  threaten  punishments  in  another  world."  See  Michaelis, 
Laws  of  Moses,  art.  272,  vol.  iv.  p.  209,  Eng.  Trans. ;  and  Syntagma  Com- 
mentationum,  p.  80,  quoted  by  Guizot.  M.  Guizot  adds,  the  "  ingenious 
conjecture  of  a  philosophic  theologian,"  which  approximates  to  an  opinion 
long  entertained  by  the  Editor.  That  writer  believes,  that  in  the  state 
of  civilization  at  the  time  of  the  legislator,  this  doctrine,  bccor>ie  popular 
among  the  Jews,  would  necessarily  have  given  birth  to  a  multitude  of 
idolatrous  superstitions  which  he  wished  to  prevent.  His  primary  object 
was  to  establish  a  firm  theocracy,  to  make  his  people  the  conservators  of 
the  doctrine  of  the  Divine  Unity,  the  basis  upon  which  Christianity  was 
hereafter  to  rest.  He  carefully  excluded  every  thing  which  could  obscure 
or  weaken  that  doctrine.  Other  nations  had  strangely  abused  their  notions 
on  the  immortality  of  the  soul ;  Moses  wished  to  prevent  this  abuse  :  hence 
he  forbade  the  Jews  from  consulting  necromancers,  (those  who  evoke  the 
spirits  of  the  dead.)  Deut.  xviii.  11.  Those  who  reflect  on  the  state  of 
the  Pagans  and  of  the  Jews,  and  on  the  facility  with  which  idolatry  crept 
in  on  every  side,  will  not  be  astonished  that  Moses  has  not  deveioi)eil  a 
doctrine  of  which  the  influence  might  be  more  pernicious  than  useful  to 
his  people.  Orat.  Fcst.  de  Vita;  Immort.  Spe.,  A.C.,  auct.  Ph.  Alb.  Stupfer, 
p.  12,  13,  2'J.     Berne,  1787. 

Moses,  as  well  from  the  intimations  scattered  in  his  writings,  the  passr.ga 
lelating  to  the  translation  of  Enoch,  (Gen.  v.  24,)  the  prohiliition  of 
necromancy,  (Michaelis  believes  him  to  be  the  author  of  the  Hoolj  of  Job, 
though  this  opinion  is  in  general  rejected;  other  learned  writers  consider 
this  Book  to  be  coeval  with  and  known  to  Muses,)  as  froin  his  long  resi- 
dence in  Egypt,  and  his  acquaintance  with  Ei^yptian  wisdom,  could  not  he 
ignorant  of  the  d'^ctrine  of  the  immortality  of  the  soul.  But  this  doctrine, 
.f  popularly  known  amonfj  the  Jews,  must  have  been  i)urely  Egyptian,  and; 
U  so,  intimately  connected  with  the  whole  relis^ious  system  of  that  coua 
try      If  W'ls  m.  doubt  moulded  up  with  the  tenet  of  the  trausin^«ratioii  oi 


01'    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  531 

tality  of  the  soul  is  omitted  in  the  law  of  Moses  ;  it  is  darkly 
insinuated  by  the  prophets  ;  and  during  the  long  period  which 
elapsed  between  the  Egyptian  and  the  Babylonian  servitudes, 
the  hopes  as  well  as  feare  of  the  Jews  appear  to  have  been 
confined  within  the  narrow  compass  of  the  present  life.^^  Af- 
ter Cyrus  had  permitted  the  exiled  nation  to  return  into  the 
promised  land,  and  after  Ezra  had  restored  the  ancient  records 
of  their  religion,  two  celebrated  sects,  the  Sadducees  and 
the  Pharisees,  insensibly  arose  at  Jerusalem.^^  The  former, 
selected  from  the  more  opulent  and  distinguished  ranks  of 
society,  were  strictly  attached  tu  the  literal  sense  of  the  Mosaic 
law,  and  they  piously  rejected  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  as 
an  opinion  that  received  no  countenance  from  the  divine  book, 
which  they  revered  as  the  only  rule  of  their  faith.  To  the 
authority  of  Scripture  the  Pharisees  added  that  of  tradition,  and 
rhey  accepted,  under  the  name  of  traditions,  several  specula- 
tive tenets  from  the  philosophy  or  religion  of  the  eastern 
nations.  The  doctrines  of  fate  or  predestination,  of  angels 
and  spirits,  and  of  a  future  state  of  rewards  and  punishments, 
were  in  the  number  of  these  new  articles  of  belief;  and  as 
the  Pharisees,  by  the  austerity  of  their  manners,  had  drawn 
into  their  party  the  body  of  the  Jewish  people,  the  immortality 
of  the  soul  became  the  prevailing  sentiment  of  the  synagogue, 
under  the  reign  of  the  Asmonaean   princes  and  pontitls.     The 


*'  See  Le  Clerc  (Prolegomena  ad  Hist.  Ecclesiast.  sect.  1,  c.  8.) 
His  authority  seems  to  carry  the  greater  weight,  as  he  has  ■written  » 
learned  and  judicious  commentary  on  the  books  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. 

*■*  Joseph.  Antiquitat.  1.  xiii.  c.  10.  De  Bell.  Jud.  ii.  8.  According 
to  the  most  natural  interpretation  of  his  words,  the  Sadducees  admit- 
ted only  the  Pentateuch  ;  but  it  has  pleased  some  modern  critics  to 
add  the  I'rophets  to  their  creed,  and  to  suppose  that  they  contented 
themselves  with  rejecting  tlie  traditions  of  the  Pharisees.  Dr.  Jortin 
has  argued  that  point  in  his  Kemarks  on  Ecclesiastical  History,  vol. 
ii.  p.  108. 

the  soul,  perhaps  wth  notions  analogous  to  the  emanation  system  of  India^ 
in  which  the  liunian  soul  was  an  clllux  from,  or  indeed  a  part  of,  the  Ueity. 
The  Mosaic  roliirion  dnw  a  wide  and  impassable  interval  between  the 
Creator  and  created  human  beings  :  in  this  it  ditfored  from  the  Egyptian 
jnd  all  the  Eastern  religions.  As  tlien  the  inunortalitv  of  the  soul  was 
ihus  inseparably  blended  with  those  foreign  religions  which  were  alto;.^ether 
to  be  elfaccd  from  the  minds  of  the  people,  and  by  no  means  necessary  foi 
the  establishment  of  the  theocracy,  Moses  maintained  silence  on  this  ]>oiut, 
Rnd  a  purer  notion  of  it  was  left  to  be  developed  at  a  more  favorable  period 
tn  tilt  hiiitory  of  man.  —  M. 


632  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

temper  of  the  Jews  was  incapable  of  contenting  itself  with 
such  a  cold  and  languid  assent  as  might  satisfy  the  mind  of  a 
Polythcist ;  and  as  soon  as  they  admitted  the  idea  of  a  future 
state,  they  embraced  it  with  the  zeal  which  has  always  formed 
the  characteristic  of  the  nation.  Their  zeal,  however,  added 
nothing  to  its  evidence,  or  even  probability :  and  it  was  still 
necessary  that  the  doctrine  of  lifo  and  immortality,  which  had 
been  dictated  by  nature,  approved  by  reason,  and  received  by 
superstition,  should  obtain  the  sanction  of  divine  truth  from 
the  authority  and  example  of  Christ. 

When  the  promise  of  eternal  happiness  was  proposed  to 
mankind  on  condition  of  adopting  the  faith,  and  of  observing 
the  precepts,  of  the  gospel,  it  is  no  wonder  that  so  advanta- 
geous an  offer  should  have  been  accepted  by  great  nnm.bers  of 
every  religion,  of  every  rank,  and  of  every  province  in  the 
Roman  empire.  The  ancient  Christians  were  animated  by  a 
contempt  for  their  present  existence,  and  by  a  just  confidence 
of  immortality,  of  which  the  doubtful  and  imperfect  faith  of 
modern  ages  cannot  give  us  any  adequate  notion.  In  the 
primitive  church,  the  influence  of  truth  was  very  powerfully 
strengthened  by  an  opinion,  which,  however  it  may  deserve 
respect  for  its  usefulness  and  antiquity,  has  not  been  found 
agreeable  to  experience.  It  was  universally  believed,  that  the 
end  of  the  world,  and  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  were  at  hand.* 
The  near  approach  of  this  wonderful  event  had  been  predicted 
by  the  apostles ;  the  tradition  of  it  was  preserved  by  their 
earliest  disciples,  and  those  who  understood  in  their  literal 
sense  the  discourses  of  Christ  himself,  were  obliged  to  expect 
the  second  and  glorious  coBiing  of  the  Son  of  Man  in  the 
clouds,  before  that  generation  was  totally  extinguished,  which 
had  beheld  his  humble  condition  upon  earth,  and  which  might 
still  be  witness  of  the  calamities  of  the  Jews  under  Vespasian 
or  Hadrian.  The  revolution  of  seventeen  centuries  has 
instructed  us  not  to  press  too  closely  the  mysterious  language 
of  prophecy  and  revelation ;  but  as  long  as,  for  wise  purposes, 
this  error  was  permitted  to  subsist  in  the  church,  it  was  pro- 
ductive of  the  most  salutary  effects  on  the  faith  and  practice 
of  ('hristians,  who  lived  in  the  awful  expectation  of  thai 
moment,  when  the  globe   itself,  and  all   the  various  race  of 

•  This  was,  in  fact,  an  integral  part  of  the  Jewish  notion  of  the  Mes- 
•iah,  from  which  the  minds  of  the  apostles  themselves  were  hut  gr;.Uuallj 
detached     See  Bcrtholdt,  Christologia  Juda;oruni,  concluding  chapters 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  533 

mankind,  should  tremble  at  the   appearance  of   their  dlviriC 
Jud|j;e.''^ 

The  ancient  and  popular  doctrine  of  the  Millennium  was 
•ntimately  connected  with  the  second  coining  of  Christ.  As 
the  works  of  the  creation  had  been  finished  in  six  days,  theii 
duration  in  their  present  state,  according  to  a  tradition  which 
was  attributed  to  the  prophet  Elijah,  was  fixed  to  six  thousand 
years.t^i  By  the  same  analogy  it  was  inferred,  that  this  long 
period  of  labor  and  contention,  which  was  now  almost  elapsed,''^ 

*"  This  expectation  was  countenanced  by  the  twenty-fourth  chapter 
of  St.  Matthew,  and  by  the  first  epistle  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Thessalo- 
nians.  Erasmus  removes  the  difficulty  by  the  help  of  allegory  and 
metaphor  ;  and  the  learned  Grotius  ventures  to  insinuate,  that,  for 
wise  purposes,  the  pious  deception  was  permitted  to  take  place.* 

*'  See  Burnet's  Sacred  Theory,  part  iii.  c.  5.  This  tradition  may 
DC  traced  as  high  as  the  author  of  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas,  wlio  wrote 
in  the  first  century,  and  wlio  seems  to  have  been  half  a  Jew.f 

'^  The  primitive  church  of  Antioeh  computed  almost  (5000  years 
from  the  creation  of  the  world  to  the  birth  of  Christ.  Afric'anus, 
Lactantius,  and  the  Greek  church,  have  reduced  that  number  to  ooOO, 
and  Eusebius  has  contented  himself  with  5200  years.  Tliese  calcu- 
lations were  formed  on  the  Scptuagint,   which  was  universally  re- 


•  Some  modern  theologians  explain  it  without  discovering  either  alli- 
gory  or  deception.  They  say,  that  Jesus  Christ,  after  having  proclaimed 
the  ruin  of  Jerusalem  and  of  the  Temple,  speaks  of  his  secoiul  coniint,', 
and  the  signs  which  were  to  precede  it;  but  those  who  believed  that  tlie 
moment  was  near  deceived  themselves  as  to  the  sense  of  two  words,  an 
error  which  still  subsists  in  our  versions  of  the  Gospel  according  to  St. 
Matthew,  .\xiv.  29,  34.  In  verse  29,  we  read,  "  Immediatelv  after  the  trib- 
ulation of  those  days  shall  the  sun  be  darkened,"  ^c.  The  Greek  word 
tiOiiaf  signifies  all  at  wwe,  sudtieyi/i/,  jiot  immediately  ;  so  that  it  sigiiific^s 
only  the  sudden  appearance  of  the  signs  which  Jesus  Christ  announces, 
not  the  shortness  of  the  interval  which  was  to  separate  them  from  the 
"  days  of  tribulation,"  of  which  he  was  speaking.  The  verse  34  is  this  : 
"  Verily  I  say  unto  you.  This  generation  sluUl  not  pass  till  all  these  things 
ohall  be  fulfilled."  Jesus,  speaking  to  his  disciples,  uses  these  words,  .n'/r^ 
ycvta,  which  the  translators  have  rendered  by  this  generation,  but  wliich 
means  the  race,  the  filiation  of  my  disciples  ;  that  is,  he  speaks  of  a  class 
of  men,  not  of  a  generation.  The  true  sense  then,  according  to  tliese 
learned  men,  is.  In  truth  I  tell  you  that  this  race  of  men,  of  which  you  are 
the  commencement,  shall  not  pass  away  till  this  shall  take  place  ;  that  is 
to  say,  the  succession  of  Christians  shall  not  cease  till  his  coming.  See 
Commentary  of  M.  Paulus  on  the  New  Test.,  edit.  1802,  tom.  iii.p.  445. 
146.  — G.  ^         ' 

Others,  as  Rosenmuller  and  Kuinoel,  in  loc,  confine  this  passage  to  a 
bighly  figurative  description  of  the  ruins  of  the  Jewish  city  and   polity. 

t  In  fact  it  is  purely  Jewish.  See  Mosheim,  De  Reb.  Christ,  ii.  8 
.jphtfoot's  Works,  8vo.  edit.  vol.  iii.  p.  37-  Bertholdt,  Christologia  Jud» 
orum,  oh  33.  — M. 


51J4  ri:E  decline  and  fall 

would  be  succeeded  by  a  joyful  Sabbath  of  a  thousand  years ; 
and  that  Christ,  with  the  triumphant  band  of  the  saints  and  the 
elect  who  had  escaped  death,  or  who  had   been  miraculously 
revived,  would  reign  upon  earth  till  the  time  appointed  for  th« 
last  and  general  resurrection.     So  pleasing  was  this   hope  to 
the  mind  of   believers,  that   the  lYew  Jerusalem^  the  seat  of 
tins  blissful  kingdom,  was  quickly  adorned  with  all  the  gayest 
colors  of  the  imagination.      A  felicity  consisting  only  of  pure 
and  spiritual  pleasure  would   have  appeared  too  refined  for  its 
inhabitants,  who  were  still    supposed   to  possess  their  human 
nature  and  senses.     A  garden  of  Eden,  with  the  amusementg 
of  the  pastoral  life,  was  no  longer  suited  to  the  advanced  state 
of  society  which  prevailed  under  the  Roman  empire.     A  city 
was  therefore   erected  of   gold   and    precious   stones,   and   a 
supernatural   plenty  of  corn  and    wine   was  bestowed  on  the 
adjacent  territory  ;  in  the    free   enjoyment  of  whose  sponta- 
neous   productions,    the    happy   and    benevolent    people   was 
never  to  be  restrained  by  any  jealous  laws  of  exclusive  prop- 
erty.*'^     The  assurance  of  such  a  Millennium  was  carefully 
inculcated    by  a  succession  of  fathers   from  Justin  Martyr,<5^ 
and  Irenoeus,  who  conversed    with  the   immediate  disciples  of 
the  apostles,  down  to  Lactantius,  who  was   preceptor  to  the 
son  of  Constantine.*^^      Though  it   might   not   be   universally 


ccived  during  the  six  first  centuries.  The  authority  of  the  vulgate 
and  of  the  Hebrew  text  has  determined  the  moderns,  Protestants  as 
well  as  Catholics,  to  prefer  a  period  of  about  4000  years  ;  though,  in 
the  study  of  profane  antiquity,  they  often  find  themselves  straitened 
by  those  narrow  limits.* 

^3  Most  of  these  pictures  were  borrowed  from  a  misrepresentation 
of  Isaiah,  Daniel,  and  the  Apocalypse.  One  of  the  grossest  images 
may  be  found  in  IreniEus,  (1.  v.  p.  455,)  the  disciple  of  Papias,  who 
had  seen  the  apostle  St.  John. 

**•  See  the  second  dialogue  of  Justin  with  Triphon,  and  the  seventh 
book  of  Lactantius.  It  is  unnecessary  to  allege  all  the  intermediate 
fathers,  as  the  fact  is  not  disputed.  Yet  the  curious  reader  may 
consult  Daillc  de  Usu  Patrum,  1.  ii.  c.  4. 

^  The  testimony  of  Justin  of  his  own  faith  and  that  of  his  ortho- 
dox brethren,   in  "the  doctrine  of  a  Millennium,  is  delivered  in  live 


*  Most  of  the  more  learned  modern  Er.glish  Protestants.  Dr.  Hales,  Mr. 
Fabcr,  Dr.  Kusscl,  as  well  as  the  Continental  wTiters,  adopt  the  larp;er 
chronology.  Tliere  is  little  doubt  tliat  the  narrower  system  was  framed  by 
the  Jews  of  Titierias  ;  it  was  clearly  neith'jr  that  of  St.  Paul,  nor  of  Jose- 
phus,  nor  of  tlie  Samaritan  Text.  It  is  greatly  to  be  regretted  that  th« 
chronology  of  tlie  earlier  Scriptures  should  ever  have  been  r;ade  a  religious 
^uef  tion.  —  M. 


OV    THK    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  535 

received,  it  appears  to  have  been  the  reigning  sentiment  of 
the  orthodox  believers;  and  it  seems  so  well  adapted  to  th« 
desires  and  apprehensions  of  mankind,  that  it  must  have  eon- 
tributed  in  a  vfjry  considerable  degree  to  the  progress  of  the 
Christian  faith.  But  when  the  edifice  of  the  church  waa 
nhnost  completed,  the  temporary  support  was  laid  aside.  The 
doctrme  of  Christ's  reign  upon  earth  was  at  first  treated  as  a 
profound  allegory,  was  considered  by  degrees  as  a  doubtful 
and  useless  opinion,  and  was  at  length  rejected  as  the  absurd 
invention  of  heresy  and  fanaticism.''''  A  mysterious  propliecy, 
which  still  forms  a_^art  of  the  sacred  canon,  but  which  wag 
thought  to  favor  the  e.xploded  sentiment,  has  very  narrowly 
escaped  the  proscription  of  the  church.^'' 


clearest,  and  most  solemn  manner,  (Dialog,  cum  Tryphonte  Jucl.  p 
177,  178,  edit.  JJencdictin.)  If  in  the  beginning  of  tliis  important 
passage  there  is  any  thing  like  an  inconsistency,  we  may  impute  it,  as 
we  think  proper,  either  to  the  author  or  to  his  transcribers.* 

^*  Dujjin,  Bibliotheciuc  Ecclesiastique,  torn.  i.  p.  223,  torn.  ii.  p.  366 
and  Aloshcim,  p.  720  ;  though  the  latter  of  these  learned  divines  is 
not  altogether  candid  on  this  occasion. 

*'  In  the  council  of  Laodicea,  (about  the  year  360,)  the  Apocalypse 
was  tacitly  excluded  from  the  sacred  canon,  by  the  same  churches  of 
Asia  to  which  it  is  addressed  ;  and  we  may  learn  from  the  complaint 
of  Sulpicius  Severus,  that  their  sentence  had  been  ratitiod  by  the 
greater  number  of  Christians  of  his  time.  From  what  causes  then  is 
the  Apocalypse  at  present  so  generally  received  by  the  Greek,  the 
Ko'jian,  and  the  Protestant  churches  r  The  following  ones  may  be 
as.'^igned.  1.  The  Greeks  were  subdued  by  the  authority  of  an  im- 
pastor,  wlio,  in  the  si.xth  century,  assumed  the  character  of  Dionysius 
the  Areopagite.  2.  A  just  apprehension,  that  the  grammarians  might 
become  more  important  than  the  theologians,  engaged  the  council  of 
Trent  to  ti.x.  the  seal  of  their  infallibility  on  all  the  books  of  8criptui-e 
contained  in  the  Latin  Vulgate,  in  the  number  of  which  the  Apoca- 
lypse was  fortunately  included.  (Fr.  Paolo,  Istoria  del  Concilio  Tri- 
dentino,  1.  ii.)  3.  The  advantage  of  turning  those  mysterious  prophe- 
cies against  the  See  of  Home,  inspired  the  Protestants  with  uncora- 
r^on  veneration  for  so  useful  an  ally.  See  the  ingenious  and  elegant 
discourses  of  the  present  bishop  of  Litchticld  on  that  unpromising 
Bubject.f 


•  The  Millennium  is  described  in  what  once  stood  as  the  XLIst  Article 
of  the  English  Church  (sec  Collier,  Ecclcs.  Hist.,  for  Articles  of  Edw.  VI.) 
as  "a  fable  of  Jewish  dotage."  The  whole  of  these  gross  and  earthly  im- 
ages may  be  traced  in  the  works  which  treat  on  tiie  Jewish  traditions,  ir. 
Lightfoot,  Schoetgen,  and  Eisenmenger  ;  "  Dus  entdeckte  Judenthum,"  t 
.i.  809;  and  briefly  in  Bertholdt,  i.  c.  38,  39.  —M. 

t  The  exclusion  of  the  Apocalypse  is  not  improbably  assigned  to   its 
obvious  unliniess  to  be  read  in  churches.      It  is  to  be  feared  that  a  histor) 


536  THE    DKCLINli;    AND    FALL 

Whilst  the  happin-ss  and  glory  of  a  temporal  reign  were 
promised  to  the  disciples  of  Christ,  the  most  dreadful  calami- 
ties were  denounced  against  an  unbelieving  world.  The  edi- 
fication of  the  new  Jerusalem  was  to  advance  by  equal  steps 
with  the  destruction  of  the  mystic  Babylon  ;  and  as  long  as 
the  emperors  who  reigned  before  Constantine  persisted  in  the 
profession  of  idolatry,  the  epithet  of  Babylon  was  applied  to 
the  city  and  to  the  empire  of  Rome.  A  regular  series  was 
prepared  of  all  the  r«oral  and  physical  evils  which  can  afflict  a 
flourishing  nation ;  intestine  discord,  and  the  invasion  of  the 
fiercest  barbarians  from  the  unknown  regions  of  the  North  ; 
pestilence  and  famine,  comets  and  eclipses,  earthquakes  and 
inundations.^^  All  these  were  only  so  many  preparatory  and 
alarming  signs  of  the  great  catastrophe  of  Rome,  when  the 
country  of  the  Scipios  and  Caesars  should  be  consumed  by  a 
flame  from  Heaven,  and  the  city  of  the  seven  hills,  with  hei 
palaces,  her  temples,  and  her  triumphal  arches,  should  be 
buried  in  a  vast  lake  of  fire  and  brimstone.  It  might,  however, 
afford  some  consolation  to  Roman  vanity,  that  the  period  of 
their  empire  would  be  that  of  the  world  itself;  wliich,  as  it 
had  once  perished  by  the  element  of  water,  was  destined  to 
experience  a  second  and  a  speedy  destruction  from  the  element 
of  fire.  In  the  opinion  of  a  general  conflagration,  the  faith  of 
the  Christian  very  happily  coincided  with  the  tradition  of  the 
East,  the  philosophy  of  the  Stoics,  and  the  analogy  of  Nature  ; 
and  even  the  country,  which,  from  religious  motives,  had  been 
chosen  for  the  origin  and  principal  scene  of  the  conflagration, 
was  the  best  adapted  for  that  purpose  by  natural  and  physical 
causes  ;  by  its  deep  caverns,  beds  of  sulpiuir,  and  numerous 
volcanoes,  of  which  those  of  JExna.,  of  Vesuvius,  and  of 
Lipari,  exhibit  a  very  imperfect  representation.  The  calmest 
and  most  intrepid  sceptic  could  not  refuse  to  acknowledge  that 
the   destruction   of  the   present  system   of  the  world  by  fire, 


**  Lactautius  (Institut.  Divin.  vii.  15,  &c.)  relates  the  dismal  tale 
01  futurity  with  groat  spirit  aud  eloquence.* 

of  the  interpretation  of  the  Apocalypse  would  not  {^\ye  a  very  favorabl* 
view  either  of  the  wisdom  or  the  charity  of  the  successive  ages  of  Christi- 
anity. Wctstein's  interjirctation,  differently  modified,  is  adopted  by  most 
Continental  scholars.  —  M. 

•  Lactantius  had  a  notion  of  a  preat  Asiatic  empire,  which  was  pre- 
Tiously  to  rise  on  the  ruins  of  the  Jioman  :  quod  Romanum  nomen  (horrel 
animus  dicere,  sed  dicani,  quia  f  iturum  est)  toUetur  de  terra,  e\  imperiura 
bi  Abiam  revertetur.  —  M, 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EIVIPIRS.  537 

was  in  itself  extremely  probable.  The  Christian,  who  fc  unded 
his  belief  much  less  on  the  fallacious  arfruinents  of  reason 
than  on  the  authority  of  tradition  and  the  interpretation 
of  Scripture,  expected  it  with  terror  and  confidence  as  a 
certain  and  approaching  event  ;  and  as  his  mind  was  perpet- 
ually filled  with  the  solemn  idea,  he  considered  every  disaster 
that  happened  to  the  empire  as  an  infallible  symptom  of  an 
expiring  world.^^ 

The  condemnation  of  the  wisest  and  most  virtuous  of  the 
Pagans,  on  account  of  their  ignorance  or  disbelief  of  the 
divine  truth,  seems  to  offend  the  reason  and  the  humanity  of 
the  present  age.'**  But  the  primitive  church,  whose  faith  was 
of  a  much  firmer  consistence,  delivered  over,  without  hesitation, 
to  eternal  torture,  the  far  greater  part  of  the  human  species. 
A  charitable  hope  might  perhaps  be  indulged  in  favor  of 
Socrates,  or  some  other  sages  of  antiquity,  who  had  consulted 
the  light  of  reason  before  that  of  the  gospel  had  arisen.'^  But 
it  was  unanimously  affirmed,  that  those  who,  since  the  birth 
or  the  death  of  Christ,  had  obstinately  persisted  in  the  worship 
of  the  daemons,  neither  deserved  nor  could  expect  a  pardon 
from  the  irritated  justice  of  the  Deity.  These  rigid  sentiments, 
'"hich  had  been  unknown  to  the  ancient  world,  appear  to  havo 
infused  a  spirit  of  bitterness  into  a  system  of  love  and  bar 
mony.  The  ties  of  blood  and  friendship  were  frequently  torn 
asunder  by  the  difference  of  religious  faith  ;  and  the  Christians, 
who,  in  this  world,  found  themselves  oppressed  by  the  power 


*'  On  this  subject  every  reader  of  taste  will  be  entertained  with 
the  third  part  of  Burnet's  Sacred  Theory.  He  blends  philosoijhy, 
Scripture,  and  tradition,  into  one  magnificent  system  ;  in  the  descrip- 
tion of  which  he  displays  a  strength  of  fancy  not  inferior  to  that  of 
Milton  himself. 

'"  And  yet  whatever  may  be  the  language  of  individuals,  it  is  still 
the  public  doctrine  of  all  the  Christian  churches  ;  nor  can  even  our 
own  refuse  to  admit  tlic  conclusions  which  must  be  drawn  from  the 
viiith  and  the  xviiith  of  her  Articles.  The  Janseuists,  who  liave  so 
diUgently  studied  the  works  of  the  fatiicrs,  maintain  this  sentiment 
with  distinguishe<i  zeal;  and  the  learned  M.  de  Tillcmout  never 
dismisses  a  virtuous  emperor  without  pronouncing  his  damnation 
Zuinglius  is  perhaps  the  only  leader  of  a  party  who  has  ever  adopted 
the  milder  sentiment,  and  he  gave  no  less  offence  to  the  Lutherans 
than  to  the  Catholics.  See  IJossuct,  Ilistoire  des  Variations  dea 
Eghses  Protestantes,  1.  ii.  c.  19 — 22. 

"  Justin  and  Clemens  of  Alexandria  allow  that  some  of  the  phi- 
losophers were  instructed  by  the  hogos ;  confoiuiding  its  double  sig- 
nihcation  of  the  human  reason,  and  of  the  Uivine  Word 


538  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

of  the  Pa,j;an?  we'*e  sometimes  seduced  by  resentment  and  spir 
itual  pride  t<  delight  in  the  prospect  of  their  future  triumph 
"  You  are  fond  of  spectacles,"  exclaims  the  stern  Tertullian  ; 
■•'  exoect  the  greatest  of  all  spectacles,  the  last  and  eternal  judg 
ment  of  the  universe.  How  shall  I  admire,  how  laugh,  hov- 
rejoice,  how  exult,  when  I  behold  so  many  proud  monarchs,  so 
many  fancied  gods,  groaning  in  the  lowest  abyss  of  darkness  ; 
so  many  magistrates,  who  persecuted  the  name  of  the  Lordj 
liquefying  in  fiercer  fires  than  they  ever  kindled  against  the 
Christians ;  so  many  sage  philosophers  blushing  in  red-hot 
flames  with  their  deluded  scholars  ;  so  many  celebrated  poets 
trembling  before  the  tribunal,  not  of  Minos,  but  of  Christ ; 
so  many  tragedians,  more  tuneful  in  the  expression  of  their 
own  sufferings  ;  so  many  dancers."  *  But  the  humanity  of 
the  reader  will  permit  me  to  draw  a  veil  over  the  rest  of  this 
infernal  description,  which  the  zealous  African  pursues  in  a 
long  variety  of  affected  and  unfeeling  witticisms.''"^  t 

Doubtless  there  were  many  among  the  primitive  Christiana 


^*  Tertullian,  de  Spectaculis,  c.  30.  In  order  to  ascertain  the  de- 
gree of  authority  which  the  zealous  African  had  acquired,  it  may 
be  sufficient  to  allege  the  testimony  of  Cyprian,  the  doctor  and  guide 
of  all  the  western  churches.  (See  Prudent.  Hym.  xiii.  100.)  As  often 
as  he  applied  himself  to  his  daily  study  of  the  writings  of  Tertullian, 
he  was  accustomed  to  say,  "  Da  mihi  magistrum.,  Give  me  my  master." 
(Hieronyra.  de  Viris  lUustribus,  torn.  i.  p.  284.) 


*  This  translation  is  not  exact :  the  first  sentence  is  imperfect.  Tcrtul 
lian  says,  lUe  dies  nationibus  inspcratus,  ille  derisus,  cum  tanta  saecul. 
vetustas  et  tot  ejus  nativitates  uno  igne  haurientur.  The  text  does  no 
authorize  the  exaggerated  expressions,  so  many  magistrates,  so  many  sagt 
philosophers,  so  many  poets,  &'C. ;  but  simply  magistrates,  philosophers 
poets.  — '  G. 

It  is  not  clear  that  Gibbon's  version  or  paraphrase  is  incorrect ;  Tertul 
lian  writes  tot  tantosque  reges  item  pra-sides,  &.c.  —  M. 

t  The  object  of  Tertulliau's  vehemence  in  his  Treatise,  was  to  keep  the 
Christians  away  from  the  secular  games  celebrated  by  the  Emperor  Seve- 
rus  ;  it  has  not  prevented  him  from  showing  himself  in  other  "places  full 
of  benevolence  and  charity  towards  unbelievers :  the  spirit  of  the  gospel 
has  sometimes  prevailed  over  the  violence  of  Imman  jjassions  :  Qui  ergo 
putnveris  nihil  nos  de  salute  Cajsaris  curare  (he  says  in  his  Apology)  in- 
Bpicc  Dei  voces,  literas  nostras.  Scitote  ex  illis  pra^ceptum  esse  nobis  ad 
edundationem,  benignitates  etiam  pro  inimicis  Deum  orare,  ct  pro  perse- 
cutoribus  bona  precari.  Sed  etiam  ncmiinatim  atque  manifestr  orute  inquit 
(Christus)  pro  regibus  et  pro  principibus  ct  potestatibus  ut  omnia  siut 
tranquilla  vobis.     Tcrt.  Apol.  c.  31.  —  G. 

It  would  be  wiser  for  Christianity,  retreating  upon  its  genuijie  records  in 
the  New  Testament,  to  disclaim  this  fierce  African,  than  to  identify  itself 
iriih  his  furious  invectires  b'-  unsatisfactory  apologies  for  their  unchristian 
lanaticism.  —  M  . 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRF  5.39 

Ota  temper  iTtjro  suitable  to  the  meekness  and  cliaritj  of  thcii 
profession.  There  were  many  who  felt  a  sincere  compassion 
for  the  danger  of  their  friends  and  countrymen,  and  who 
exerted  the  most  benevolent  zeal  to  save  them  from  the  im- 
pending destruction.  The  careless  Polytheist,  assailed  by  new 
and  unexpected  terrors,  against  which  neither  his  priests  nor  hig 
philosophers  could  afford  him  any  certain  protection,  was  very 
rr(^qut'n;!y  tr-rrified  and  subdued  by  the  menace  of  eternal 
.ortures.  His  tears  might  assist  the  progress  of  his  faith  and 
reason;  and  if  he  could  once  persuade  himself  to  suspect 
that  the  Christian  religion  might  possibly  be  true,  it  became 
an  easy  task  to  convince  him  that  it  was  the  safest  and  mosl 
prudent  party  that  he  could  possibly  embrace. 

111.  The  supernatural  gifts,  which  even  in  this  life  were 
ascribed  to  the  Christians  above  the  rest  of  mankind,  must 
have  conduced  to  their  own  comfort,  and  very  frequently  to 
the  conviction  of  infidels.  Besides  the  occasional  prodigies, 
which  might  sometimes  be  effected  by  the  immediate  interpo- 
sition of  tlie  Deity  when  he  suspended  the  laws  of  Nature  for 
the  service  of  religion,  the  Christian  church,  from  the  time  of 
the  apostles  and  their  first  disciples,''^  h^g  claimed  an  uninter- 
rupted succession  of  miraculous  powers,  the  gift  of  tongues. 
of  vision,  and  of  prophecy,  the  power  of  expelling  daemons, 
of  healing  the  sick,  and  of  raising  the  dead.  The  knowledge 
3f  foreign  languages  was  frequently  communicated  to  tlie 
contemporaries  of  Irenaeus,  though  Irena^'us  himself  was  left 
to  struggle  with  the  difficulties  of  a  barbarous  dialect,  whilst 
he  preached  the  gospel  to  the  natives  of  Gaul.''*     The  divine 

"  Notwithstanding  the  evasions  of  Dr.  Middleton,  it  is  impossible 
to  overlook  the  clear  traces  of  visions  and  inspiration,  which  may  bo 
found  in  the  apostolic  fathers.* 

'*  Irenajus  adv.  Hseros.  Proem,  p.  3.t  T>t.  Middleton  (Free  In- 
quiry, p.  96,  &c.)  observes,  that  as  this  pretension  of  all  othci-s  was 
the  most  dithcult  to  support  by  art,  it  was  the  soonest  given  up.  The 
observation  suits  his  hypothesis.]; 


*  Oibbon  should  have  noticed  the  distinct  and  remarkable  passage  frora 
Chrysostom,  quoted  by  Middleton,  (Works,  vol.  i.  p.  105,)  in  wliich  he  af- 
firms the  long  discontinuance  of  miracles  as  a  notorious  fact.  —  ^M. 

J  This  passage  of  Iren.eus  contains  no  allusion  to  the  gift  of  tongues  ; 
it  is  merely  an  apology  for  a  rude  and  unpolished  Greek  style,  which  could 
not  be  expected  from  one  who  passed  his  life  in  a  remote  and  barbarou* 
province,  and  was  continually  obliged  to  speak  the  Celtic  language.  —  M. 

*  Exce()t  in  the  life  of  Pachomius,  an  Egyptian  monk  of  the  fourth  cen« 
•nry,  (see  Joitin,  Ecc. Hist.  i.  p.  368,  edit.  1805,)  and  the  latter  ^not  ea?- 


540  THE    DECLINE    AND    JALL 

inspiration,  whether  it  was  conveyed  in  the  form  of  a  waking 
or  of  a  s  eeping  vision,  is  described  as  a  favor  very  liberally 
bestowed  on  all  ranks  of  the  faithful,  on  women  as  on  elders, 
on  boys  as  well  as  upon  bishops.  When  their  devout  minda 
were  sufficiently  prepared  by  a  course  of  prayer,  of  fasting, 
and  of  vigils,  to  receive  the  extraordinary  impulse,  they  were 
ti-ansported  out  of  their  senses,  and  delivered  in  ecstasy  what 
was  inspired,  being  mere  organs  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  just  as  a 
pipe  or  flute  is  of  him  who  blows  into  it.''^  We  may  add, 
tfhat  the  design  of  these  visions  was,  for  the  most  part,  either 
to  disclose  the  future  history,  or  to  guide  the  present  iidminis- 
tration,  of  the  church.  Tbe  expulsion  of  the  daemons  from 
the  bodies  of  those  unhappy  persons  whom  they  had  been  per- 
mitted to  torment,  was  considered  as  a  signal  though  ordi- 
nary triumph  of  religion,  and  is  repeatedly  alleged  by  the 
ancient  apologists,  as  the  most  convi'ncing  evidence  of  the 
truth  of  Christianity.  The  awful  ceremony  was  usually  per- 
formed in  a  public  manner,  and  in  the  presence  of  a  great 
number  of  spectators ;  the  patient  was  relieved  by  the  power 
or  skill  of  the  exorcist,  and  the  vanquished  daemon  was  heard 
to  confess  that  he  was  one  of  the  fabled  gods  of  antiquity,  who 
had  impiously  usurped  the  adoration  of  mankind.''^  But  the 
miraculous  cure  of  diseases  of  the  most  inveterate  or  even 
preternatural  kind,  can  no  longer  occasion  any  surprise,  when 
we  recollect,  that  in  the  days  of  Irena?us,  about  the  end  of 
the  second  century,  the  resurrection  of  the  dead  was  very  far 
from  being  esteemed  an  uncommon  event ;  that  the  miracle 
was  frequently  performed  on  neces.«ciry  occasions,  by  great 
fasting  and  the  joint  supplication  of  the  church  of  the  place, 
and  that  the  persons  thus  restored  to  their  prayers  had  lived 


'*  Athenaj^oras  in  Legatione.     Justin  Martyr,  Cohort,  ad  Gentes. 
rertullian  advers.  Marcionit.  1.  iv.     These  descriptions  are  not  very . 
unlike  the  prophetic  fury,  for  which   Cicero  (de  Divinat.  ii.  64)  ex- 
presses so  little  reverence. 

'"  TcrtuUian  (Apolog.  c.  23)  throws  out  a  bold  defiance  to  the  Pagan 
magistrates.  Of  the  primitive  miracles,  the  power  of  exorcising  ia 
the  only  one  which  has  been  assumed  by  Protestants.* 


lier)  lives  of  Xavier,  there  is  no  claim  laid  to  the  gift  of  tcBgues  since  the 
time  of  Iren^us  ;  and  of  this  claim  Xavier's  own  letters  are  profoundly 
•iient.     See  Douglas's  Criterion,  p.  76,  edit.  1807.  —  M. 

•  But  by  Protestants  neither  of  the  most  enlightened  a^<»  0"r  moM 
reasoning  n.inds.  —  M. 


n>    THt    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  541 

Rfterwurds  a.noiig  them  many  yearsJ^  At  such  a  period, 
when  faith  could  boast  of  so  many  wonderful  victories  over 
death,  it  seems  difficult  to  account  for  the  sce[)licism  of  those 
philosophers,  who  still  rejected  and  derided  the  doctrine  of  the 
resurrection.  A  noble  Grecian  had  rested  on  this  important 
ground  the  whole  controversy,  and  promised  Theophilus. 
JVishop  of  Antioch,  that  if  he  could  be  gratified  with  the 
sight  of  a  single  person  who  had  been  actually  raised  from 
the  dead,  he  would  immediately  embrace  the  Christian  reli- 
gion. It  is  somewhat  remarkable,  that  the  prelate  of  the  first 
eastern  church,  however  anxious  for  the  conversion  of  hia 
friend,  thought  proper  to  decline  this  fair  and  reasonable 
challenge.''^ 

The  miracles  of  the  primitive  church,  after  obtaining  the 
sanction  of  ages,  have  been  lately  attacked  in  a  very  free  and 
ingenious  inquiry ,"^9  which,  though  it  has  met  with  the  most 
favorable  reception  from  the  public,  appears  to  have  excited  a 
general  scandal  among  the  divines  of  our  own  as  well  as  of 
the  other  Protestant  churches  of  Europe. s*^  Our  diflx3rcnt 
sentiments  on  this  subject  will  be  much  less  influenced  by  any 
particular  arguments,  than  by  our  habits  of  study  and  reflec- 
tion ;  and,  above   all,  by  the   degree   of  evidence   which   we 

^^  Irenaeus  adv.  Haereses,  1.  ii.  56,  57,  1.  v.  c.  6.  Mr.  Dodwell  (Dis- 
Bertat.  ad  Irenaeum,  ii.  42)  concludes,  that  the  second  century  waa 
still  more  fertile  in  miracles  than  the  first.* 

"  Theophilus  ad  Autolycum,  1.  i.  p.  345.  Edit.  Benedictin.  Paris, 
1742.T 

'*  Dr.  Middleton  sent  out  his  Introduction  in  the  year  1747,  pub- 
lished his  Free  Inquiry  in  1749,  and  before  his  death,  which  happened 
in  1750,  he  had  prepared  a  vindication  of  it  against  his  numerous 
adversaries. 

•*"  The  university  of  Oxford  conferred  degrees  on  his  opponents. 
From  the  indignation  of  Mosheim,  (p.  221,)  we  may  discover  the 
sentiments  of  the  Lutheran  divines.  J 


*  It  is  difficult  to  answer  Middleton's  obiection  to  this  statement  of 
Irenjcus :  "  It  is  very  strange,  that  from  the  time  of  the  apostles  there  is 
not  a  single  instance  of  this  miracle  to  be  found  in  the  three  first  centn- 
ries  ;  except  a  single  case,  slightly  intimated  in  Eusebius,  from  the  Works 
cf  Papias  ;  which  he  seems  tr)  rank  among  the  other  fabulous  stories  de- 
li-ercd  by  that  weak  man.  Middleton,  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  59.  Bp.  Douglas 
(Criterion,  p.  389)  would  consider  Irenaeus  to  speak  of  what  had  "  been 
performed  formerly,"  not  in  his  own  time.  —  M. 

t  A  candid  sceptic  might  discern  some  impripricty  in  the  Bishop  being 
called  upon  to  perform  a  miracle  on  demand.  —  M. 

I  Yet  many  Protestant  divines  will  now  without  reluctaiice  (^on6nt 
curaQles  to  the  time  of  the  apostles,  or  at  least  to  Ihe  first  century.  —  M 


642  THE    DECLINE    AND    FAU, 

have  accustomed  ourselves  to  require  for  the  proof  of  a  mirac* 
ulous  event.  The  duty  of  an  historian  does  not  call  upon 
him  to  interpose  his  private  judgment  in  this  nice  and  impor. 
tant  controversy ;  but  he  ought  not  to  dissemble  the  difficulty 
of  adopting  such  a  theory  as  may  reconcile  the  interest  of 
religion  with  that  of  reason,  of  making  a  proper  application 
of  that  theory,  and  of  defining  with  precision  the  limits  of 
tnai  nappy  period,  exempt  from  error  and  from  deceit,  to 
which  we  might  be  disposed  to  extend  the  gift  of  supernatura. 
powers.  From  the  first  of  the  fathers  to  the  last  of  the  popes, 
a  succession  of  bishops,  of  saints,  of  martyrs,  and  of  mira- 
cles, is  continued  without  interruption  ;  and  the  progress  of 
superstition  was  so  gradual,  and  almost  imperceptible,  that  we 
know  not  in  what  particular  link  we  should  break  the  chain 
of  tradition.  Every  age  bears  testimony  to  the  wonderful 
events  by  which  it  was  distinguished,  and  its  testimony  appears 
no  less  weighty  and  respectable  than  that  of  the  preceding 
generation,  till  we  are  insensibly  led  on  to  accuse  our  own 
inconsistency,  if  in  the  eighth  or  in  the  twelfth  centuiy  we 
deny  to  the  venerable  Bede,  or  to  the  holy  Bernard,  the  same 
degree  of  confidence  which,  in  the  second  century,  we  had  so 
.liberally  granted  to  Justin  or  to  Irenseus.^i  If  the  truth  of 
any  of  those  miracles  is  appreciated  by  their  apparent  use 
and  propriety,  every  age  had  unbelievers  to  convince,  heretics 
to  confute,  and  idolatrous  nations  to  convert ;  and  sufficient 
motives  might  always  be  produced  to  justify  the  interposition 
of  Heaven.  And  yet,  since  every  friend  to  revelation  is  per 
i?uaded  of  the  reality,  and  every  reasonable  man  is  convinced 
of  the  cessation,  of  miraculous  powers,  it  is  evident  that  there 
must  have  been  some  period  in  which  they  were  either  sud- 
denly or  gradually  withdrawn  from  the  Christian  church. 
Whatever  asra  is  chosen  for  that  purpose,  the  death  of  the 
apostles,  the  conversion  of  the  Roman  empire,  or  the  extinc- 
tion of  the  Arian  heresy ,^2  the  insensibility  of  the  Christians 
who    lived    at   that  time    will  equally  afford  a  just  matter  of 


♦'I  It  may  seem  somewhat  remarkable,  that  Bernard  of  Clairvaux, 
who  records  so  many  miracles  of  his  friend  St.  Malachi,  never  takes 
Hny  notice  of  his  own,  which,  in  their  turn,  however,  are  carefully 
related  by  his  companions  and  disciples.  In  the  long  scries  of  eccle- 
iiastical  history,  does  there  exist  a  single  instance  of  a  saint  oneerting 
that  he  himself  possessed  the  gift  of  miracles  ? 

'•  The  conversion  of  Constantino  is  the  acra  which  is  ii.osf  usually 
flxed   by   Protestants.     The  more  rational  di^-ir  s  are  u.iwilling  to 


CF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE  543 

surprise.  They  si  11  supported  their  pretensions  after  they  had 
lost  their  power.  Credulity  performed  the  office  of  faith 
fanaticism  was  peimitted  to  assume  the  language  of  inspira- 
tion, and  the  effects  of  accident  or  contrivance  were  ascribed 
to  supernatural  causes.  The  recent  experience  of  genuine 
miracles  should  have  instructed  the  Christian  world  in  the 
ways  of  Providence,  and  habituated  their  eye  (if  we  may  use 
a  very  inadeqjate  expression)  to  the  style  of  the  divine  artist. 
Sliould  the  most  skilful  painter  of  modern  Italy  presume  to 
decorate  his  feeble  imitations  with  the  name  of  Raphael  or 
of  Correggio,  the  insolent  fraud  would  be  soon  discovered, 
and  indignantly  rejected. 

Whatever  opinion  may  be  entertained  of  the  miracles  of  the 
primitive  church  since  the  time  of  the  apostles,  this  unresisting 
softness  of  temper,  so  conspicuous  among  the  believers  of  the 
second  and  third  centuries,  proved  of  some  accidental  benefit 
to  the  cause  of  truth  and  religion.  In  modern  times,  a  latent 
and  even  involuntary  scepticism  adheres  to  the  most  pious  dis- 
positions. Their  admission  of  supernatural  truths  is  much  less 
an  active  consent  than  a  cold  and  passive  acquiescence.  Ac- 
customed long  since  to  observe  and  to  respect  the  variable 
order  of  Nature,  our  reason,  or  at  least  our  imagination,  is  not 
sufficiently  prepared  to  sustain  the  visible  action  of  the  Deity. 
But,  in  the  first  ages  of  Christianity,  the  situation  of  mankind 
was  extremely  different.  The  most  curious,  or  the  most  cred- 
ulous, among  the  Pagans,  were  often  persuaded  to  enter  into  a 
society  which  asserted  an  actual  claim  of  miraculous  powers. 
The  primitive  Christians  perpetually  trod  on  mystic  ground, 
and  their  minds  were  exercised  by  the  habits  of  believing  the 

admit  the  miracles  of  the  ivth,  whilst  the  more  credulous  are  un-vvill- 
ng  to  reject  those  of  the  vth  century.* 

•  All  this  appears  to  proceed  on  ftie  principle  that  any  distinct  line  raa 
be  drawn  in  an  unphilosophic  age  between  wonders  and  miracles,  or  be- 
tween what  piety,  from  their  unexpected  and  extraordinary  nature,  the 
marvellous  concurrence  of  secondary  causes  to  some  remarkable  end,  may 
consider  providential  interpositio7is,  and  miracles  strictly  so  called,  in  which 
the  laws  of  nature  are  suspended  og-  violated.  It  is  impossible  to  assign, 
on  one  side,  limits  to  hiiman  cicdulity,  on  the  other,  to  the  influence  of  the 
imagination  on  the  bodily  frame  ;  but  some  of  the  miracles  recorded  in  the 
Gospels  arc  such  palpable  imjKissibiUiics,  according  to  the  known  laws  and 
operations  of  nature,  tnat  if  recorded  on  sufficient  evidence,  and  the  evi- 
dence we  believe  to  be  that  of  eye-witnesses,  we  cannot  reject  them,  with- 
out either  asserting,  with  Hume,  that  no  evidence  can  prove  a  mirade,  or 
that  the  Author  of  Nature  has  no  power  of  suspending  its  ordinary  law* 
But  which  of  the  post -aposfoUc  miracles  will  bear  this  test  ?  — M. 


544  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

most  extraordinary  events.  They  felt,  or  they  fancied,  tha; 
on  every  side  they  were  incessantly  assaulted  by  daemons 
comforted  by  visions,  instructed  by  prophecy,  and  surprisingly 
delivered  from  danger,  sickness,  and  from  death  itself,  by  the 
supplications  of  the  church.  The  real  or  imaginary  prodigies, 
of  which  they  so  frequently  conceived  themselves  to  be  the 
objects,  the  instruments,  or  the  spectators,  very  happily  dis- 
posed them  to  adopt  with  the  same  ease,  but  with  far  greater 
justice,  the  authentic  wonders  of  the  evangelic  history ;  and 
thus  miracles  that  exceeded  not  the  measure  of  their  own 
experience,  inspired  them  with  the  most  lively  assurance  of 
mysteries  which  were  acknowledged  to  surpass  the  limits  of 
their  understanding.  It  is  this  deep  impression  of  supernatural 
truths,  which  has  been  so  much  celebrated  under  the  name  of 
faith  ;  a  state  of  mind  described  as  the  surest  pledge  of  the 
divine  favor  and  of  future  felicity,  and  recommended  as  the 
first,  or  perhaps  the  only  merit  of  a  Christian.  According  to 
the  more  rigid  doctors,  the  moral  virtues,  which  may  be 
equally  practised  by  infidels,  are  destitute  of  any  value  or 
efficacy  in  the  work  of  our  justification. 

IV.  But  the  primitive  Christian  demonstrated  his  faith  by 
his  virtues ;  and  it  was  very  justly  supposed  that  the  divine 
persuasion,  which  enlightened  or  subdued  the  understanding, 
must,  at  the  same  time,  purify  the  heart,  and  direct  the  ac- 
tions, of  the  believer.  The  first  apologists  of  Christianity 
who  justify  the  innocence  of  their  brethren,  and  the  writers 
of  a  later  period  who  celebrate  the  sanctity  of  their  ances- 
tors, display,  in  the  most  lively  colors,  the  reformation 
of  manners  which  was  introduced  into  the  world  by  the 
preaching  of  the  gospel.  As  it  is  my  intention  to  remark  only 
such  human  causes  as  were  permitted  to  second  the  influence 
of  revelauon,  I  shall  slightly  mention  two  motives  which  might 
naturally  render  the  lives  of  the  primitive  Christians  much 
purer  and  more  austere  than  those  of  their  Pagan  contempo- 
raries, or  their  degenerate  successors  ;  repentance  for  their 
past  sins,  and  the  laudable  desire  of  supporting  the  reputation 
of  the  society  in  which  they  were  engaged.* 


*  These,  in  the  opinion  of  the  editor,  arc  the  most  uncandid  parapraphs 
in  Giljbon's  History.  He  oupht  either,  with  manly  courage,  to  have  denied 
tne  Hioral  reformation  introduced  by  Christianity,  or  fairly  to  have  invest! 
gated  all  its  motives;  not  to  have  confined  himself  to  an  insidious  and 
larcastic  dcsfz-'plion  of  the  less  pure  and  generous  elements  of  the  Chris- 
tian chai  actor  as  it  appeared  even  at  that  early  time.  — -M. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  545 

It  19  a  vciy  ancient  reproach,  suggested  by  the  ignorance 
or  tlie  malice  of  infuielity,  that  the  Christians  aUurcd  into 
iheir  party  the  most  atrocious  criminals,  wlio,  as  soon  as  {aey 
were  touched  by  a  sense  of  remorse,  were  easily  persuaded 
to  wash  away,  in  the  water  of  baptism,  the  guilt  of  their  past 
conduct,  for  which  the  temples  of  the  gods  refused  to  grant 
them  any  expiation.  But  this  reproach,  when  it  is  cleared 
from  misrepresentation,  contributes  as  much  to  the  honor  as  it 
did  to  the  increase  of  the  church.'*^  The  friends  of  Christian- 
ity may  acknowledge  without  a  blush,  that  many  of  the  most 
eminent  saints  had  been  before  their  baptism  the  most  aban- 
doned sinners.  Those  persons,  who  in  the  world  had  followed, 
though  in  an  imperfect  manner,  the  dictates  of  benevolence 
and  propriety,  derived  such  a  calm  satisfaction  from  the  opin- 
ion of  their  own  rectitude,  as  rendered  them  much  less  sus- 
ceptible of  the  sudden  emotions  of  shame,  of  grief,  and  of 
terror,  which  have  given  birth  to  so  many  wonderful  conver- 
sions. After  the.  example  of  their  divine  Master,  the  mission- 
aries of  the  gospel  disdained  not  the  society  of  men,  and 
especially  of  women,  oppressed  by  the  consciousness,  and 
very  often  by  the  effects,  of  their  vices.  As  they  emerged 
from  sin  and  superstition  to  the  glorious  hope  of  immortality, 
they  resolved  to  devote  themselves  to  a  life,  not  only  of  virtue, 
but  of  penitence.  The  desire  of  perfection  became  the  ruling 
passion  of  their  soul  ;  and  it  is  well  known,  that  while  reason 
embraces  a  cold  mediocrity,  our  passions  hurry  us,  with  rapid 
violence,  over  the  space  which  lies  between  the  most  opposite 
extremes. 

When  the  new  converts  had  been  enrolled  in  the  number 
of  the  faithful,  and  were  admitted  to  the  sacraments  of  the 
church,  they  found  themselves  restrained  from  relapsmg  into 
their  past  disorders  by  another  consideration  of  a  less  spiritual, 
but  of  a  very  innocent  and  respectable  nature.  Any  particular 
society  that  has  departed  from  the  great  body  of  the  nation, 
or  the  religion  to  which  it  belonged,  immediately  becomes  the 
object  of  universal  as  well  as  invidious  observation.  In  pro- 
portion to  the  smallncss  of  its  numbers,  the  character  of  the 
sor.iety  may  be  affected  by  the  virtues  and  vices  of  the  {)ersons 
who  compose  it ;  and  every  member  is  engaged  to  watch  with 

*^  The  imputations   of  Cclsus  and  Julian,  with  the  defence  of  the 
fatliers,   arc  very  fairly  stated  by  Spauhcim,    Commentairo   sur   les 
CkJsai-s  de  Julian,  p.  468. 
20 


646  THli    DECLIKE    AND   FALL 

the  most  vigilant  attention  over  his  own  behavior,  and  oven 
that  of  his  brethren,  since,  as  he  must  expect  to  incur  a  part 
of  the  common  disgrace,  he  may  hope  to  enjoy  a  share  of  the 
common  reputation.  When  the  Christians  of  Bithynia  wero 
brought  before  me  tribunal  of  the  younger  Pliny,  the)-  assured 
the  proconsul,  that,  far  from  hfeing  engaged  in  any  unlawful 
conspiracy,  they  were  bound  by  a  solemn  obligation  to  abstain 
from  the  commission  of  those  crimes  which  disturb  the  privato 
or  public  peace  of  society,  from  theft,  robbery,  adultery,  per- 
jury, and  fraud. ^'^*  Near  a  century  afterwards,  Tertuilian, 
witii  an  honest  pride,  could  boast,  that  very  few  Christians  had 
suffered  by  ihe  hand  of  the  executioner,  except  on  account  of 
their  religion.^^  Their  serious  and  sequestered  life,  averse  to 
the  gay  luxury  of  the  age,  inured  them  to  chastity,  temper- 
ance, economy,  and  all  the  sober  and  domestic  virtues.  As 
the  greater  number  were  of  some  trade  or  profession,  it  was 
incumbent  on  them,  by  the  strictest  integrity  and  the  fairest 
dealing,  to  remove  the  suspicions  which  the  profane  are  too 
apt  to  conceive  against  the  appearances  of  sanctity.  The 
contempt  of  the  world  exercised  them  in  the  habits  of  humility, 
meekness,  and  patience.  The  more  they  were  persecuted, 
the  more  closely  they  adhered  to  each  other.  Their  mutual 
charily  and  unsuspecting  confidence  has  been  remarked  by 
infidels,  and  was  too  often  abused  by  perfidious  friends.^^ 

It  is  a  very  honorable  circumstance  for  the  morals  of  the 
primitive  Christians,  that  even  their  faults,  or  rather  errors, 
were  derived  from  an  excess  of  virtue.  The  bishops  and 
doctors  of  the  ciiurch,  whose  evidence  attests,  and  whose 
authority  might  influence,  the  professions,  the  principles,  and 
even   the  practice   of  their  contemporaries,   had   studied   (he 


«*  Plin.  Epist.  X.  97-* 

•^  TortuUian,  Apolog.  c.  44.  He  adds,  however,  -vvith  some  degice 
tf  hositation,  "Aut  si  aliud,  jam  non  Christi!inu3."t 

**  The  philosopher  Pcrcgrinus  (of  whose  life  and  death  liUcian  haa 
left  us  so  entertaining  an  account)  imposed,  for  a  long  time,  on  the 
credulous  simplicity  of  the  Christians  of  Asia. 


*  And  this  blamelessness  Was  fully  admitted  by  the  candid  and  enlight- 
ened Roman.  —  M. 

■\  Tertuilian  says  positively  no  Christian,  nemo  illic  Christianus  ;  for  th« 
rest,  the  limitation  which  he  himself  subjoins,  and  which  Gilibon  quctci  ia 
the  foregoing  note,  diminishes  the  force  of  this  assertion,  and  appears  to 
prove  that  at  least  he  knew  none  such.^0. 

Is  not  the  sense  of  Tertuilian  rather,  if  guilty  of  any  other  oflr.ice.  ho 
has  thereby  jcased  to  uc  i  'Jhristian  "■  —  Al 


OF   THE    ROMAN    EMfJRE.  549 

Scriptures  with  less  skill  than  devotion  ;  and  they  often 
received,  in  the  most  literal  sense,  those  rigid  precepts  of 
Christ  and  the  apostles,  .o  which  the  prudence  of  succeeding 
commentators  has  applie J  a  looser  and  more  figurative  mode 
of  interpretation.  Ambitious  to  exalt  the  perfection  of  the 
gospel  above  the  wisdom  of  philosophy,  the  zealous  fathers 
have  carried  the  duties  of  self-mortification,  of  purity,  and  of 
patitMice,  to  a  height  which  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  attain,  and 
much  less  to  preserve,  in  our  present  state  of  weakness  and 
corrupticjii.  A  doctrine  so  extraordinary  and  so  sublime  must 
inevitably  command  the  veneration  of  the  people  ;  but  it  wafc 
ill  calculated  to  obtain  the  sullVage  of  those  worldly  philoso- 
phers, who,  in  'the  conduct  of  this  transitory  life,  consult  only 
the  feelings  of  nature  and  tiie  interest  of  society .^'^ 

There  are  two  very  natural  propensities  which  we  may 
•distinguish  in  the  most  virtuous  and  liberal  dispositions,  the 
love  of  pleasure  and  the  love  of  action.  If  the  former  ia 
refined  by  art  and  learning,  improved  by  the  charms  of  social 
intercourse,  and  corrected  by  a  just  regard  to  economy,  to 
health,  and  to  reputation,  it  is  productive  of  the  greatest  part 
of  the  happiness  of  private  life.  The  love  of  action  is  a 
principle  of  a  much  stronger  and  more  doubtful  nature.  It 
often  leads  to  anger,  to  ambition,  and  to  revenge  ;  but  when  it 
is  guided  by  the  sense  of  propriety  and  benevolence,  it  becomes 
the  parent  of  every  virtue,  and  if  those  virtues  are  accompanied 
with  equal  abilities,  a  family,  a  state,  or  an  empire,  may  be 
indebted  for  their  safety  and  prosperity  to  the  undaunted 
courage  of  a  single  man.  To  the  love  of  pleasure  we  may 
therefore  ascribe  most  of  the  agreeable,  to  the  love  of  action 
we  may  attribute  most  of  the  useful  and  respectable,  qualifica- 
tions. The  character  in  which  both  the  one  and  the  other 
should  be  un'ited  and  harmonized,  would  seem  to  constitute 
the  most  perfect  idea  of  human  nature.  The  insen**ib!e  and 
inactive  disposition,  which  should  be  supposed  alikp  destitute 
of  both,  would  be  rejected,  by  the  conmion  consent  of  man- 
kind, as  utterly  incapable  of  procuring  any  happiness  *o  the 
individual,  or  any  public  benefit  to  the  world.  But  it  was  not 
in  this  world,  that  the  primitive  Christians  were  desirous  of 
making  themselves  either  agreeable  or  useful.* 

"  See  a  very  judicious  treatise   of  BarbcjTac  sur  la   Morale  dot 
P6res.  , 

•  Et  que  me  fait  cette  horaol.'e  semi-stoicienne,  semi-6pinurienne  ?    A 


M8  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

The  acquisition  of  knowledge,  the  exercise  of"  our  reason  of 
fancy,  and  the  cheerful  flow  of  unguarded  conversation,  may 
employ  the  leisure  of  a  liberal  mind.  Such  amusements, 
however,  were  rejected  with  abhorrence,  or  admitted  with  the 
utmost  caution,  by  the  severity  of  the  fathers,  w  ho  despised  all 
knowledge  that  was  not  useful  to  calvation,  and  who  consid- 
ered all  levity  of  discourse  as  a  criminal  abuse  of  the  gift  of 
speech.  In  our  present  state  of  existence  the  body  is  so 
inseparably  connected  with  the  soul,  that  it  seems  to  be  our 
interest  to  taste,  with  innocence  and  moderation,  the  enjoy- 
ments of  which  that  faithful  companion  is  susceptible.  Very 
dii\erent  was  the  reasoning  of  our  devout  predecessors ; 
vainly  aspiring  to  imitate  the  perfection  of  angels,  they  dis- 
dained, or  they  affected  to  disdain,  every  earthly  and  coporeal 
delight.^8  Some  of  our  senses  indeed  are  necessary  for  our 
preservation,  others  for  our  subsistence,  and  others  again  foi* 
our  information  ;  and  thus  far  it  was  impossible  to  reject  the 
use  of  them.  The  first  sensation  of  pleasure  was  marked  as 
the  first  moment  of  their  abuse.  The  unfeeling  candidate  for 
heaven  was  instructed,  not  only  to  resist  the  grosser  allure- 
ments of  the  taste  or  smell,  but  even  to  shut  his  ears  against 
the  profane  harmony  of  sounds,  and  to  view  with  indifference 
the  most  finished  productions  of  human  art.  Gay  apparel, 
magnificent  houses,  and  elegant  furniture,  were  supposed  to 
unite  the  double  guilt  of  pride  and  of  sensuality  ;  a  simple  and 
mortified  appearance  was  more  suitable  to  the  Christian  who 
was  certain  of  his  sins  and  doubtful  of  his  salvation.  In  their 
censures  of  luxury,  the  fathers  are  extremely  minute  and  cir- 
cumstantial ;  ^3  and  among  the  various  articles  which  excite 


**  Lactant.  Institut.  Divin.  1.  vi.  c.  20,  21,  22. 

"  Consult  a  work  of  Clemens  of  Alexandria,  entitled  The  Paeda- 
■gogue,  which  contains  the  rudiments  of  ethics,  as  they  were  taught 
ui  the  most  celebrated  of  the  Christian  schools. 


for.  jamais  rcgardf^  I'amour  du  plaisir  comme  I'lm  des  principos  dc  la  per- 
fection morale  ?  Et  de  quel  droit  faitos  voiis  de  I'ainour  de  faction,  et  de 
Tamour  du  plaisir,  les  seuls  elemcns  de  I'etre  huuiain  ?  Est  ce  que  vous 
faitcs  abstraction  de  la  verite  en  elle-mome,  de  la  conscience  et  du  senti- 
ment du  devoir  ?  Est  ce  que  vous  ne  scntez  point,  par  cxemple,  que  le 
sacrifice  du  moi  a  la  justice  et  a  la  vcriti',  est  aussi  dans  le  canir  de 
I'homme  :  que  tout  n'est  pas  pour  hii  action  ou  ])laisir,  et  que  dans  le 
bien  ce  n'est  par  le  mouvement,  mais  la  vrriti-,  qu'il  clicrche  ?  Et  puis  •  • 
Thucvdide  et  Tacite,  ccs  maitres  de  rhistoire,«<)nt  ils  jamais  introduitf 
dans  leur  recits  un  fragment  de  dissertation  sur  le  jdaisir  e*  sur  I'actiou. 
Villemain,  Cours  de  Lit  Fran9.  part  ii.  Le^on  v.  — M. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMl'IRE.  M9 

their  pious  indignation,  we  may  enumerate  false  hair,  garments 
of  any  color  excc[)t  white,  instruments  of  music,  vases  of  gold 
or  silver,  downy  pillows,  (as  Jacob  reposed  liis  head  on  a  stone,) 
white  bread,  foreign  wines,  public  salutations,  the  use  of  warm 
baths,  and  the  practice  of  shaving  the  beard,  which,  accordinj* 
to  the  expression  of  TertuUian,  is  a  lie  against  our  own  faces, 
and  an  impious  attempt  to*  improve  the  works  of  the  Creator.^" 
When  Christianity  was  introduced  among  the  rich  and  the 
polite,  the  observation  of  these  singular  laws  was  left,  as  it 
would  be  at  present,  to  the  few  who  were  ambitious  of  superior 
sanctity.  But  it  is  always  easy,  as  well  as  agreeable,  for  the 
mferior  ranks  of  mankind  to  claim  a  merit  from  the  contempt 
of  that  pomp  and  pleasure  which  fortune  has  placed  beyond 
their  reach.  The  virtue  of  the  primitive  Christians,  like  that 
of  the  first  Romans,  was  very  frequently  guarded  by  poverty 
and  ignorance. 

The  chaste  severity  of  the  fathers,  in  whatever  related  to 
the  commerce  of  the  two  sexes,  flowed  from  the  same  prin- 
ciple ;  their  abhorrence  of  every  enjoyment  which  might 
gratify  the  sensual,  and  degrade  the  spiritual  nature  of  man. 
It  was  their  favorite  opinion,  that  if  Adam  had  preserved  his 
obedience  to  the  Creator,  he  would  have  lived  forever  in  a  state 
of  virgin  purity,  and  that  some  harmless  mode  of  vegetation 
might  have  peopled  paradise  with  a  race  of  innocent  and 
immortal  beings.'-*'  The  use  of  marriage  was  permitted  only 
to  his  fallen  posterity,  as  a  necessary  expedient  to  continue 
the  human  species,  and  as  a  restraint,  however  imperfect,  on 
the  natural  licentiousness  of  desire.  The  hesitation  of  the 
orthodox  casuists  on  this  interesting  subject,  beirays  the  per- 
plexity of  men,  unwilling  to  approve  an  institution  which  they 
were  compelled  to  tolerate.^-  The  enumeration  of  the  very 
whimsical  laws,  which  they  most  circumstantially  imposed  on 
the  marriage-bed,  would  force  a  smile  from  the  young  and  a 


*"  TertuUian,  de  Spectaculis,  c.  23.  Clemens  Alexandrin.  Paeda- 
gog.  1.  iii.  c.  8. 

"'  Bcausol)rc,  Hist.  Critique  du  Manicheisme,  1.  vii.  c.  3.  Justin, 
Gregory  of  ^Jys^a,  Augustin,  &c.,  strongly  incline  to  this  opinion.* 

**  Some  of  the  Gnostic  heretics  were  more  consistent ;  tbcy  rcject> 
ed  the  use  of  mairiage. 


♦  But  these  were  Gnostic  or  Maninhean  opinicns.  Beausobre  distinctly 
ascribes  Augustine's  bias  to  his  recent  escape  fr'iLii  Mancheism  ;  and  addsi 
that  he  afterwards  changed  his  views.  —  M. 


550  THE    DECLINE    AND    FAT.T. 

bUish  from  the  fair.     It  was  their  unanimous  sentiment,  that  a 
first  marria^re  was  adequate  to  all  the  purposes  of  nature  and     / 
of  society.     The  sensual  connection  was  refined  into  a  resem- 
blance of  the  mystic  union  of  Christ  with  his  church,  and  was 
ronounced  to  be  indissoluble  either  by  divorce  or  by  death. 
The  practice  of  second  nuptials  was  branded   with   the   name 
of  a   legal  adultery  ;  and   the   persons  who  were  guilty  of  so 
scandalous    an    offence    against   Christian    purity    were    soon 
excluded   from   the   honors,  and  even   from   the  alms,  of  the 
chnrch.33     Since  desire  was  imputed  as  a  crime,  and  marriage 
was  tolerated  as  a  defect,  it  was  consistent  with  the  same  prin- 
ciples to  consider  a  state  of  celibacy  as  the  nearest  approach 
to  the  divine  perfection.     It  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty  tha\ 
ancient  Rome  could  support  the   institution  of  six  vestals; 9* 
but  the  primitive  church  was  filled  with  a  great  number  of 
jiersons  of  either  sex,  who  had  devoted  themselves  to  the  pro- 
fession of  perpetual  chastity.'-'^     A  few  of  these,  among  which 
we  may  reckon  the  learned  Origen,  judged   it  the  most  pru- 
dent to  disarm  the  tempter.^^     Some  were  insensible  and  some 
were  invincible  against  the  assaults  of  the  flesh.     Disdaining 
an  ignominious  flight,  the  virgins  of  the  warm  climate  of  Africa 
encountered  the  enemy  in  the  closest  engagement ;  they  per- 
mitted  priests  and   deacons  to  share  their  bed,  and   gloried 
amidst   the   flames    in    their    unsullied    purity.     But  insulted 
Nature  sometimes  vindicated  her  rights,  and  this  new  species 
of  martyrdom  served  only  to  introduce  a  new  scandal  into  the 
church.97     Among  the  Christian  ascetics,  however,  (a  name 


*'  Sec  a  chain  of  tradition,  from  Justin  Martyr  to  Jerome,  in  tho 
Morale  dcs  P^rcs,  c.  iv.  6 — 26. 

»■•  Sec  a  very  curious  Dissertation  on  the  Vestals,  in  the  Momoires 
de  rAcademie  dcs  Inscriptions,  torn.  iv.  p.  161—227.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  honors  and  rewards  which  were  bestowed  on  those  virgins,  it 
was  difficult  to  procure  a  sufficient  number  ;  nor  could  the  di-ead  of 
the  most  horrible  death  always  restrain  their  incontinence. 

*^  Cupiditatem  procreandi  aut  unam  scimvis  aut  nullam.  Minutiua 
Fajlix.  c.  31.  Justin.  Apolog.  Major.  Athenagoras  in  Legat.  c.  28. 
TcrtuUian  de  Cultu  Fcrmin.  1.  ii. 

*«  Eusebius,  1.  vi.  8.  Before  the  fame  of  Origen  had  excited  envy 
and  persecution,  this  extraordinary  action  was  rather  admired  thnu 
censured.  As  it  was  his  general  practice  to  allegorize  Scripture,  it 
-«eem»  unfortunate  that  in  this  instance  only,  he  should  have  adopted 
the  literal  sense. 

"  Cvjirian.  Epist.  4,  andPodwell,  Disscrtat.  Cyprianic.  iii.  Sou-e- 
thing  nice  this  rash    attempt   was  long   afterwards    imputed    to  tn« 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  55 

which  tliey  soon  acquired  from  their  painful  exercise,)  many 
as  they  were  less  presumptuous,  were  probably  more  success 
ful.  The  loss  of  sf'Msual  pleasure  was  supplied  and  compen 
sated  by  spiritual  pride.  Even  the  nuillitude  of  Pagans  were 
inclined  to  estitnalt'  the  merit  of  the  sacrifice  by  its  apparent 
diniculty  ;  and  it  was  in  the  pniise  of  these  chaste  spouses  of 
Christ  that  the  fathers  have  poured  forth  the  troubled  stream 
of  their  eloquence.'***  Such  are  the  early  traces  of  monastic 
principles  and  institutions,  which,  in  a  subsequent  age,  have 
counterbalanced  all  the  temporal  advantages  of  Christianity.'-*^ 
The  Christians  were  not  less  averse  to  the  business  tlian  to 
the  pleasures  of  this  world.  The  defence  of  our  persons  and 
property  thcv  knew  not  how  to  reconcile  with  t!i(;  patient  doc- 
trine which  enjoined  an  unlimited  forgiveness  of  past  injuries, 
anri  commanded  them  to  invite  the  repetition  of  fresh  insults. 
Their  simplicity  was  offended  by  the  use  of  oaths,  by  the 
pomp  of  magistracy,  and  liy  the  active  contention  of  public 
life ;  nor  could  their  humane  ignorance  be  convinced  that  it 
was  lawful  on  any  occasion  to  shed  the  blood  of  our  fellow- 
creatures,  either  by  the  sword  of  justice,  or  by  that  of  war ; 
even  though  their  criminal  or  hostile  attempts  should  threaten 
the  peace  and  safety  of  the  whole  community. i*"*  It  was 
acknowledged,  that,  under  a  less  perfect  law,  the  powers  of 
the  Jewish  constitution  had  been  exercised,  with  the  approba- 
tion of  Heaven,  by  inspired  prophets  and  by  anointed  kings. 
The  Christians  felt  and  confessed  that  such  institutions  might 
be  necessary  for  the  present  system  of  the  world,  and  they 
cheerfully  submitted  to  the  authority  of  their  Pagan  governors, 
liut  while  they  inculcated  the  maxims  of  passive  obedience, 
they  refused  to  take  any  active  part  in  the  civil  administration 


tbundor  of  the  order  of  Foutovrault.  Bayle  has  amused  himself 
and  his  readers  on  that  very  delir-atc  subject. 

**  Duj)iu  (lUbilothc.fiuc  Kcclesiasti'iue,  torn.  i.  p.  19.5)  gives  a  par- 
ticular account  of  tlie  (Ualoifue  of  the  Um  virgins,  as  it  was  composed 
by  Methodius,  liishop  of  Tyre.  Tlie  praises  of  virginity  are  exces- 
Bive. 

**  The  Ascetics  (as  early  as  the  socr  nd  century)  made  a  public  pro- 
fession of  mortifyi-ig  their  bodies,  and  of  jibstainiu^  froni  the  use  of 
flesh  and  wine.     Mosheim,  p.  310. 

'■'^  Sec  the  Morale  des  P.  res.  The  same  patient  principles  nave 
been  revived  since  the  Iteformation  by  the  i^ociiiians,  tlie  modern 
Anabaptists,  and  the  (Quakers.  Jiarclay,  the  Ajiolof^ist  of  the  Qua- 
kers, has  ])roti'cted  hin  bretl  ren  by  the  authority  of  the  primitiva 
Christians  ;  p.  542 — 540. 


552  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

or  the  military  defence  of  the  empire.  Some  indulgence 
might,  perhaps,  be  allowed  to  those  persons  who,  before  their 
conversion,  were  already  engaged  in  such  violent  and  san- 
guinary occupations  ;i'^i  but  it  was  impossible  that  the  Chris- 
tians, without  renouncing  a  more  sacred  duty,  could  assume 
the  character  of  soldiers,  of  magistrates,  or  of  princes.^^^ 
This  indolent,  or  even  criminal  disregard  to  the  public  welfare, 
exposed  them  to  the  contempt  and  reproaches  of  the  Pagans, 
who  very  frequently  asked,  what  must  be  the  fate  of  the  em- 
pire, attacked  on  every  side  by  the  barbarians,  if  all  mankind 

'""  TertuUian,  Apolog.  c.  21.  De  Idololatria,  c.  17,  18.  Origen 
contra  Celsum,  1.  v.  p.  2o3,  1.  vii.  p.  348,  1.  viii.  p.  423—428. 

'"-  TertuUian  (de  Coronft  Militis,  c.  11)  suggested  to  them  the 
expedient  of  deserting  ;  a  counsel,  which,  if  it  had  been  generally 
known,  was  not  very  proper  to  conciliate  the  favor  of  the  emperors 
towards  the  Christian  sect.* 


*  There  is  nothing  which  oua;ht  to  astonish  us  in  the  refusal  of  the 
primitive  Christians  to  take  part  in  public  ati'uirs  ;  it  was  the  natural  oun- 
sequence  of  the  contrariety  of  their  principles  to  the  customs,  laws,  and 
active  life  of  the  Pagan  world.  As  Cliristians,  they  could  not  enter  into 
the  senate,  which,  according  to  Gibbon  hinrself,  always  assembled  in  a 
temple  or  consecrated  place,  and  where  each  senator,  before  he  took  his 
seat,  made  a  libation  of  a  few  drops  of  wine,  and  burnt  incense  on  the 
altar;  as  Christians,  they  co\ild  not  assist  at  festivals  and  banquets,  which 
always  terminated  with  libations,  &c. ;  finally,  as  "  the  innumerable  deities 
and  rites  of  polytheism  were  closely  interwoven  with  every  circumstance 
of  public  and  private  life,"  the  Christians  could  not  participate  in  them 
without  incurring,  according  to  their  principles,  the  guilt  of  impiety.  It 
was  then  much  less  by  an  etfect  of  their  doctrine,  than  by  the  consequence 
of  their  situation,  that  they  stood  aloof  from  public  business.  Whenever 
this  situation  offered  no  impediment,  »hey  showed  as  much  activity  as  the 
Pagans.  Proinde,  says  Justin  MarlTr,  (Apol.  c.  17,)  nos  solunr  Deum 
adorannis,  et  vobis  in  rebus  aliis  la'ti  inservimus.  —  G. 

This  latter  passage,  M.  Guizot  quotes  in  Latin  ;  if  he  had  consulted  the 
original,  he  would  have  found  it  to  be  altogether  irrelevant :  it  merely 
relates  to  the  payment  of  taxes. — M. 

TertuUian  does  not  suggest  to  the  soldiers  the  expedient  of  desertinfj ;  he 
says,  that  they  ought  to  be  constantly  on  their  guard  to  do  nothing  during 
their  service  contrary  to  the  law  of  God,  and  to  resolve  to  suU'cr  martyrdom 
rather  than  submit  to  a  base  compliance,  or  openly  to  renounce  the  service. 
I  Do  Cor.  Mil.  ii.  p.  127  )  He  does  not  positively  decide  that  the  military 
service  is  not  permitted  to  Christians  ;  he  ends,  indeed,  by  saying,  Puta 
dcnique  liccre  militiam  usque  ad  causam  corona;.  —  (i. 

M.  Guizot  is,  I  think,  again  unfortunate  in  his  defence  of  TertuUian. 
That  father  says,  that  many  Christian  soldiers  had  deserted,  aut  deseren- 
dum  statim  sit,  ut  a  multis  actum.  The  latter  sentence,  Puta,  die.,  tkc, 
is  a  concession  for  the  sake  of  argument :  what  follows  is  more  to  the 
purpose.  —  >I. 

Many  other  passages  of  TertuUian  prove  that  the  army  was  full  of  Chris- 
tian^,  llesterni  sumus  et  vestra  omnia  implevimus,  urbes,  insulas.  castella, 
muuicipia,   conci'iabu'a,  rastra  ywi.     (Apol.   c.   ?7.)     Navi({amus   ct  noi 


OF    THE    KOMAN    EMPIRE.  553 

should  adopt  the  pusillanimous  sentiments  of  tl>e  new  sect.  '"^ 
To  this  insulting  question  the  Christian  apologists  returned 
obscure  and  ambiguous  answers,  as  they  were  unwilling  to 
reveal  the  secret  cause  of  their  security  ;  the  expectation  that, 
before  the  conversion  of  mankind  was  accomplished,  war, 
government,  the  Roman  empire,  and  the  world  itself,  would 
be  no  more.  It  may  be  observed,  that,  in  this  instance  like* 
wise,  the  situation  of  the  first  Christians  coincided  very  hap» 
pily  with  their  religious  scruples,  and  that  their  aversion  to  an 
active  life  contributed  rather  to  excuse  them  from  the  service, 
than  to  exclude  them  from  the  honors,  of  the  state  and  army. 
V.  But  the  human  character,  however  it  may  be  exalted  or 
depressed  by  a  temporary  enthusiasm,  will  return  by  degrees 
to  its  proper  and  natural  level,  and  will  resume  those  passions 
Miat  seem  the  most  adapted  to  its  present  con<lition.  The 
primitive  Christians  were  dead  to  the  business  and  pleasures 
of  the  world  ;  but  their  love  of  action,  which  could  never  be 
entirely  extinguished,  soon  revived,  and  found  a  new  occupa- 
tion in  the  government  of  the  church.  A  separate  society 
which  attacked  the  established  religion  of  the  empire,  was 
obliged  to  adopt  some  form  of  internal  policy,  and  to  appoint  a 
sufficient  number  of  ministers,  intrusted  not  onl\  with  the 
spiritual  functions,  but  even  with  the  temporal  direction  of  the 
Christian  commonwealth.  The  safety  of  that  society,  its 
honor,  its  aggrandizement,  were  productive,  even  in  the  most 
pious  minds,  of  a  spirit  of  patriotism,  such  as  the  first  of  the 
Romans  had  felt  for  the  republic,  and  sometimes  of  a  similar 
indilFerence,  in  the  use  of  whatever  means  might  probably 
conduce  to  so  desirable  an  end.  The  ambition  of  raising 
themselves  or  their  friends  to  the  honors  and  (jtl'ices  ot  the 
church,  was  disguised  by  the  laudable  intention  of  devoting 
to  the  public  benefit  the    power  and   consideration,  which,  foi 


•"*  As  well   as   we   can  judge  from  the  mutilated  represontatiim  of 
Ofigcu,  (1.  viii.  p.  i.2'.],)  his  adversary,  Celsus,   had  urged    his   objec- 


tioa  with  great  lorcc  aud  candor. 


»obiscuin  et  niilitamus.     (c.  42.)     Origen,  in  truth,  appears  to  iiavo  rriain 
tained  a  r.-.ore  rii^id  opimon,  (Cont.  Cels.  1.  viii.  ;)  but  he  has  often  rennunced 
this  e.\a^i,orated  sevuiitv,  perhaps  necessary  to  produce  great  results,  and 
he  speaks  ol  tlie  profession   of  arms  as  an  honorable  one.     (1.  iv.  c.  213.) 
--G. 

On  these  points  Christian  opinion,  it  should  seem,  was  much  divided 
TertuUian,  wlien   he  wrote  the  De  Cor.  Mil.,  was  evidently  inclining   t« 
more  ascetic  opinions,  and  Origen  was  of  the  same  class.     See  Neander 
vol.  i.  part  ii.  p.  30.j,  edit.  1828. —  M. 
20* 


554  THE    DECLINE    AND    TALL 

tha'  purpose  only,  it  became  their  duty  to  solicit.  In  the  ex 
ereiso  of  their  functions,  they  were  frequently  called  upoL  to 
detect  the  errors  of  heresy  or  the  arts  of  faction,  to  oppose 
the  designs  of  perfidious  brethren,  to  stigmatize  their  charac- 
ters with  deserved  infamy,  and  to  expel  them  from  the  bosom 
of  a  society  whose  peace  and  happiness  they  had  attempted 
to  disturb.  The  ecclesiastical  governors  of  the  Christians 
were  taught  to  unite  the  wisdom  of  the  serpent  with  the  inno- 
cence of  the  dove  ;  but  as  the  former  was  refined,  so  the  lat- 
ter was  insensibly  corrupted,  by  the  habits  of  government.  In 
the  church  as  well  as  in  the  world,  the  persons  who  were 
placed  in  any  puolic  station  rendered  themselves  considerable 
by  their  eloquence  and  firmness,  by  their  knowledge  of  man- 
kind, and  by  their  dexterity  in  business ;  and  while  they  con- 
cealed from  others,  and  perhaps  from  themselves,  the  secret 
motives  of  their  conduct,  they  too  frequently  relapsed  into  all 
the  turbulent  passions  of  active  life,  which  were  tinctured  with 
an  additional  degree  of  bitterness  and  obstinacy  from  the 
infusion  of  spiritual  zeal. 

The  government  of  the  church  has  often  been  the  subject, 
as  well  as  the  prize,  of  religious  contention.  The  hostile  dis- 
putants of  Rome,  of  Paris,  of  Oxford,  and  of  Geneva,  have 
alike  struggled  to  reduce  the  primitive  and  apostolic  model  ^°'' 
to  the  respective  standards  of  their  own  policy.  The  few  who 
have  pursued  this  inquiry  with  more  candor  and  impartiality, 
are  of  opinion, '^^^  that  the  apostles  declined  the  office  of  legis- 
lation, and  rather  chose  to  endure  some  partial  scandals  and 
divisions,  than  to  exclude  the  Christians  of  a  future  age  from 
the  liberty  of  varying  their  forms  of  ecclesiastical  government 
according  to  the  changes  of  times  and  circumstances.  The 
hcheme  of  policy,  which,  under  their  approbation,  was  adopted 
for  the  use  of  the  first  century,  may  be  discovered  from  the 
practice  of  Jerusalem,  of  Ephesus,  or  of  Corinth.  The  soci- 
eties which  were  instituted  in  the  cities  of  the  Roman  empire, 
were  united  only  by  the  ties  of  faith  and  charity.  Independ- 
ence and  equality  formed  the  basis  of  their  internal  consti- 


'"♦  The  aristocratical  party  in  France,  as  well  as  in  England,  haa 
•trcnuously  maintained  the  divine  origin  of  bisliops.  But  tho  Cal- 
riniatical  presbyters  were  in.patient  of  a  superior ;  and  the  Jioniau 
Pontiff  refused  to  acknowledge  an  equal.     See  Fra  Paolo. 

"*  In  the  history  of  tlie  Christian    hic^raichj    I  liave,  for  the   mosl 
part,  followed  the  learned  and  candid  Moshcini. 


OF    THK    ROMAN    EMriRE.  55S 

tiition.  The  want  of  discipline  and  human  learning  wai 
6U|tpliod  by  the  occasional  assistance  of  the  />/v/;/*r/A-,""'  who 
were  called  to  that  function  without  distinction  of  age,  of  sex,* 
or  of  natural  abilities,  and  who,  as  often  as  they  felt  the 
divine  impulse,  poured  forth  tlie  ellusions  of  tht;  Spirit  in  the 
ussenibly  of  the  faithful.  But  these  extraordinary  gifts  were 
frequently  abused  or  misapplied  by  the  prophetic  teachers. 
They  displayed  them  at  an  improper  season,  presumptuously 
disturbed  the  service  of  the  assembly,  and,  by  their  pride  or 
mistaken  zeal,  they  introduced,  particularly  into  the  apostolic 
cliurch  of  Corinth,  a  long  and  melancholy  train  of  disorders.''*' 
As  tiie  institution  of  prophets  became  useless,  and  even  per- 
nicious, their  powers  were  withdrawn,  and  their  office  abol- 
ished. The  public  functions  of  religion  were  solely  intrusted 
to  the  established  ministers  of  the  church,  the  bishops  and  the 
presbyters  ;  two  appellations  which,  in  their  first  origin,  appear 

'"*  For  the  prophets  of  the  ])riinitive  church,  see  Mosheini,  Disser- 
tationes  ad  Hist.  Eeclos.  ijoitineiites,  toiu.  ii.  p.  132 — '208. 

'"'  See  the  o^jistlcs  of  St.  Piiul,  and  of  Clemens,  to  the  Corinth- 
ians, t 


*  St.  Paul  distinctly  reproves  the  intrusion  of  females  into  the  prophetic 
office.     1  Cor.  xiv.  34,  3-5.     I  Tim.  ii.  11.  ~M. 

t  The  first  ministers  established  in  the  church  were  the  deacons, 
ai)p<)iiiteil  at  Jerusalem,  seven  in  number;  they  were  tharjjcd  with  the 
distiil>ution  of  the  aluis  :  even  females  had  a  share  in  this  emph)yinent. 
After  the  deacons  came  the  elders  ur  priests,  (nptaiibrepoi,)  charj^ed  with  the 
maintenance  of  order  and  decoruiri  in  the  community,  and  to  act  every 
where  in  its  name.  The  bishops  were  afterwards  charged  to  watch  over 
the  faith  and  the  instruction  of  the  disciples,  the  apostles  themselves 
apiiointcd  several  bishops.  TertuUian,  (adv.  Mariuin,  c.  v.,)  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  and  many  fathers  of  the  second  and  third  century,  do  not 
permit  us  to  doubt  this  fact.  The  equality  of  rank  between  tliese  ditierent 
functionaries  did  not  prevent  their  functions  beinp;,  even  in  their  origin,  dis- 
tinct; tliey  became  subsequently  still  more  so.  See  Plank,  Geschicnte  dor 
Christ.  Kirch.  Verfassmig.,  vol.  i.  p.  2i.  —  G. 

On  this  extremely  obscure  subject,  which  has  been  so  much  perplexed 
by  passion  and  interest,  it  is  impossible  to  justify  any  opinion  without  en- 
tering into  long  and  controversial  details.  It  must  be  admitted,  in  opi  ><• 
sition  to  Plank,  that  in  the  New  Testament,  the  words  rrofa/itir/p  •<  and 
«iri<Tici<rro<  are  sometimes  indiscrinainately  u.sed.  (Acts  x.x.  v.  17,  conip.  witii 
28  Tit.  i.  -5  and  7-  Philip,  i.  I.)  But  it  is  as  clear,  that  as  soon  as  we  can 
discern  the  form  of  church  government,  at  the  period  closely  bordering 
npon,  if  not  within,  the  apostolic  age,  it  appears  with  a  oishop  at  the  head 
of  each  community,  holding  some  superiority  over  the  presbyters.  Whett.et 
he  was,  as  (iibbon  from  Mosheim  supposes,  nierely  an  elec'ive  head  of  the 
College  of  Presbyters,  (for  this  we  have,  in  fact,  no  valid  authority, ;  or 
whether  his  distinct  functions  were  established  on  apostolic  authority,  \i 
I'ill  c  iiitcsted  The  universal  submission  to  thU  episcopacy,  in  every  p:irt 
>f  the  Ohiistian  worlil.  apjiears  to  me  stronglv  to  favor  '.he  latter  view.—  M. 


556  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

to  have  distinguished  the  same  office  and  the  same  order  of 
nersons.  The  name  of  Presbyter  was  expressive  of  their  age, 
or  rather  of  their  gravity  and  wisdom.  The  title  of  Bishop 
denoted  their  inspection  over  the  faith  and  manners  of  the 
Christians  who  were  committed  to  their  pastoral  care.  In  pro- 
portion to  the  respective  numbers  of  llie  faithftd,  a  larger  or 
smaller  number  of  these  episcopal  presbyters  guided  eacli 
infant  congregation  with  equal  authority  and  with  united 
counsels, ^^** 

But  the  most  perfect  equality  of  freedom  requires  the  direct- 
ing hand  of  a  suj)erior  magistrate  :  and  the  order  of  public 
deliberations  soon  introduces  the  office  of  a  president,  invested 
at  least  with  the  authority  of  collecting  the  sentiments,  and  of 
executing  the  resolutions,  of  the  assembly.  A  regard  for  the 
public  tranquillity,  which  would  so  frequently  have  been  in- ' 
lerrupted  by  annual  or  by  occasional  elections,  induced  the 
primitive  Christians  to  constitute  an  honorable  and  perpetual 
magistracy,  and  to  choose  one  of  the  wisest  and  most  holy 
among  their  presbyters  to  execute,  during  his  life,  the  duties 
of  their  ecclesiastical  governor.  It  was  under  these  circum- 
stances that  the  lofty  title  of  Bishop  began  to  raise  itself 
above  the  humble  appellation  of  Pres'^yter  ;  and  while  the 
latter  remained  the  most  natural  distinction  for  the  membei'S' 
of  every  Christian  senate,  the  former  was  approp.iated  to  the 
dignity  of  its  new  president. ^'^^  The  advantages  of  this  epis- 
copal form  of  government,  which  appears  to  have  been  intro- 
duced before  the  end  of  the  first  century, i'"  were  so  obvious 
and  so  important  for  the  future  greatness,  as  well  as  the  pres- 
ent  peace,  of  Christianity,  that  it  was  adopted  without  delay 
by  all    the  societies  which   were   already  scattered   over  tho 


^"^  Hooker's  Ecclesiastical  Polity,  1.  vii. 

'"*  See  Jerome  ad  Titum,  c.  i.  and  Epistol.  85,  (in  the  Benedictine 
edition,  101,)  and  the  ehiborate  ajiology  of  Blondci,  pro  sententiA 
Hi(-Tonvnii.  The  ancient  state,  as  it  is  described  by  Jerome,  of  tho 
hish:]  and  presbyters  of  Alcxar.dria,  receives  a  remarkable  confir- 
mation from  the  patriarch  Eutychius,  (Annal.  toni.  i.  p.  ',VAO,  ^'ers. 
I'ocock  ;)  whose  testimony  I  know  not  how  to  reject,  in  spite  of  all 
the  objections  of  tlic  learned  Pearson  in  his  Vindicia?  Ignatiana'  part 
i.  c.  11. 

'"*  See  the  introduction  to  the  Apocalypse.  Bishops,  under,  the 
name  of  angels,  were  already  instituted  in  the  seven  cities  of  A.sia. 
And  yet  the  ojiistlc  of  Clemens  (which  is  ))rol)ably  of  as  ancient 
a  late)  docs  not  load  us  to  discover  any  traces  of  episcopacy  "thei 
ftt  Corinth  or  Home. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  557 

empire,  had  acquired  m  a  very  early  period  the  sanction  of 
Rnli(|uity,'"  and  is  stid  revered  by  the  most  powerful  churches, 
both  of  the  East  and  of  the  West,  as  a  primitive  and  even  aa 
a  divine  establishment.' '-  It  is  needless  to  observe,  that  the 
pious  and  luimble  presbyters,  who  were  first  dignified  with 
the  epi.scopal  title,  could  not  possess,  and  would  probably  have 
rejected,  the  power  and  poinp  which  now  encircles  the  tiara 
of  the  Roman  pontilf,  or  the  mitre  of  a  German  prelate. 
But  we  may  define,  in  a  few  words,  the  narrow  limits  of  their 
original  jurisdiction,  which  was  chiefly  of  a  spiritual,  though 
in  some  instances  of  a  temporal  nature.""^  It  consisted  in 
the  administration  of  the  sacraments  and  discipline  of  the 
church,  the  superintendency  of  religious  ceremonies,  which 
imperceptibly  increased  in  number  and  variety,  the  consecra- 
tion of  ecclesiastical  ministers,  to  whom  the  bishop  assigned 
their  respective  functions,  the  management  of  the  public  fund, 
and  the  determination  of  all  such  differences  <is  the  faithful 
were  unwilling  to  expose  before  the  tribunal  of  an  idolatrous 
judge.  These  powers,  during  a  short  period,  were  exercised 
according  to  the  advice  of  the  presbyteral  college,  and  with 
the  consent  and  approbation  of  the  assembly  of  Christians. 
The  primitive  bisho|)s  were  considered  only  as  the  first  of 
their  equals,  and  the  honorable  servants  of'  a  free  people. 
Whenever  the  episcopal  chair  became  vacant  by  death,  a  new 
president  was  chosen  among  the  presbyters  by  the  suffrage  of 
the  whole  congregation,  every  member  of  which  supposed 
liimself  invested  with  a  sacred  and  sacerdotal  character.^^'' 

"■'  Nulla  Ecclcsia  sine  Episcopo,  has  been  a  fact  as  well  as  a  max- 
im since  the  time  of  Tcrtullian  and  Iiena;us. 

•"*  After  we  have  jjassed  the  dithculties  of  the  first  century,  we 
find  the  episcopal  government  universally  established,  till  it  was 
interrupted  by  the  republican  genius  of  the  Swiss  and  Gerniau 
reformers. 

'"'  Sec  Mosheira  in  the  first  and  second  centuries.  Ignatius  (ad 
Smyrna'os,  c.  3,  &c.)  is  fond  of  exalting  the  episcopal  dignity.  Le 
Clerc  (Hist.  Eccles.  p.  569)  very  bluntly  censures  his  conduct. 
Jtlo.sheiin,  with  a  more  critical  judgment,  (p.  161,)  suspects  the  puiity 
even  of  the  smaller  oi)istles. 

"*  Nonne  et  Laici  sacerdotes  sumus?*  TertuUian,  Exhort,  ad 
Cajstitat.  c.  7.  As  the  liimian  heart  is  still  the  same,  several  of  the 
observations  which  Mr.  Hume  has  made  on  Enthusiasm  (Essays,  vol. 
i.  p.  76,  quarto  edit.)  may  be  applied  even  to  real  inspiration. 


•  Tliis  expression  was  employed  by  tlie  earlier  Christian  writers  in  t*'* 
sense  used  by  St.  Peter   1  Ep.  ii.  9.     It  was  the  sanctity  and  virtue,  n  't 


658  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

S\icli  was  the  mild  and  equal  constitution  by  wliich  ihi- 
Chrlstiaiis  were  governed  more  than  a  hundred  years  aftei 
the  death  of  the  apostles.  Every  society  formed  within  itself 
a  separate  and  independent  re|)ublic  ;  and  althougti  the  most 
distant  of  these  little  states  maintained  a  mutual  as  well  as 
friendly  intercourse  of  letters  and  deputations,  the  Christian 
world  was  not  yet  connected  by  any  supreme  authority  oi 
legislative  assembly.  As  the  numhers  of  the  faithful  weit 
griduully  multiplied,  they  discovered  the  advantages  that 
might  result  from  a  closer  union  of  their  interest  and  designs. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  second  century,  the  churches  of 
Greece  and  Asia  adopted  the  useful  institutions  of  provincial 
synods,*  and  they  may  justly  be  supposed  to  have  burrowed 
the  model  of  a  representative  council  from  the  celebrated  ex- 
amples  of  their  own  country,  the  Amphictyons,  the  Achaean 
league,  or  the  assemblies  of  the  Ionian  cities.  It  was  soon 
established  as  a  custom  and  as  a  law,  that  the  bisho|)s  of  the 
mdependent  churches  should  meet  in  the  capital  of  the  prov- 
ince at  the  stated  periods  of  spring  and  autumn.  Their  de- 
Therations  were  assisted  by  the  advice  of  a  few  distinguished 
presbyters,  and  moderated  by  the  presence  of  a  listening  mul- 
titude."''    Their  decrees,  which  were  styled  Canons,  regulated 

"^  Acta  Concil.  Carthag.  apud  Cyprian,  edit.  Fell,  p»  158.  This 
council  was  composed  of  eighty-seven  bishops  from  the  provinces  of 

the  power  of  the  priesthood,  in  which   all  Christians  were   to  be  equally 
distinguished.  —  M. 

*  The  synods  were  not  the  first  means  taken  by  tlie  insulated  churches 
lo  enter  into  conmiunion  and  to  assume  a  corporate  chuiacter.  The  dio- 
ceses were  first  formed  by  the  union  of  several  country  churches  with  a 
church  in  a  city  :  many  churches  in  one  city  uniting  among  themselves,  or 
joining  a  more  considerable  church,  became  metropolitan.  The  dioceses 
were  not  formed  before  the  beginning  of  the  second  century  :  before  that 
time  the  Christians  had  not  established  sufhcient  churches  in  the  country 
to  stand  in  need  of  that  union.  It  is  towards  the  middle  of  the  same  cen- 
tury tliat  we  discover  the  first  traces  of  the  metropolitan  constitution. 
(l'rohul)ly  the  country  churclies  were  founded  in  general  by  missionaries 
from  those  in  the  city,  and  would  preserve  a  natural  connection  with  the 
parent  church.)  —  M. 

The  provincial  synods  did  not  commence  till  towards  the  middle  of  the 
third  century,  and  were  not  the  first  synods.  History  gives  us  distinct 
notions  of  the  synods,  held  towards  the  end  of  the  second  ccntiuy,  at 
Ephesus,  at  Jerusalem,  at  Pontus,  and  at  Rome,  to  put  an  end  to  tiie  dis 
putes  which  had  arisen  lietween  the  Latin  and  Asiatic  churches  about  tlie 
celebration  of  I'laster.  But  tlicse  synods  were  not  subject  to  any  regular 
Jorm  or  periodical  return  ;  this  regularity  was  hist  established  witli  liie 
provincial  synods,  which  were  formed  by  a  union  of  the  hi>;hops  ol  a  dis- 
trict, subject  to  a  metropolitan.  Plank,  p.  9!  .  (ieschchii.  der  f'hr!.-«t 
Kirch.  Vcrfussung. — O. 


f»r    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  559 

9ver\-  important  controversy  of  faith  and  discipline  ;  ;  nd  i; 
was  natural  to  believe  lliat  a  lil)eral  efFiision  ol"  the  Holy  Spirit 
wo  lid  be  poured  on  the  united  assembly  of  the  delegates  of 
the  (Miristian  people.  The  iiistituti<;ii  of  synods  was  so  well 
suited  to  private  ambition,  and  to  public  interest,  that  in  the 
space  of  a  few  years  it  was  received  throughout  the  whole 
empire.  A  regular  correspondence  was  established  between 
the  provincial  councils,  which  mutually  communicated  and 
approved  their  respective  proceedings  ;  and  the  calhohc 
ciuirch  soon  assumed  the  form,  and  acquired  the  strength,  of 
a  great  f(cderative  roj)ul)lic.'''' 

7\s  the  legislative  authority  of  the  particular  churches  was 
insensibly  superseded  by  the  use  of  councils,  the  bishops  ob- 
tained by  their  alliance  a  much  larger  share  of  executive  and 
arbitrary  power ;  and  as  soon  as  they  were  connected  by  a 
sense  of  their  common  uiterest,  they  were  enabled  to  attack, 
with  united  vigor,  the  original  rights  of  their  clergy  and  [)eoplc. 
The  prelates  of  the  third  century  imperceptibly  changed  the 
language  of  exhortation  into  that  of  command,  scattered  the 
seeds  of  future  usurpations,  and  supplied,  by  scripture  allego- 
ries and  declamatory  rhetoric,  their  deficiency  of  force  and  of 
reason.  They  exalted  the  unity  and  power  of  the  church,  as 
it  was  re|)resented  in  the  eimscoi'ai.  office,  of  which  every 
bishop  enjoyed  an  equal  and  undivided  portion. '^^  Princes 
and  magistrates,  it  was  often  repeated,  might  boast  an  earthly 
claim  to  a  transitory  dominion  ;  it  was  the  episco|)al  authority 
alone  which  was  derived  from  the  Deity,  and  extended  itself 
over  this  and  over  aiiotlier  world.  The  bishops  were  the  vice- 
gerents of  Christ,  the  successors  of  the  apostles,  and  the  mystic 
substitutes  of  the  high  priest  of  the  Mosaic  law.  Their  exclu- 
sive privilege  of  conferring  the  sacerilotal  character,  invaded 
the  freeulom  both  of  clerical  and  of  po|)ular  elections  ;  and  if, 
in  the  administration  of  the  church,  they  still  consultiMl  the 
judgment  of  ihr.  presbyters,  or  the  inclination  of  the  p«K)ple, 
ihey  most  carefully  inculcated  the  merit  of  such  a  voluntary 
condescension.     The  bishojjs  acknowledged  the  suj)remc  au- 

Mauritania,  Numidia,  and  Africa ;  some  presbyters  and  deacons 
ftssi/iteil  at  the  a^scMnhly  ;  prajseiite  plobis  maxiniii  parto. 

"*  A;;uiitur  ])rii'toroa  pcM-  tiiitcias  illas,  certis  in  locis  concilia,  &e 
rcituUiiiu  do  Jcjiiniis,  c.  ['■>.  The  Atrican  mentions  it  a.s  a  recent 
and  I'oreig.i  uistitution.  'I'lic  coalition  of  the  Cliristian  churches  ii 
very  ably  ''xplaiacd  by  Moshcim,  p.  1^54 — 170. 

'"  Cj'i'riiui,  iu  his  atlniired  treatise  De  Uaitate  Ecclcsiae,  p.  In — 8d 


560  THE    DECLIKE    AND    FALL 

thority  which  resided  in  the  assembly  of  their  brethren  ;  but 
in  the  government  of  his  peculiar  diocese,  each  of  them  exact- 
ed from  his^oc^-  the  same  impUcit  obedience  as  if  that  favor- 
ite metaphor  had  been  literally  just,  and  as  if  the  shepherd 
had  been  of  a  more  exalted  nature  than  that  of  his  sheep. i^^ 
This  obedience,  however,  was  not  imposed  without  some 
efforts  on  one  side,  and  some  resistance  on  the  other.  The 
democratical  part  of  the  constitution  was,  in  many  places,  very 
warmly  supported  by  the  zealous  or  interested  opposition  of 
the  inferior  clergy.  But  their  patriotism  received  the  ignom.n- 
ious  epithets  of  faction  and  schism  ;  and  the  episcopal  cause 
was  indebted  for  its  rapid  progress  to  the  labors  of  many  ac- 
tive prelates,  who,  like  Cyprian  of  Carthage,  could  reconcile 
the  arts  of  the  most  ambitious  statesman  with  the  Christian 
virtues  which  seem  adapted  to  the  character  of  a  saint  and 
mirtyr.^''-* 

The  same  causes  which  at  first  had  destroyed  the  equality 
of  the  presbyters  introduced  among  the  bishops  a  preeminence 
of  rank,  and  from  thence  a  superiority  of  jurisdiction.  As 
often  as  in  the  spring  and  autumn  they  met  in  provincial 
synod,  the  difference  of  personal  merit  and  reputation  was  very 
sensibly  lelt  among  the  members  of  the  assembly,  and  the 
multitude  was  governed  by  the  wisdom  and  eloquence  of  the 
few.  But  the  order  of  public  proceedings  required  a  more 
regular  ana  less  invidious  distinction  ;  the  office  of  perpetual 
presidents  ni  the  councils  of  each  province  was  conferred  on 
the  bishops  of  the  principal  city  ;  and  these  aspiring  prelates, 
who  soon  acquired  the  lofty  titles  of  Metropolitans  and  Pri- 
mates, secretly  pre|)ared  themselves  to  usurp  over  their  epis- 
copal brethren  the  same  authority  which  the  bishops  had  sd 
lately  assumed  above  the  college  of  presbyters. '^o  Nor  was 
il  long  before  an  emulation  of  preeminence  and  power  pre- 
vailed   among    the   Metropolitans  themselves,    each    of  'hem 

""  Wc  may  ai'pcal  to  the  whole  tenor  of  Cyi)ii;m's  conduct,  of  his 
doctrine,  unci  ol  hi.s  epistles.  Le  Clerc,  in  a  sliort  lite  of  CyiJiian, 
'Bibliothcque  Uuiver>clle,  torn.  xii.  p.  207 — 378,)  has  laid  him  open 
with  great  freedom  and  accuracy. 

"*  If  Novatus,  l''clicissimus,  Sec,  whom  the  Bishop  of  Carthage 
expelled  from  his  church,  and  from  Africa,  were  not  the  most  detest- 
able monsters  of  wickedness,  the  zeal  of  Cyprian  must  occasionally 
have  jjrcvailt'd  over  his  voracity.  For  a  very  just  account  of  these 
obscure  quarrels,  see  Moshcim,  p.  11)7 — .512. 

'*"  Moshcim,    p.    269,    571.      Dupin,    Antiquse   Eccles     Disciulin 
p.  19,  20. 


OF    THE    KOMAN    EMPIRE.  561 

aflecting  to  display,  in  the  most  pompous  terms,  the  ten.pora) 
honors  ynd  advrxntaires  of  the  city  over  which  lie  presided 
the  numbers  and  opulence  of  the  Christians  who  were  subject 
to  ihtjir  pastoral  care  ;  the  saints  and  martyrs  who  had  arisen 
among  them  ;  and  the  purity  with  which  they  preserved  tho 
tradition  of  the  faith,  as  it  had  been  transmitted  tiirough  a  serien 
of  orthodox  bishops  from  tlie  apostle  or  the  aposlolic  disciple. 
to  wiiom  the  foundation  of  their  church  was  -ascribed. '2' 
From  every  cause,  either  of  a  civil  or  of  an  ecclesi;istical 
nature,  it  was  easy  to  foresee  that  Rome  must  enjoy  the 
respect,  and  would  soon  claim  the  obedience,  of  the  provinces. 
Tile  society  of  the  faithful  bore  a  just  proportion  to  tiie  capital 
of  the  empire;  and  the  Roman  church  was  the  greatest,  the 
most  numerous,  and,  in  regard  to  tiie  West,  the  most  ancient 
ot  all  the  Christian  establishments,  many  of  which  had  received 
their  rehgion  from  the  pious  labors  of  her  missionaries.  In- 
stead of  une  apostolic  founder,  the  utmost  boast  of  Antioch, 
of  Ephesus,  or  of  Corinth,  the  banks  of  the  Tyber  were  sup- 
posed to  have  been  honored  witli  the  preaching  and  martyr- 
dom of  the  two  most  eminent  among  the  apostles ;  ^~~  and  the 
bishops  of  Rome  very  prudently  claimed  the  inheritance  of 
whatsoever  prerogatives  were  attributed  either  to  the  {)erson  or 
to  the  ofiice  of  St.   Peter. '--^^     The  bishops  of  Italy  and  of  the 


""  Tcrtullian,  in  a  di>;tiiict  treatise,  has  pleaded  against  the  heretics, 
theright  of  proscription,  as  it  was  hold  by  the  apostolic  churches. 

'"  The  journoy  of  8t.  I'cter  to  Rome  is  mentioned  by  nio<t  of  the 
ancients,  (sceKusebius,  ii.  'io,)  maintained  by  all  the  Catholics,  allowed 
by  some  Protestants,  (see  Pearson  and  Dodwell  de  Success.  Kpis- 
cop.  Koman,)  but  has  been  vigorously  attacked  by  Spanheim,  (Miscel- 
lanea Sacra,  iii.  3.)  According  to  Father  Ilardouin,  the  monks  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  who  composed  the  .Kneid,  represented  St.  Petei 
under  the  allegorical  character  of  the  Trojan  hero.* 

''"  It  is  in  French  only  that  the  famous  allusion  to  St.  Peter's 
nane  is  exact.  Tu  es  Pierre,  et  sur  cctte /)^'e>7•e.  —  The  same  is  imper- 
fect in  (i reek,  Latin,  Italian,  &c.,  and  totally  unintelligible  in  our 
Teutonic  languages,  t 


*  It  is  quite  clear  that,  strictly  speaking,  the  church  of  Rome  was  not 
founded  l)v  either  of  these  apostles.  St.  Paul's  E|.istle  to  the  Romans 
proves  inuloniably  the  tlourishiug  st;ite  of  the  church  before  his  visit  to  the 
<!ty  ;  und  in;uiy  Roman  Catholic  writers  have  given  up  the  iinpractic.ihle 
task  of  reconciling  with  chronology  any  visit  of  St.  Peter  to  Rome  before 
Die  end  of  the  rcittn  of  Chiudius,  nr  the  l)eginning  of  that  of  Nero.  — M. 

t  If  is  exact  in  Syro-Clialclaic,,fhe  lansjuage  in  which  it  was  spoken  by 
Jesus  Christ.  (St.  Matt.  xvi.  17.)  Peter  was  called  Cephas;  and  th« 
word  cepha  signifies  base,  foundation,  rock.  —  '^i. 


562  rHli    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

province-)  weie  disposed  to  allow  them  a  primacy  of  ordfr  and 
association  (sucii  was  tlieir  very  accurate  expression)  in  the 
Christian  aristocracy  '•^'*  But  the  power  of  a  monarch  was 
rejected  with  ahliorr^j  ice,  and  the  aspiring  genius  of  Rome 
experienced  from  the  nations  of  Asia  and  Africa  a  more  vigor 
01I3  resistance  to  her  spiritual,  than  she  had  formerly  done  to 
her  temporal,  dominion.  The  patriotic  Cyprian,  who  ruled 
with  the  most  absolute  sway  the  church  of  Carthage  and  the 
provincial  synods,  opposed  with  resolution  and  success  the  am- 
bition of  the  Roman  pontiff,  artfully  connected  his  own  cause 
with  that  of  the  eastern  bishops,  and,  like  Hannibal,  sought 
out  no  iv  allies  in  the  heart  of  Asia.^-*''  If  this  Punic  war  was 
Carrie  I  on  without  any  effusion  of  blood,  it  was  owing  much 
less  to  the  moderation  than  to  the  weakness  of  the  contending 
prelates.  Invectives  and  excommunications  were  Lheir  only 
weapons  ;  and  these,  during  the  progress  of  the  whole  contro- 
versy, they  hurled  against  each  other  with  equal  fury  and  de- 
votion. The  hard  necessity  of  censuring  either  a  pope,  or  a 
saint  and  martyr,  distresses  the  modern  Catholics  whenever 
they  aie  obliged  to  relate  the  particulars  of  a  dispute  in  which 
the  champions  of  religion  indulged  such  passions  as  seem 
flfiuch  more  adapted  to  the  senate  or  to  the  camp.'-^ 

The  progress  of  the  ecclesiastical  authority  gave  birth  to 
the  memorable  distinction  of  the  laity  and  of  tlie  clergy,  which 
had  been  unknown  to  the  Greeks  and  Romans. '^^  The  former 
of  these  app(;llations  comprehended  the  body  of  the  Christian 
people;  the  latter,  according  to  the  signification  of  the  word, 
was  appropriated  to  the  chosen  portion  that  had  l)een  set  apart 
for  the  service  of  religion  ;  a  celebrated  order  of  men,  which 
lias  furnished  the  most  important,  though  not  always  the  mo.st 
edifying,  subjects  for  modern  history.  Their  mutual  hostilities 
^ometinjes  disturbed  the  peace  of  the  infant  church,  but  their 


"^  Ireiiifus  adv.  Hiureses,  iii.  3.  Tertullian  de  rricseiiptiou.  c.  36, 
and  Cyprian  Flpistol.  27.  oo,  7I,'*7o.  Le  Clcre  (Hist.  Eccles.  p.  764) 
and  Moslicim  (p.  2.58,  -578)  labor  in  the  interpretation  of  these  pas- 
Ba;^cs.  lUit  the  loose  and  rhetorical  style  of  the  fathers  often  appears 
favorable  to  the  pictensions  of  llomo. 

"'  See  the  sharp  epistle  from  Firniilianus,  bisliop  of  Citsarca,  to 
Stcphi-n,  hishop  of  Rome,  ap.  Cyi)rian.  Epistol.  7o. 

'■■"'  (^mterning  this  dis])ute  of  the  rebaptism  of  heretics,  see  the 
epistles  of  Cyprian,  and  the  seventh  tiook  of  Eusehius, 

'"  For  til"  orij^iii  of  these  words,  see  Mosheii:;,  p.  1-il.  ojianheini, 
Hi^t.  lieelcsiast.  p.  GoB.  The  distinction  of  Clvrm  und  d^aicu^  wa« 
BtftabL.-.Ji^(i  before  the  time  of  ToortulUan. 


OK    THE    ROMAN    EMriRE  563 

Eeal  and  activity  were  un-terl  in  the  common  cause,  and  tho 
love  of  power,  which  (under  the  most  artful  ilisguises)  could 
insinuate  itself  into  tlie  breasts  of  bishops  and  martyrs, 
animated  them  to  increase  the  number  of  ilieir  subjects,  and 
to  enlarge  the  limits  of  the  Christian  empire.  They  were 
destitute  of  any  temporal  force,  and  they  were  for  a  long  time 
discouraged  and  oppressed,  rather  than  assisted,  by  the  civil 
magistrate  ;  but  they  had  acquired,  and  tiiey  employed  within 
their  own  society,  the  two  most  erticacioiis  instruments  of 
government,  rewards  and  punishments  ;  the  former  derived 
from  the  pious  liberality,  the  latter  from  the  devout  apprehen- 
sions, of  the  faithful. 

I.  The  community  of  goods,  which  had  so  agreeably  amused 
the  imagination  of  Plato,'"-^**  and  which  subsisted  in  some  degree 
among  the  austere  sect  of  the  Essenians,'-^  was  adopted  for 
a  short  time  in  the  primitive  church.  The  fervor  of  the  first 
proselytes  prompted  them  to  sell  those  worldly  possessions, 
which  they  despised,  to  lay  the  price  of  them  at  tlie  feet  of 
the  apostles,  and  to  content  themselves  with  receiving  an  equal 
share  out  of  the  general  distribution.'^"  The  progress  of  the 
Christian  religion  rela.xed,  and  gradually  abolished,  this  gen- 
erous institution,  which,  in  hands  less  pure  than  those  of  the 
apostles,  would  too  soon  have  been  corrupted  and  abused  by 
the  returning  selfishness  of  human  nature  ;  and  the  converts 
who  embraced  the  new  religion  were  permitted  to  retain  the 
possession  of  their  patrimony,  to  receive  legacies  and  inher- 
itances, and  to  increase  their  separate  pro[)erty  by  all  the 
lawful  means  of  trade  and  industry.  Instead  of  an  absolute 
sacrifice,  a  moderate  |)roportion  was  accepted  by  the  ministers 
of  the    gosfrel  ;  and   in   their  weekly  or   monthly  assemblies. 


*'•"*  The  community  instituted  by  Plato  is  more  perfoLt  than  that 
which  Sir  Thomas  ^iorc  had  imagined  tor  his  Utopia.  The  co;nmu- 
nity  of  women,  and  that  of  temporal  goods,  may  be  considered  as 
uiseparable  parts  of  the  same  system. 

'■■'*  Joseph.  Antiquitut.  xviii.  2.     Philo,  de  Vit.  Contcmplativ.    • 
'^"  See  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  c.  2,  4,  5,  with  Grotius's  Com- 
mentary.    Mosheim,  in  a  i)articular  dissertation,  attacks  the  oommoa 
opinion  with  very  inconclusive  arguments.* 


♦  This  is  not  the  general  judgment  on  Mosheini's  leiirncd  dissertutidu. 
There  is  no  trace  in  the  latter  part  of  the  New  Testament  of  this  conuuu- 
lity  of  goods,  and  many  distinct  proofs  of  the  contrary.  All  exhortation* 
to  almsgi^ing  would  have  been  unmeaning  if  property  had  been  in  com- 
mon. —  M. 


564  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

every  believer,  according  to  the  exigency  of  the  occasion,  and 
the  measure  of  his  wealth  and  piety,  presented  his  voluntary 
offering  for  the  use  of  the  common  fund.'-^^  Nothing,  how- 
ever inconsiderable,  was  refused  ;  but  it  was  diligently  incul- 
cated, that,  in  the  article  of  Tithes,  the  Mosaic  law  was  still 
of  divine  obligation  ;  and  that  since  the  Jews,  under  a  less 
])erfect  discipline,  had  been  commanded  to  pay  a  tenth  part  of 
all  that  they  possessed,  it  would  become  the  disciples  of  Christ 
to  distinguish  themselves  by  a  superior  degree  of  liberality, '^a 
and  to  acCfuire  some  merit  by  resigning  a  superfluous  treasure, 
which  must  so  soon  be  annihilated  with  the  world  itself.'-*"' 
It  is  almost  unnecessary  to  observe,  that  the  revenue  of  each 
particular  church,  which  was  of  so  uncertain  and  fluctuating 
a  nature,  must  have  varied  with  the  poverty  or  the  opulence 
of  the  faithful,  as  .they  were  dispersed  in  obscure  villages,  or 
collected  in  the  great  cities  of  the  empire.  In  the  time  of 
the  emperor  Decius,  it  was  the  opinion  of  the  magistrates, 
that  the  Christians  of  Rome  were  possessed  of  very  consider- 
able wealth  ;  that  vessels  of  gold  and  silver  were  used  in  their 
religious  worship,  and  that  many  among  their  proselytes  had 
sold  their  lands  and  houses  to  increase  the  public  riches  of  the 
sect,  at  the  expense,  indeed,  of  their  unfortunate  children,  who 
found  themselves  beggars,  because  their  parents  had  been 
Baints-'^"*     We  should  listen  with  distrust  to  the  suspicions  of 


*'  Justin  Martyr,  Apolog.  Major,  c.  89.  Tertullian,  Apolog.  c.  39. 
^^  Irenaius  ad  HuL'res.  1.  iv.  c.  27,  34.  Origen  in  iS'um.  Horn.  ii. 
tJj'prian  de  Unitat.  Eccles.  Constitut.  Apostol.  1.  ii.  c.  34,  35,  with  tlie 
notes  of  Cotelerius.  The  Constitutions  introduce  this  divine  precept, 
by  declaring  that  priests  are  as  much  above  kings  as  the  soul  is  above 
the  body.  Among  the  tithablo  articles,  they  enumerate  corn,  wine, 
oil,  and  wool.  On  this  interesting  subject,  consult  Pridcaux's  His- 
tory of  Tithes,  and  Fra  Paolo  dcUe  Malerie  Beneficiarie  ;  two  writers 
of  a  very  different  character. 

'^■'  The  same  opinion  which  prevailed  about  the  year  one  thousand, 
was  productive  of  the  same  eflects.  Most  of  the  Donations  exprtsg 
iheir  motive,  "  apjjropinquante  mundi  fine."  See  Mosheim's  Gen- 
eral History  of  the  Church,  vol.  i.  p.  457. 

'"  'I'um  summa  cura  est  fratribus 

(Vt  scrmo  tcstatur  loquax.) 

Offcrre,  fundis  veiiditis 

Sestcrtiorum  millia.  * 

Addicta  avorum  praedia 

Fcedis  sub  auctionibus. 

Successor  cxhcres  gomit 

Sanctis  egcns  Parontibua. 


^  OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  565 

Btrnngprs  and  enemies  :  on  this  occasion,  however,  they  receive 
a  very  specious  and  probable  color  from  the  two  following 
circjnistances,  the  only  ones  that  have  reached  our  knowl- 
edge, which  define  any  precise  sums,  or  convey  any  distinct 
idea.  Almost  at  the  same  period,  the  bishop  of  Carthage, 
from  a  society  less  opulent  than  that  of  Rome,  colh^cted  a 
hundred  thousand  sesterces,  (above  eight  hundred  and  fifty 
pounds  sterling,)  on  a  sudden  call  of  charity  to  redeem  the 
brethren  of  Numidia,  who  had  been  carried  away  captives  by 
the  barbarians  of  the  desert.'^s  About  a  hundred  years 
before  the  reign  of  Decius,  the  Roman  church  had  received, 
in  a  single  donation,  the  sum  of  two  hundred  thousand  sesterces 
from  a  stranger  of  Pontus,  who  proposed  to  fix  his  residence 
in  the -capital. '36  These  oblations,  for  the  most  part,  were 
made  in  mon§y ;  nor  was  the  society  of  Christians  either 
desirous  or  capable  of  acquiring,  to  any  considerable  degree, 
the  encumbrance  of  landed  property.  It  had  been  provided 
by  several  laws,  which  were  enacted  with  the  same  design  as 
our  statutes  of  mortnvain,  that  no  real  estates  should  be  given 
or  bequeathed  to  any  corporate  body,  without  either  a  special 
privilege  or  a  particular  dispensation  from  the  emperor  or  from 
the  senate  ; '^^  who  were  seldom  disposed  to  grant  them  in 
favor  of  a  sect,  at  first  the  object  of  their  contempt,  and  at 
last  of  their  fears  and  jealousy.  A  transaction,  however,  is 
related  under  the  reign  of  Alexander  Severus,  which  discovers 
that  the  restraint  was  sometimes  eluded  or  suspended,  and 
that  the  Christians  were  permitted  to  claim  and  to  possess  lands 

HiKC  occuluntur  abditis 
Eci'lcsiarum  in  aiigulis. 
Et  summa  pietas  creditur 
Nudare  dulces  liberos. 

Prudent,  ntnl  aTttpavuyv.  Hymn  2. 
The  subsequent  conduct  of  the  deacon  liaurcncc  only  proves  how 
proper  a  use  was  made  of  the  wealth  of  the  Roman  church  ;  it  was 
andoubtcdly  very  considerable ;  but  Fra  Paolo  (c.  3)  appears  to  ex- 
aggerate, when  he  supposes  that  the  successors  of  Commodus  wero 
urged  to  persecute  the  Christians  by  their  own  avarice,  or  that  of  their 
Praetorian  praefects. 

'3»  Cyprian,  Epistol.  62. 
"*  TertuUian  de  Praescriptione,  c.  30. 

'"  Diocletian  gave  a  rescript,  Avhich  is  only  a  declaration  of  the  old 
law;  " Collegium,  si  nuUo  speciali  privilegio  subnixum  sit,  haeredi- 
tatem  capere  non  posse,  dubium  non  est."  Fra  Paolo  (c.  4)  tliinks 
that  these  regulations  had  been  much  neglected  since  the  reign  of 
Valerian. 


666  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

within  the  limits  of  Rome  itself.^^^  The  progress  of  Christian- 
ity, and  the  civil  confusion  of  the  empire,  contributed  to  relax 
the  severity  of  the  laws ;  and  before  the  close  of  the  third 
century  many  considerable  estates  were  bestowed  on  the 
opulent  churches  of  Rome,  Milan,  Carthage,  Antioch,  Alexan- 
dria, and  the  other  great  cities  of  Italy  and  the  provinces. 

The  bishop  was  the  natural  steward  of  the  church  ;  tho 
public  stock  was  intrusted  to  his  care  without  account  or  <;on- 
trol ;  the  presbyters  were  confined  to  their  spiritual  functions, 
and  the  more  dependent  order  of  deacons  was  solely  employed 
in  the  management  and  distribution  of  the  ecclesiastical  reve- 
nue.^-^^  If  we  may  give  credit  to  the  vehement  declamations 
of  Cj'^prian,  there  were  too  m.any  among  his  African  brethren, 
who,  in  the  execution  of  their  charge,  violated  every  precept, 
not  only  of  evangelic  perfection,  but  even  of  moral  virtue. 
By  some  of  these  unfaithful  stewards  the  riches  of  the  church 
were  lavished  in  sensual  pleasures ;  by  others  they  were  per- 
verted to  the  purposes  of  private  gain,  of  fraudulent  purchases, 
and  of  rapacious  usury. i'*'^  But  as  long  as  the  contributions  of 
the  Christian  people  were  free  and  unconstrained,  the  abuse 
of  their  confidence  could  not  be  very  frequent,  and  the  gen- 
eral uses  to  which  their  liberality  was  applied  reflected  honor 
on  the  religious  society.  A  decent  portion  was  reserved  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  bishop  and  his  clergy  ;  a  sufficient 
sum  was  allotted  for  the  expenses  of  the  public  worship,  of 
which  the  feasts  of  love,  the  agapan^  as  they  were  called,  con- 
stituted a  very  pleasing  part.  The  whole  remainder  was  the 
sacred  patrimony  of  the  poor.  According  to  the  discretion  of 
the  bishop,  it  was  distributed  to  support  widows  and  orphans, 
the  lame,  the  sick,  and  the  aged  of  the  community  ;  to  comfort 
strangers  and  pilgrims,  and  to  alleviate  the  misfortunes  of 
prisoners  and  ca|)tives,  more  especially  when  their  sufferings 
had  been  occasioned  by  their  firm  attachment  to  the  cause  of 
religion. i''^  A  generous  intercourse  of  charity  united  the  most 
distant  provinces,  and  the  smaller  congregations  were  cheer- 

"*  Hist.  August,  p.  131.     The  ground  had  been  public;  and  was 
now  disputed  between  the  society  of  Christians  and  that  of  butchers.* 

'*'  (^onstitut.  Apostol.  ii.  So. 

'*"  Cyprian  de  hapsis,  p.  89.     Epistol.  65.     The  charge  is  corvfirmod 
by  the  10th  and  20th  canon  of  the  council  of  Illiberis 
♦'  See  the  apologies  of  Justin,  Tertullian,  &c. 


Cauponarii,  rather  victuallers.  —  M. 


OF    THK    ROMAIH    EMPIRE.  567 

i'uHy  assisted  by  the  alms  of  thoir  more  opuknt  brethren.'''^ 
Siicli  an  institution,  whicli  paid  less  regard  to  the  merit  than 
to  the  distress  of  the  object,  very  materially  conduced  to  tne 
progress  of  Christianity.  The  Pagans,  who  were  actuated  by 
a  sense  of  humanity,  while  they  derided  the  doctrines,  ac- 
knowledged the  benevolence,  of  the  new  sect.'''^  The  pros- 
pect of  immediate  relief  and  of  future  protection  allured  into 
Its  hospitable  bosom  many  of  those  unhappy  persons  whom 
the  neglect  of  the  world  would  have  abandoned  to  the  miseries 
of  want,  of  sickness,  and  of  old  age.  There  is  some  reason 
likewise  to  believe  that  great  numbers  of  infants,  who,  accord- 
ing to  the  inhuman  practice  of  the  times,  had  been  ex[)osed 
by  their  parents,  were  frequently  rescued  from  death,  baptized, 
educated,  and  maintained  by  the  piety  of  the  Christians,  and 
at  the  expense  of  the  public  treasure.''''* 

II.  It  is  the  undoubted  right  of  every  society  to  exclude  from 
its  communion  and  benefits  such  anrwng  its  members  as  reject 
or  violate  those  regulations  which  have  been  established  by 
general  consent.  In  the  exercise  of  this  power,  the  censures 
of  the  Christiaii  church  were  chiefly  directed  against  scan- 
dalous sinners,  and  particularly  those  who  were  guilty  of 
murder,  of  fraud,  or  of  incontinence;  against  the  authors  nr 
the  followers  of  any  heretical  opinions  which  had  been  con- 
demned by  the  judgment  of  the  episcopal  order  ;  and  against 
those  unhappy  persons,  who,  whether  from  choice  or  compul- 
sion, had  polluted  themselves  after  their  baptism  by  any  act 
of  idolatrous  worship.  The  consequences  of  excommunica- 
tion were  of  a  temporal  as  well  as  a  spiritual  nature.  The 
Christian  against  whom  it  was  pronounced,  was  deprived  of 
any  part  in  the  oblations  of  the  faithful.  The  ties  both  of 
religious  and  of  private  friendship  were  dissolved  :  he  found 
himself  a  profane  object  of  abhorrence  to  the  persons  whom 


'^*  The  wealth  and  liberality  of  the  Romans  to  their  most  distant 
brethren  is  gratefully  celebrated  by  Dionysius  of  Corinth,  ap.  Eu.'jeb. 
L  iv.  c.  23. 

'••3  Sec  Lucian  in  Peregrin.  Julian  (Epist.  i\)j  seems  mortified  that 
the  Christian  charity  maintains  not  only  their  own,  but  likewise  the 
heathen  poor. 

'*♦  Such,  at  least,  has  been  the  laudable  conduct  of  more  modem 
missionaries,  under  the  same  circumstances.  Above  three  thousand 
new-born  infants  are  annually  exposed  in  the  streets  of  Pekin.  See 
Le  Comte,  Mi-moires  sur  la  Chino,  and  the  Kect  erches  sur  les  Cliinoi* 
et  les  Egyitiens,  tom.  i.  p.  61. 


568  THE    UKol^irME    AND    FALL 

he  Tne  most  esteemed,  or  by  whom  he  had  been  the  mi>s1 
tenderly  beloved  ;  and  as  far  as  an  expulsion  from  a  respecta- 
ble society  could  imprint  on  his  character  a  mark  of  disgrace, 
he  was  shunned  or  suspected  by  the  generality  of  mankind. 
The  situation  of  these  unfortunate  exiles  was  in  itself  very 
painful  and  melancholy  ;  but,  as  it  usually  happens,  their 
apprehensions  far  exceeded  their  sufferings.  The  benefits  of 
the  Christian  communion  were  those  of  eternal  life  ;  nor  could 
they  erase  from  their  minds  the  awful  opinion,  that  to  those 
ecclesiastical  governors  by  whom  they  were  condemned,  the 
Deity  had  committed  the  keys  of  Hell  and  of  Paradise.  The 
heretics,  indeed,  who  might  be  supported  by  the  consciousness 
of  th(Mr  intentions,  and  by  the  flattering  hope  that  they  alone 
had  discovered  the  true  path  of  salvntion,  endeavored  to  regain, 
in  their  separate  assemblies,  those  comforts,  temporal  as  well 
as  spiritual,  which  they  no  longer  derived  from  the  great 
society  of  Christians.  But  almost  all  those  who  had  reluctantly 
yielded  to  the  power  of  vice  or  idolatry  were  sensible  of  their 
fallen  condition,  and  anxiously  desirous  of  being  restored  to 
the  benefits  of  the  Christian  communion. 

With  regard  to  the  treatment  of  these  penitents,  two  oppo- 
site opinions,  the  one  of  justice,  the  other  of  mercy,  divided 
the  primitive  church.  The  more  rigid  and  inflexible  casuists 
refused  them  forever,  and  without  exception,  the  meanest 
place  in  the  holy  community,  which  they  had  disgraced  or 
deserted  ;  and  leaving  them  to  the  remorse  of  a  guilty  con- 
science, indulged  them  only  with  a  faint  ray  of  hope  that  the 
contrition  of  their  life  and  death  might  possibly'  be  accepted 
by  the  Supreme  Being.'^^  A  milder  sentiment  was  embraced, 
m  practice  as  well  as  in  theory,  by  the  purest  and  most 
respectable  of  the  Christian  churches. ^^^  The  gates  of  recon- 
ciliation and  of  heaven  were  seldom  shut  a<iainst  the  returning 
penitent;  but  a  severe  and  solemn  form  of  discipline  was 
instituted,  which,  while  it  served  to  expiate  his  crime,  might 
powsrfully  deter  the  spectators  from  the  imitation  of  his  exam* 
ole.  Humbled  by  a  public  confession,  emaciated  by  fasting, 
and   clothed   in   sackcloth,   the   penitent   lay  prostrate   at  the 


'''*  The  Montanists  and  the  Novatians,  who  adhered  to  this  oj)inion 
with  the  greatest  rigor  and  obstinacy,  found  thcinscUifs  u>,  hist  in  the 
number  of  excommunicated  heretics.  See  the  learned  and  c(  [lious 
Moshcim,  Secul.  ii.  and  iii. 

'**  Dionysius  ap.  Euscb.  iv.  23.     Cyprian,  de  Lapsis. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  569 

door  ol  the  asseml)Iy,  imploring  with  tears  tlic  pardor  of  his 
ofTenee.s,  and  soliciting  the  prayers  of  the  faithful.''*'  if  the 
fault  was  of  a  very  heinous  nature,  whole  years  of  pi'nance 
were  esteenned  an  inadequate  satisfaction  to  the  divine  jus- 
tice;  and  it  was  always  by  slow  and  painful  gradations  that 
the  sinner,  the  heretic,  or  the  apostate,  was  readmitted  into 
the  bosom  of  the  church.  A  sentence  of  perpetual  excom- 
munication was,  however,  reserved  for  some  crimes  of  an 
extraordinary  magnitude,  and  particularly  for  the  inexcusable 
relapses  of  those  penitents  who  had  already  experienced  and 
abused  the  clemency  of  their  ecclesiastical  superiors.  Ac- 
cording to  the  circumstances  or  the  number  of  the  guilty,  the 
exercise  of  the  Christian  discipline  was  varied  by  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  bishops.  The  councils  of  Ancyra  and  Uliberis 
were  held  about  the  same  time,  the  one  in  Galatia,  the  oiha* 
in  Spain  ;  but  their  respective  canons,  which  are  still  extant, 
seem  to  broathe  a  very  different  spirit.  The  Galatian,  who 
after  his  baptism  had  repeatedly  sacrificed  to  idols,  might 
obtain  his  pardon  by  a  penance  of  seven  years ;  and  if  rie 
had  seduced  others  to  imitate  his  example,  only  three  years 
more  were  added  to  the  term  of  his  exile.  But  the  unhappy 
Spaniard,  who  had  committed  the  same  ofience,  was  deprived 
of  the  hope  of  reconciliation,  even  in  the  article  of  death  ;  and 
his  idolatry  was  placed  at  the  head  of  a  list  of  seventeen  other 
crimes,  against  which  a  sentence  no  less  terrible  was  pro- 
nounced; Among  these  we  may  distinguish  the  inexpiable 
guilt  of  calumniating  a  bishop,  a  presbyter,  or  even  a 
deacon.'''^ 

The  well-tempered  mixture  of  liberality  and  rigor,  the 
judicious  dispensation  of  rewards  and  punishments,  according 
to  the  maxims  of  policy  as  well  as  justice,  constituted  the 
human  strength  of  the  church.  The  Rislu)j)s,  whose  paternal 
care  extended  itself  to  the  government  of  both  worlds,  were 
sensible  of  the  imjjortance  of  these  prerogatives  ;  and  covering 


^"  Cave's  Primitive  Christianity,  part  iii.  c.  5.     The  admit crs  ol 

anticjuity  regret  the  losa  of  this  [>uhlic  peiiaiu-o. 

'**  See  in  Dupin,  Bibliotlieque  Ecclesiastitjue,  torn.  ii.  p.  304 — 313, 
■  short  but  rational  cxiwsition  of  the  canons  of  those  coun'-ils,  which 
were  assembled  in  the  first  moments  of  tramjuillity,  after  tl.j  persecu- 
•ion  of  Diocletian.  This  persecution  had  been  much  less  severely 
felt  in  Spain  than  in  (lalatia  ;  a  difference  which  may,  ui  some  meas- 
ure, account  for  the  contrast  of  their  regulationa. 


27 


570  THE    DECLINE    AND   FALL 

their  ambition  with  the  fair  pretence  of  the  love  of  order,  thev 
were  jealous  of  any  rival  in  the  exercise  of  a  discipline  so 
necessary  to  prevent  the  desertion  of  those  troops  which  had 
enlisted  themselves  under  the  bannei  of  the  cross,  and  whose 
numbers  every  day  became  more  considerable.  From  the 
imperious  declamations  of  Cyprian,  we  should  naturally  con- 
clude that  the  doctrines  of  excommunication  and  penance 
formed  the  most  essential  part  of  religion  ;  and  that  it  was 
much  less  dangerous  for  the  disciples  of  Christ  to  neglect  the 
observance  of  the  moral  duties,  than  to  despise  the  censures 
and  authority  of  their  bishops.  Sometimes  we  might  imagine 
that  we  were  listening  to  the  voice  of  xMoses,  when  he  com- 
manded the  earth  to  open,  and  to  swallow  up,  in  consuming 
flames,  the  rebellious  race  which  refused  obedience  to  the 
priesthood  of  Aaron  ;  and  we  should  sometimes  suppose  that 
we  hear  a  Roman  consul  asserting  the  majesty  of  the  repub- 
lic, and  declaring  his  inflexible  resolution  to  enforce  the  rigoi 
of  the  laws.*  "  If  such  irregularities  are  suffered  with  impu- 
nity," (it  is  thus  that  the  bisliop  of  Carthage  chides  the  lenity 
of  his  colleague,)  "  if  such  irregularities  are  suffered,  there  is 
an  end  of  episcopal  vigor  ; '''^  an  end  of  the  sublime  and 
divine  power  of  governing  the  Church,  an  end  of  Christianity 
itself."     Cyprian  had  renounced  those  temporal  honors,  which 

»"»  Cyprian  Epist.  69. 


*  Gibbon  has  been  accused  of  injustice  to  the  character  of  Cyprian,  as 
exalting  the  "censuies  and  authority  of  the  church  above  the  observance 
of  the  moral  duties."  Felicissimus  had  been  condemned  by  a  synod  of 
bishops,  (non  tantmn  men,  sed  phxrimorum  coepiscorum,  sententia  condem- 
natum,)  on  the  charp;e  not  only  of  schism,  but  of  embezzlement  of  public 
money,  the  debauching  of  virgins,  and  frequent  acts  of  adultery.  His  vio- 
lent liienaces  had  extorted  his  readmissioji  into  the  church,  against  which 
Cyprian  protests  with  much  vehemence  :  ne  pecuniae  commissi  sibi  frau- 
dator,  ne  stuprator  virginum,  ne  matrimoniorum  multorum  depopulator  et 
corruptor,  ultra  adhuc  sponsam  Christi  incorruptam  praesentia}  sua?  dedec- 
ore,  et  impudica  atque  incesta  contagione,  violaret.  See  Chelsum's  Re- 
marks, p.  134.  If  these  charges  against  Felicissimus  were  true,  they  were 
Bomcthing  more  than  "  irregularities."  A  Roman  censor  would  have  been 
a  fairer  subject  of  comparison  than  a  consul.  On  the  other  hand,  it  must 
be  admitted  that  the  charge  of  adultery  deepens  very  rapidly,  as  the  con- 
troversy becomes  more  violent.  It  is  first  represented  as  a  single  act,  re- 
cently detected,  and  which  men  of  character  were  prepared  to  substantiate 
ftdiiUerii  etiam  crimen  accedit,  quod  patrcs  nostri  graves  viri  dfpie/ieiiilisst 
Be  nuntiavcriuit,  et  probaturos  se  asseverarunt.  Epist.  xx.wiii.  The  here- 
lic  has  now  darkened  into  a  man  of  notorious  and  general  j)ro{lijracy.  No/ 
can  it  be  denied  that  of  tlie  whole  long  (i)istle,  very  far  the  larger  and  tha 
more  passionate  ])art  dwells  on  the  breach  of  ecclesiastical  unity,  ratbei 
than  on  the  violation  of  Christian  holiness.  —  M. 


•; 


OF    THE    nOMAN    EMPIRE,  571 

it  is  probable  he  woiiid  never  have  obtained  ;  •  but  the  acqui- 
sition of  such  absolute  command  over  the  consciences  and 
understanding  of  a  congregation,  however  obscure  or  despisea 
by  the  world,  is  more  truly  grateful  to  the  pride  of  the  human 
heart,  than  the  possession  of  the  most  despotic  power,  imposed 
by  arms  and  conquest  on  a  reluctant  people. 

In  the  course  of  this  important,  though  perhaps  tedious  in- 
quiry, 1  have  attempted  to  display  the  secondary  causes  which 
so  efficaciously  assisted  the  truth  of  the  Christian  religion.  If 
among  tliese  causes  we  have  discovered  any  artificial  orna- 
ments, any  accidental  circumstances,  or  any  mixture  of  error 
and  passion,  it  cannot  appear  surprising  that  mankind  should 
be  the  most  sensibly  affected  by  such  motives  as  were  suited 
to  their  imperfect  nature.  It  was  by  the  aid  of  these  causes 
3xclusive  zeal,  the  immediate  expectation  of  another  world, 
the  claim  of  miracles,  the  practice  of  rigid  virtue,  and  the 
constitution  of  the  primitive  church,  that  Christianity  spread 
itself  with  so  much  success  in  the  Roman  empire.  To  the 
first  of  these  the  Christians  were  indebted  for  their  invincible 
valor,  which  disdained  to  capitulate  with  the  enemy  whom 
they  were  resolved  to  vanquish.  The  three  succeeding  causes 
supplied  their  valor  with  the  most  formidable  arms.  The  last 
of  these  causes  united  their  courage,  directed  their  arms,  and 
gave  their  efforts  that  irresistible  weight,  which  even  a  small 
brnd  of  well-trained  and  intrepid  volunteers  has  so  often  pos- 
sessed over  an  undisciplined  multitude,  ignorant  of  the  subject, 
and  careless  of  the  event  of  the  war.  In  the  various  religions 
of  Polytheism,  some  wandering  fanatics  of  Egypt  and  Syria, 
who  addressed  themselves  to  the  credulous  superstition  of  the 
populace,  were  perhaps  the  only  order  of  priests  '^'^  that 
derived  their  whole  support  and  credit  from  their  sacerdotal 
profession,  and  were  very  deeply  affected    by  a  personal  con- 

'*"  The  arts,  the  manners,  and  the  vices  of  the  priests  of  the  Syrian 
goddess  arc  very  huinrtrously  described  by  Apuleius,  in  the  eighth 
book  of  liis  Mctanioiphosis. 


•  This  supposition  appears  unfounded  :  the  birth  and  the  talents  of 
Cyprian  nii>fht  make  us  presume  the  contrary.  Thascius  Cx'cilius  Cypri- 
anus,  Cartliaiifinensis,  artis  oratoriie  profcssione  clarus,  magnam  sibi  glori- 
am,  opes,  hoiiores  uequisivit,  eimlaribus  caenis  ct  larf?is  dapibus  assuetus, 
picliosa  veste  conspicuus,  auro  atque  purpura  fulgcns,  fascibus  oblectatu? 
et  hoiiorihiis,  stipalus  clientium  cuneis,  freqiientiore  comitatii  oIKeii  ag- 
minis  bonestatus,  ut  ipse  de  se  lotjuitur  in  Epistola  ad  Donatum.  See  Dr 
(Javo,  Hist.  Liter,  b.  i.  p.  87-  —  G. 

Cave  has  rather  embellished  C;  prian's  language.  —  M. 


R72  THE    DECLINE   AND    FALL 

cern  for  tlif.  safety  or  prosperity  of  their  tutelar  deities.  The 
ministers  of  Polytheism,  both  in  Rome  and  in  the  provincf.s, 
were,  for  the  most  part,  men  of  a  noble  birth,  and  of  an  afflu- 
ent fortune,  who  received,  as  an  honorable  distinction,  the  care 
of  a  celebrated  temple,  or  of  a  public  sacrifice,  exhibited,  very 
frequently  at  their  own  expense,  the  sacred  games, '^'  and  with 
cold  indifference  performed  the  ancient  rites,  according  to  tht 
laws  and  fashion  of  their  country.  As  they  were  engaged  in 
the  ordinary  occupations  of  life,  their  zeal  and  devotion  were 
seldom  animated  by  a  sense  of  interest,  or  by  the  habits  of  an 
ecclesiastical  character.  Confined  to  their  respective  temples 
and  cities,  they  remained  without  any  connection  of  discipline 
or  government;  and  whilst  they  acknowledged  the  supreme 
'urisdiction  of  the  senate,  of  the  college  of  pontiffs,  and  of 
the  emperor,  those  civil  magistrates  contented  themselves  with 
the  easy  task  of  maintaining  in  peace  and  dignity  the  general 
worship  of  mankind.  We  have  already  seen  how  various, 
how  loose,  and  how  uncertain  were  the  religious  sentiments 
of  Polytheists.  Thoy  were  abandoned,  almost  without  control, 
to  the  natural  workings  of  a  superstitious  fancy.  The  acci- 
dental circumstances  of  their  life  and  situation  determined  the 
object  as  well  as  the  degree  of  their  devotion  ;  and  as  long  as 
their  adoration  was  successively  prostituted  to  a  thousand 
deities,  it  was  scarcely  possible  that  their  hearts  could  be  sus- 
ceptible of  a  very  sincere  or  lively  passion  for  any  of  them. 

When  Christianity  appeared  in  the  world,  even  these  faint 
and  imperfect  impressions  had  lost  much  of  their  original 
power.  Human  reason,  which  by  its  unassisted  strength  is 
incapable  of  perceiving  the  mysteries  of  faith,  had  already 
obtained  an  easy  triumph  over  the  folly  of  Paganism ;  and 
when  Tertullian  or  Lactantius  employ  their  labors  in  expos- 
ing its  falsehood  and  extravagance,  they  are  obliged  to  tran- 
scribe the  eloquence  of  Cicero  or  the  wit  of  Lucian.  The 
contagion  of  these  sceptical  writings  had  been  diffused  far 
beyond  the  number  of  their  readers.  The  fashion  of  incredu- 
lity was  communicated  from  the  philosopher  to  the  man  ot 

'*'  The  office  of  Asiarch  was  of  this  nature,  and  it  is  frequcntlj 
mentioned  in  Aristidcs,  the  Inscriptions,  &c.  It  was  annual  and 
elective.  None  but  the  vainest  citizens  could  desire  the  honor  ;  none 
out  the  most  wealthy  could  support  the  expense.  See,  in  the  Patrci 
Apostol.  torn.  ii.  p.  200,  with  how  much  indifference  Philip  the 
Asiarch  conducted  himself  in  the  martyrdom  of  Polyrarp.  lUerf 
wore  likewise  Bithyniarchs,  Lyciarchs,  &c. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  573 

pleasure  or  business,  from  the  noble  to  the  plebeian,  and  from 
the  master  to  the  menial  slave  who  waited  at  his  table,  and 
who  eagerly  listened  to  the  freedom  of  his  conversation.  Or 
public  occasions  the  philosophic  part  of  mankind  affected  to 
freat  with  respect  and  decency  the  religions  institutions  of 
their  country  ;  but  their  secret  contempt  penetrated  through 
the  thin  and  awkward  disguise;  and  even  the  people,  when 
they  discovered  that  their  dciiics  were  rejected  and  derided  by 
ihose  whose  rank  or  understanding  they  were  accustomed  to 
reverence,  were  filled  with  doubts  and  apprehensions  concern- 
ing the  truth  of  those  doctrines,  to  which  they  had  yielded  the 
most  implicit  belief.  The  decline  of  ancient  prejudice  exposed 
a  very  numerous  portion  of  human  kind  to  the  danger  of  a 
painful  and  comfortless  situation.  A  state  of  scepticism  and 
suspense  may  amuse  a  few  inquisitive  minds.  But  the  prac- 
tice of  superstition  is  so  congenial  to  the  multitude,  that  if 
they  are  forcibly  awakened,  they  still  regret  the  loss  of  their 
pleasing  vision.  Their  love  of  the  marvellous  and  supernat- 
ural, their  curiosity  with  regard  to  future  events,  and  their 
strong  propensity  to  extend  their  hopes  and  fears  beyond  the 
limits  of  the  visible  world,  were  the  principal  causes  which 
favored  the  establishment  of  Polytheism.  So  urgent  on  the 
vulgar  is  the  necessity  of  believing,  that  the  fall  of  any  sys- 
tem of  mythology  will  most  probably  be  succeeded  by  the 
introduction  of  some  other  mode  of  superstition.  Some  deities 
of  a  more  recent  and  fashionable  cast  might  soon  have  occu- 
pied the  deserted  temples  of  Jupiter  and  Apollo,  if,  in  the 
decisive  moment,  the  wisdom  of  Providence  had  not  inter- 
posed a  genuine  revelation,  fitted  to  inspire  the  most  rational 
esteem  and  conviction,  whilst,  at  the  same  time,  it  was  adorned 
with  all  that  could  attract  the  curiosity,  the  wonder,  and  the 
veneration  of  the  people.  In  their  actual  disposition,  as  many 
were  almost  disengaged  from  their  artificial  prejudices,  but 
equally  susceptible  and  desirous  of  a  devout  attachment  ;  an 
object  much  less  deserving  would  have  been  sufficient  to  fill 
the  vacant  place  in  their  hearts,  and  to  gratify  the  uncertain 
eagerness  of  their  passions.  Those  who  are  inclined  to  pursue 
this  reflection,  instead  of  viewing  with  astonishment  the  rapid 
progress  of  Christianity,  will  perhaps  be  surprised  that  its  suc- 
cess was  not  still  more  rapid  and  still  more  universal. 

It  has  been  observed,  with  truth  as  well  as  propriety,  thai 
the  conquests  of  Rome  prepared  and  facilitated  those  of  Chris- 
tianity    In  the  second  chapter  of  this  work  we  have  attempted 


674  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

lo  expkin  in  what  manner  the  most  civilized  pi  ovinces  of 
Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa  were  united  under  the  dominion  of 
one  sovereif^n,  and  gradually  connected  by  the  most  intimate 
ties  of  laws,  of  manners,  and  of  language.  The  Jews  of  Pal- 
estine, who  had  fondly  expected  a  temporal  deliverer,  gave  so 
cold  a  reception  to  the  miracles  of  the  divine  prophet,  that  it 
was  found  unnecessary  to  publish,  or  at  least  to  preserve,  any 
Hebrew  gospel. '^^  The  authentic  histories  of  the  actions  of 
Christ  were  composed  in  the  Greek  language,  at  a  consideia- 
ble  distance  from  Jerusalem,  and  after  the  Gentile  converts 
were  grown  extremely  numerous.i^^  As  soon  as  those  histo- 
ries were  translated  into  the  Latin  tongue,  they  were  perfectly 
intelligible  to  all  the  subjects  of  Rome,  excepting  only  to  the 
peasants  of  Syria   and   Egypt,  for  whose  benefit  particular 


'^*  The  modern  critics  are  not  disposed  to  believe  what  the  fathers 
almost  unanimously  assert,  that  St.  Matthew  composed  a  Hebrew 
gospel,  of  which  only  the  Greek  translation  is  extant.  It  seems, 
however,  dangerous  to  reject  their  testimony.* 

'*'  Under  the  reigns  of  Nero  and  Domitian,  and  in  the  cities  of 
Alexandria,  Antioch,  Rome,  and  Ephesus.  See  Mill.  Prolegomena 
ad  Nov.  Testament,  and  Dr.  Lardncr's  fair  and  extensive  collection, 
vol.  XV.  t 


*  Strong  reasons  appear  to  confirm  this  testimony.  Papias,  contempo- 
rary of  the  apostle  St.  John,  says  positively  that  Matthew  had  written  the 
discourses  of  Jesus  Christ  in  Heb^-ew,  and  that  each  interpreted  them  as  he 
cordd.  This  Hebrew  was  the  Syro-Cha.daic  dialect,  then  in  use  at  Jerusa- 
lem :  Origen,  Irena;us,  Eusebius,  Jerome,  Epiphanius,  confirm  this  state- 
ment. Jesus  Christ  preached  Jiiniself  in  Syro-Chaldaic,  as  is  proved  by 
many  words  which  he  used,  and  which  the  Evangelists  have  taken  th6 
pains  to  translate.  St.  Paul,  addressing  the  Jews,  used  the  same  language: 
Acts  xxi.  40,  xxii.  2,  xxvi.  14.  The  opinions  of  some  critics  prove  noth- 
ing against  such  undeniable  testimonies.  Moreover,  their  principal  objec- 
tion is,  that  St.  Matthew  quotes  the  Old  Testament  according  to  the  Greek 
Tcrsion  of  the  LXX.,  which  is  inaccurate ;  for  of  ten  quotations,  found  in 
his  Gospel,  seven  are  evidently  taken  from  the  Hebrew  text ;  the  three 
others  offer  little  that  differ:  moreover,  the  latter  are  not  literal  quota- 
tions. St.  Jerome  says  positively,  that,  according  to  a  cojjy  wliich  he  had 
seen  in  the  library  of  Ca-sarea,  the  quotations  were  made  in  Hebrew  (in 
Catal).  More  modern  critics,  among  others  Michaelis,  a.'^  not  entertain  a 
doubt  on  the  subject.  The  Greek  version  appears  to  have  been  made  in 
the  time  of  the  apostles,  as  St.  Jerome  and  St.  Augustine  affirm,  perhapi 
by  one  of  them.  —  G. 

Among  modern  critics,  Dr.  Hug  has  asserted  the  Greek  original  of 
St.  Matthew,  but  the  general  opinion  of  the  most  learned  biblical  writers 
supports  the  view  of  M.  Guizot.  —  M. 

t  This  question  has,  it  is  well  known,  been  most  elaborately  discussed 
ei.ice  the  time  of  Gibbon.  The  Preface  to  the  Translation  of  Schlcier- 
macher's  Version  of  St.  Luke  contains  a  very  able  summary  of  the  various 
»hev;rie8  —  M. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  57f» 

versions  were  afterwards  made.  The  public  liighways,  which 
had  been  corstructci  for  the  use  of  the  legions,  opened  an 
easy  passage  for  the  Christian  missionaries  from  Damascus  tc 
Corinth,  and  from  Italy  to  the  extremity  of  Spain  or  Britain  ; 
nor  did  those  spiritual  conquerors  encounter  any  of  the  obsta 
cles  which  usually  retard  or  prevent  the  introduction  of  a  for 
eign  religion  into  a  distant  country.  There  is  the  strongest 
reason  to  believe,  that  before  the  reigns  of  Diocletian  and 
Constantine,  the  faith  of  Christ  had  been  preached  in  every 
province,  and  in  all  the  great  cities  of  tiie  empire  ;  but  the 
foundation  of  the  several  congregations,  the  numbers  of  the 
faithful  who  composed  them,  and  their  proportion  to  the  unbe- 
lieving multitude,  are  now  buried  in  obscurity,  or  disguised 
by  fiction  and  declamation.  Such  imperfect  circumstances, 
however,  as  have  reached  our  knowledge  concerning  the 
increase  of  the  Christian  name  in  Asia  and  Greece,  in  Egypt, 
in  Italy,  and  in  the  West,  we  shall  now  proceed  to  relate, 
without  neglecting  the  real  or  imaginary  acquisitions  which 
lay  beyond  the  frontiers  of  the  Roman  empire. 

The  rich  provinces  that  extend  from  the  Euphrates  to  the 
Ionian  Sea,  were  the  principal  theatre  on  which  the  apostle 
of  the  Gentiles  displayed  his  zeal  and  piety.  The  seeds  of  the 
gospel,  which  he  had  scattered  in  a  fertile  soil,  were  diligent- 
ly cultivated  by  his  disciples;  and  it  should  seem  that,  during 
the  two  first  centuries,  the  most  considerable  body  of  Chris- 
tians was  contained  within  those  limits.  Among  the  societies 
which  were  instituted  in  Syria,  none  were  more  ancient  or 
more  illustrious  than  those  of  Damascus,  of  Berea  or  Aleppo, 
and  of  Antioch.  The  prophetic  introduction  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse has  described  and  itnmortalized  the  seven  churches  of 
Asia ;  Ephesus,  Smyrna,  Pergamus,  Thyatira,^^''  Sardes,  Laod- 
icea,  and  Philadelphia  ;  and  their  colonics  were  soon  difliised 
over  that  populous  country.  In  a  very  early  period,  the 
islands  of  Cyprus  and  Crete,  the  provinces  of  Thrace  and 
Macedonia,  gave  a  favorable  reception  to  the  new  religion ; 
and  Christian  republics   were  soon   founded   in  the  cities  of 

'*^  The  Alogians  (Epiphdiius  de  Hacres.  51)  disputed  the  genuine- 
ness of  the  Apocal^'psc,  because  the  cliurch  of  Thyatira  was  not  yet 
founded.  Ei)iphauiu9,  who  allows  the  fact,  extricates  himself  from 
the  ditH  :ulty  by  ingeniously  supposing  that  St.  John  wrote  in  th« 
•pirit  of  prcph  icy.     Sec  Abauzit,  IXscours  sur  1  Apocalypse. 


S76  THE    DECLINE    AND   FALL 

• 

Corinth,  of  Sparta,  and  of  Athens.^^^  The  antiquity  of  the 
Greek  and  Asiatic  churches  allowed  a  sufficient  space  of  .imc 
for  their  increase  and  multiplication  ;  and  even  the  swarms  of 
Gnostics  and  other  heretics  serve  to  display  the  flourishing 
condition  of  the  orthodox  church,  since  the  appellation  of  here- 
tics has  always  been  applied  to  the  less  numerous  party.  To 
these  domestic  testimonies  we  may  add  the  confession,  the 
complaints,  and  the  apprehensions  of  the  Gentiles  themselves. 
From  the  writings  of  Lucian,  a  philosopher  who  had  studied 
mankind,  and  who  describes  their  manners  in  the  most  lively 
colors,  we  may  learn,  that,  under  the  reign  of  Commodus,  his 
native  country  of  Pontus  was  filled  with  Epicureans  and 
ChristiansA^^  Within  fourscore  years  after  the  death  of 
Christ, i^'  the  humane  Pliny  laments  the  magnitude  of  the  evil 
which  he  vainly  attempted  to  eradicate.  In  his  very  curious 
epistle  to  the  emperor  Trajan,  he  aflirms,  that  the  temples 
were  almost  deserted,  that  the  sacred  victims  scarcely  found 
any  purchasers,  and  that  the  superstition  had  not  only  infected 
the  cities,  but  had  even  spread  itself  into  the  villages  and  the 
open  country  of  Pontus  and  Bithynia.^^^ 

Without  descending  into  a  minute  scrutiny  of  the  expres- 
sions or  of  the  motives  of  those  writers  who  either  celebrate  or 
lament  the  progress  of  Christianity  in  the  East,  it  may  in  gen- 
eral be  observed,  that  none  of  them  have  left  us  any  grounds 
from  whence  a  just  estimate  might  be  formed  of  the  real 
numbers  of  the  faithful  in  those  provinces.  One  circumstance, 
however,  has  been  fortunately  preserved,  which  seems  to  cast 

"**  The  epistles  of  Ignatius  and  Dionysius  (ap.  Euseb.  It.  23)  point 
out  many  churches  in  Asia  and  Greece.  That  of  Athens  seems  to 
have  been  one  of  the  least  flourishing. 

'**  Lucian  in  Alexandro,  c.  25.  Christianity,  however,  must  have 
been  very  unequally  diffused  over  Pontus  ;  since,  in  the  middle  of  tho 
third  century,  there  were  no  more  than  seventeen  believers  in  the 
extensive  diocese  of  Neo-Caesarea.  Sec  M.  de  Tillemont,  M6moire3 
Ecclesiast.  torn.  iv.  p.  675,  from  Basil  and  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  who 
were  themselves  natives  of  Cappadocia.* 

'*'  According  to  the  ancients,  Jesus  Christ  suffered  under  the  con 
Hulship  of  the  two  Gemini,  in  the  year  20  of  our  present  a;ra.     Pliny 
was  sent  into  Bithynia  (according  to  Pagi)  in  the  year  110. 

•*»  Plin.  Epist.  X.  97. 

♦  Gibbon  forgot  the  conclusion  of  this  story,  that  Gregory  left  only  sev- 
catoen  heathens  in  his  diocese.  The  antithesis  is  suspicious,  and  both 
numbers  may  have  been  chosen  to  magnify  the  spiritual  fame  of  the  won 
dor-worker.  —  M. 


op    THE    ROMAN     EMPIRE  STJ 

I  more  distinct  light  on  this  obscure  but   interesting  subject. 
Under  the  reign  of  Theodosius,  after  Chr  stianity  luuJ  enjoyed, 
during  more  than  sixty  years,  the  suoshine   of  Imperial  favor, 
•he  ancient  and  illustrious  church  of  Antioch  consisted  of  ono 
hundred  thousand  persons,  three  thousand  of  whom  were  sup- 
ported  out  of  the  |)ublic  oblations.'''^     The  splendor  and  dignity 
of  the  queen  of  the  East,  the  acknowledged   populousness  of 
CiEsarea,  Seleucia,  and  Alexandria,  and  the  destruction  of  two 
hundred  and    fifty   thousand   souls   in   the   earthquake    wliich 
afHicted  Antioch  under  the  elder  Justin,"^''  are  so  many  con- 
vincing proofs  that  the  whole  number  of  its  inhabitants  was 
not  less  than  half  a  million,  and  that   the  Christians,  however 
multiplied  by  zeal   and   power,  did   not   exceed  a  fifth  part  of 
that  great  city.      How  difierent  a  proportion    must   we  adopt 
when  we  compare  the  persecuted  with  the  triumphant  church, 
the  West  with  the  East,  remote  villages  with  populous  towns, 
and  countries  recently  converted  to  the  faith  with  the  place 
where   the   believers  first   received   the  appellation   of  Chris- 
tians !      It   must  not,  however,  be  dissembled,  that,  in   another 
passage,  Chrysostom,  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  this  useful 
information,  computes  the  multitude  of  the  faithful  as  even 
superior  to  that  (jf  the  Jews  and  Pagans.i'^i      But  the  solution 
of  this  apparent  dilTiculty  is  easy  and  obvious.     The  eloquent 
preacher  draws  a  parallel  between  the  civil  and  the  ecclesias- 
tical   constitution   of  Antioch  ;  between  the  list  of  Christians 
who  had  acquir(;d   heaven  by  baptism,  and  the  list  of  citizens 
who    had    a    right    to    share    the    public    liberality.      Slaves, 
strangers,  and  infanls  were  comprised   m  the  former  ;    they 
were  excluded  from  the  latter. 

The  extensive  commerce  of  Alexandria,  and   its  proximity 


'*»  Chrysostom.  Opera,  torn.  vii.  p.  658,  810,  [edit.  Savil.  ii.  422, 
629.] 

'«"  John  Malala,  torn.  ii.  p.  144.  He  draws  the  same  conclusion 
with  rcti;ard  to  the  populousness  of  Antioch. 

'8'  Chrysostom.  torn.  i.  p.  592.  I  am  indebted  for  these  passages, 
though  not  for  my  inference,  to  the  learned  Dr.  Lardner.  Credibility 
of  the  Gospel  History,  vol.  xii.  p.  370.* 


•  The  statements  of  Chrysostom  with  regard  to  the  population  of  Anti- 
oeh,  whatever  may  be  their  accuracy,  are  perfectly  consistent.  In  one 
passage  he  reckons  the  population  at  200,000.  In  a  second  the  Christians' 
»t  100,000.  In  a  third  he  states  that  the  Christians  formed  more  than  half 
the  population.  Gibbon  has  neglected  to  notice  the  first  passage,  ami  has 
iriwa  nis  c-tiinite  of  the  population  of  Antioch  from  other  sources.  The 
■(IVKI  maintaiueil  l)y  alms  were  widows  and  virgins  alone.  —  M 


578  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

to  Pjilestine,  jjave  an  easy  entrance  to  the  new  rellcfioii.  Tl 
M'ns  at  first  embraced  by  threat  numbers  of  the  Tlicraputa; 
or  Essenians,  of  the  Lake  Mareotis,  a  Jewish  sect  wliich  had 
abated  much  of  its  reverence  for  the  Mosaic  ceremonies.  The 
austere  life  of  the  Essenians,  their  fasts  and  excommunica- 
tions, the  community  of  goods,  the  love  of  celibacy,  their  zeal 
for  martyrdom,  and  the  warmth  thon,;j;h  not  the  purity  of  theii 
faith,  already  offered  a  very  lively  ima^je  of  the  primitive  dis- 
cipline.^''''^ It  was  in  the  school  of  Alexandria  that  the  Chi-is- 
tian  tlieoloi^y  appears  to  have  assumed  a  regular  and  scieniific 
form  ;  and  when  Hadrian  visited  Egypt,  he  found  a  church 
composed  of  Jews  and  of  Greeks,  sutficiently  important  to 
attract  tlie  notice  of  that  inquisitive  prince.^^  But  the  prog- 
ress of  Chi'istianity  was  for  a  long  time  confined  within  the 
limits  of  a  single  city,  whicii  was  itself  a  foreign  colony,  and 
till  the  close  of  the  second  century  the  predecessors  of  De- 
metrius were  the  only  prelates  of  the  Egyptian  churds. 
Three  bishops  were  consecrated  by  the  hands  of  Demetrius, 
and  the  number  was  increased  to  twenty  by  his  successor 
Heraclas.^®*  The  body  of  the  natives,  a  })eople  distinguished 
by  a  sullen  inflexibility  of  temper,^®*  entertained  the  new  doc- 
trine with  coldness  and  reluctance  ;  and  even  in  the  time  of 
Origen,  it  was  rare  to  meet  with  an  Egyptian  who  had  sur- 
mounted his  early  prejudices  in  favor  of  the  sacred  animals 
of  his  country.''"'  As  soon,  indeed,  as  Christianity  ascended 
the  throne,  tiie  zeal  of  those  barbarians  obeyed  the  prevailing 
impulsion  ;  the  cities  of  Egypt  were  filled  with  bishops,  and 
the  deserts  of  Thebais  swarmed  with  hermits. 


'«2  Basiiage,  Histoire  dcs  Juifs,  1.  2,  c.  20.  21,  22,  23,  has  examined 
with  tlie  most  critical  accuracy  the  curious  treatise  of  Phiio,  wiiich 
describes  the  Tlierapeuta;.  By  proving  tliat  it  was  eoinposeil  .as  eaiiy 
as  the  time  of  Aut^ustus,  Basnage  lias  demonstrateil,  in  spite  ol  Ki:se- 
bius  (1.  ii.  c.  17)  and  a  crowd  of  modern  Catholics,  tiiat  tlie  Thernpeiitae 
were  neitlier  Christians  nor  moiik^.  It  still  remains  prol)ahle  that 
tlioy  changed  their  name,  preserved  their  manners,  adopted  some  nt.w 
articles  of  faith,  and  gradually  became  the  fathers  of  the  Egyj  lian 
Ascetics. 

1''*  See  a  letter  of  Hadrian  in  tlie  Augustan  History,  p.  245. 

^"*  For  the  succession  of  Alexandrian  bishops,  consult  lienaudot's 
History,  p.  21,  &c.  This  curious  fact  is  i>reserved  by  the  iia'riareij 
Eutychiiis,  (Aniial.  tom.  i.  p.  liol,  Vers.  I'ocoek,)  and  its  internal  evi- 
dence  would  alone  be  a  sulHcient  answer  to  all  the  ohjettio  is  wliicu 
Biuhop  I'earson  has  nrgi'd  in  the  Vindiciae  Ignatianae. 

-'^  Ammian.  Marce'liu.  xxii.  16. 

wii  Origen  contra  (.visum,  1.  i.  p.  40. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  579 

A  peipetua  stream  of  strangers  and  provincials  flowed  into 
ihe  capacious  bosom  of  Rome.  Whatever  was  strange  or 
odious,  whoever  was  guihy  or  suspected,  might  hope,  in  the 
obscurity  of  that  immense  capital,  to  elude  tlie  vigilance  of  llio 
law.  In  such  a  various  conflux  of  nations,  every  teacher, 
either  of  truth  or  falsehood,  every  founder,  whether  of  a  vir- 
tuous or  a  criminal  association,  might  easily  multiply  his  dis- 
ciples or  accomplices.  The  Christians  of  Rome,  at  the  time 
of  the  accidfiutal  persecution  of  Nero,  are  represented  by 
Tacitus  as  already  amounting  to  a  vei"y  great  multitude,^''^  and 
tlie  language  of  th;it  great  historian  is  almost  similar  to  the 
style  employed  by  Livy,  when  he  relates  the  introduction  and 
the  suppression  of  the  rites  of  Bacchus.  After  the  Baccha- 
nals had  awakened  the  severity  of  the  senate,  it  was  likewise 
apprenended  that  a  very  great  multitude,  as  it  were  anotke^ 
penjAtr,  had  been  initiated  into  those  abhorred  mysteries.  A 
more  careful  inquiry  soon  demonstrated,  that  the  otFenders  did 
not  exceed  seven  thousand  ;  a  number  indeed  sufficiently 
alarmmg,  when  considered  as  the  object  of  public  justice. '^^ 
It  is  w.th  the  same  candid  allowance  that  we  should  interpret 
the  vai.^ue  expressions  of  Tacitus,  and  in  a  former  instance  of 
Pliny,  when  tiiey  exaggerate  the  crowds  of  deluded  fanatics 
who  had  forsaken  the  established  worship  of  the  gods.  The 
church  of  Rome  was  undoubtedly  the  first  and  most  populous 
of  the  empire  ;  and  we  are  possessed  of  an  authentic  record 
which  attests  the  state  of  religion  in  that  city  about  the  middle 
of  the  third  century,  and  after  a  peace  of  thirty-eight  years. 
The  clergy,  at  that  time,  consisted  of  a  bishop,  forty-six  pres- 
byters, seven  deacons,  as  many  sub-deacons,  forty-two  aco- 
lythes,  and  fifty  readers,  exorcists,  and  porters.  The  number 
of  widows,  of  the  infirm,  and  of  the  poor,  who  were  main- 
tained by  the  oblations  of  the  faithful,  amounted  to  fifteen 
hundred.""'-'  From  reason,  as  well  as  from  the  analogy  of 
Antioch,  we  may  venture  to  estimate  the  Christians  of  Rome 
at  about  fifty  thousand.  The  po|)ulousness  of  that  great 
capital  cannot  perhaps  be  exactly  ascertained  ;  but  the  most 
modest   calculation    will    not  surely   reduce    it    lower  tiian    a 

'"  Ingens  nmltitiulo  is  tlie  expression  of  Tacitus,  xv.  44. 

'•*  T.  Liv.  xxxix.  I'i,  1.5,  16,  17.  Nothing  could  exceed  the  liorror 
and  con.-rernation  of  the  senate  on  the  discovery  of  the  liiicchana- 
Uans,  whose  depravity  is  described,  and  perhaps  exagjjerated,  by  Livy. 

'**  Euscbius,  1.  vi.  c.  43.  The  Latin  translator  (  SL  de  Valois)  bat 
thought  proper  to  reduce  the  number  of  pre.-byters  to  forty -four. 


580  THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

million  (  f  inhabitants,  of  whom  the  ChristiariS  might  constitute 
at  the  most  a  twentieth  part.''^" 

The  western  provincials  appeared  to  have  derived  the 
knowledge  of  Christianity  from  the  same  source  which  had 
diffused  among  them  the  language,  the  sentiments,  and  the 
manners  of  Rome.  In  this  more  important  circumstance, 
Africa,  as  well  as  Gaul,  was  gradually  fashioned  to  the  imita- 
tion of  the  capital.  Yet  notwithstanding  the  many  favorable 
occasions  which  might  invite  the  Roman  missionaries  to  visit 
their  Latin  provinces,  it  was  late  before  they  passed  either  the 
sea  or  the  Alps;'^'  nor  can  we  discover  in  those  great  coun- 
tries any  assured  traces  either  of  faith  or  of  persecution  that 
ascend  higher  than  the  reign  of  the  Antonines.i^^  Xhe  slow 
progress  of  the  gospel  in  the  cold  climate  of  Gaul,  was 
extremely  different  from  the  eagerness  with  which  it  seems  to 
have  been  received  on  the  burning  sands  of  Africa.  The 
African  Christians  soon  formed  one  of  the  principal  members 
of  the  primitive  church.  The  practice  introduced  into  that 
province  of  appointing  bishops  to  the  most  inconsiderable 
towns,  and  very  frequently  to  the  most  obscure  villages,  con- 
tributed to  multiply  the  splendor  and  importance  of  their 
religious  societies,  which  during  the  course  of  the  third  cen- 
tury were  animated  by  the  zeal  of  Tertullian,  directed  by  the 
abilities  of  Cyprian,  and  adorned  by  the  eloquence  of  Lactan- 
tius.  But  if,  on  the  contrary,  we  turn  our  eyes  towards  Gaul, 
we  must  content  ourselves  with  discovering,  in  the  time  of 
Marcus  Antoninus,  the  feeble  and  united  congregations  of 
Lyons  and  Vienna  ;  and  even  as  late  as  the  reign  of  Decius, 
we  are  assured,  that  in   a. few  cities  only,  Aries,  Narbonne, 

""  This  proportion  of  the  presbyters  and  of  the  poor,  to  the  rest  of 
the  people,  was  originally  fixed  by  Burnet,  (Travels  into  Italy,  p.  1()8,) 
and  is  approved  by  Moyle,  (vol.  ii.  p.  1.51.)  They  were  both  unac- 
quainted with  the  passage  of  Chrysostom,  which  converts  their  con- 
jecture almost  into  a  fact. 

"'  Serius  trans  Alpcs,  religione  Dei  suscept.'\.  Sulpicius  Severus, 
1.  ii.  With  regard  to  Africa,  see  Tertullian  ad  Scapulam,  c.  3.  It  it 
imagined  that  the  Scyllitan  martyrs  were  the  first,  (Acta  Sinccra  Ru- 
inart.  p.  3-1.)  One  of  the  adversaries  of  Ai)uleius  seems  to  have  been 
»  Christian.     Apolog.  p.  490,  497,  edit.  Dolphin. 

"'■'  Tum  primum  intra  (iaUius  martyria  visa.  Sulp.  Severus,  1,  ii. 
These  M-ere  the  celebrated  martyrs  of  Lyons.  See  Eusebius,  v.  i. 
Tillemont,  Mem.  Eeclcsiast.  torn.  ii.  p.  316.  According  to  the  Dona- 
tists,  whose  assertion  is  confirmed  by  the  tacit  acknowledgment  of 
Augustin,  Africa  wis  the  last  of  the  provinces  which  received  the 
gospel.     Tillemont,  M  na.  Eeclcsiast.  torn.  i.  y,  754. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  581 

rhcjiousc,  Limjges,  Clermont,  Tours,  and  Ptiris,  some  scat- 
torod  cliurch^s  were  supported  by  tlie  demotion  of  a  small 
number  of  Christians."^  Silence  is  indeed  very  consistent 
with  devotion  ;  but  as  it  is  seldom  compatible  with  zeal,  we 
may  perceive  and  lament  the  languid  state  of  Christianity  in 
those  provinces  which  had  exchanged  the  Celtic  for  the  Latin 
tongue,  since  they  did  not,  during  the  three  first  centuries, 
give  birth  to  a  single  eccl(;siastical  writer.  From  daul,  which 
claimed  a  just  preeminence  of  learning  and  authority  over  ail 
the  countries  on  this  side  of  the  Alps,  the  light  of  the  gospel 
was  more  faintly  reflected  on  the  remote  provinces  of  Spain 
and  Britain  ;  and  if  we  may  credit  the  vehement  assertions  of 
Tertullian,  they  had  already  received  the  first  rays  of  the 
faith,  when  he  addressed  his  apology  to  the  magistrates  of  the 
emperor  Severus.''"*  But  the  obscure  and  imperfect  origin 
of  the  western  churches  of  Europe  has  been  so  negligently 
recorded,  that  if  we  would  relate  the  time  and  manner  of  their 
foundation,  we  must  supply  the  silence  of  antiquity  by  those 
legends  which  avarice  or  superstition  long  afterwards  dictated 
to  the  monks  in  the  lazy  gloom  of  their  convents.''-''  Of  these 
holy  romances,  that  of  the  a|)ostle  St.  James  can  alone,  by  its 
singular  extravagance,  deserve  to  be  mentioned.  From  a 
peaceful  fisherman  of  the  Lake  of  (Jennesareth,  he  was  trans- 
formed into  a  valorous  knight,  who  charged  at  the  head  of  the 
Spanish  chivalry  in  their  battles  against  the  Moors.  The 
gravest  historians  have  celebrated  his  exploits  ;  the  miracu- 
lous shrine  of  Com|)ostella  dis|)iayed  his  power  ;  and  the 
sword  of  a  military  order,  assisted  by  the  terrors  of  the 
Inquisition,  was  sufficient  to  remove  every  objection  of  profane 
criticism.'"'' 


'"  KaiiE  in  nlitiuibus  civitatibus  ecclcsiije,  paucorum  Christianorura 
devotionc,  rcsurgcreiit.  Acta  Sincera,  p.  130.  Gregory  of  Tours,  1. 
i.  c.  '2X.  Moshciiu,  p.  •20",  449.  There  is  some  reason  to  bolifve  that, 
in  tlie  bcj^inning  of  the  fourth  century,  the  extensive  (Uoccses  of 
Liege,  of  Treves,  and  of  Cologne,  composed  a  single  bishopric,  which 
had  been  very  recently  founded.  See  Memoires  de  Tillcmont,  torn, 
vi.  part  i.  p.  415,  411. 

"^  The  date  of  Tcrtullian's  Apology  is  fixed,  in  a  dissertation  of 
Mosheini,  to  tlie  year  108. 

"*  In  the  tiftcrnth  century,  there  were  few  who  had  either  incli- 
nation or  courage  to  (lucstion,  whether  Joseph  of  Arini-ithea  founded 
the  monastery  of  (ilastonbury,  and  whether  Dionysius  the  Areopa- 
jpitc  prclerrcd  the  residence  of  Paris  to  that  of  Athens. 

"•  The    stupen  ious    metamorphosis    was   pertornitd   in   the  ninth 


582  THE    DECLINE    AND   FALL 

The  progress  of  Christianity  was  not  confined  to  the  Roman 
empire  ;  and  according  to  the  primitive  fathers,  who  interpret 
facts  by  prophecy,  the  new  religion,  within  a  century  after 
the  death  of  its  divine  Author,  had  already  visited  every  part 
of  the  globe.  "  There  exists  not,"  says  Justin  Martyr,  "  a 
people,  whether  Greek  or  Barbarian,  or  any  other  race  of 
mjn,  by  whatsoever  appellation  or  manners  they  may  be  dis- 
tinguished, however  ignorant  of  arts  or  agricuUure,  whether 
they  dwell  under  tents,  or  wander  about  in  covered  wagon  J, 
among  whom  prayers  are  not  offered  up  in  the  name  of  a 
crucified  Jesus  to  the  Father  and  Creator  of  all  things."  •'''' 
But  this  splendid  exaggeration,  wliich  even  at  present  it  would 
be  extremely  difiicult  to  reconcile  with  the  real  state  of  man- 
kind, can  be  considered  only  as  the  rash  sally  of  a  devout  but 
careless  writer,  the  measure  of  whose  belief  was  regulated  by 
that  of  his  wishes.  But  neither  the  belief  nor  the  wislies  of 
the  fathers  can  alter  the  truth  of  history.  It  will  still  remain 
an  undoubted  fact,  that  the  barbarians  of  Scythia  and  Ger- 
many, who  afterwards  subverted  the  Roman  monarchy,  were 
involved  in  the  darkness  of  paganism ;  and  that  even  the  con- 
version of  Iberia,  of  Armenia,  or  of  ^Ethiopia,  was  noi 
attempted  with  any  degree  of  success  till  the  sceptre  was  in 
the  hands  of  an  orthodox  emjjeror.'"'^  Before  that  time,  the 
various  accidents  of  war  and  commerce  might  indeed  difi'use 
an  imperfect  knowledge  of  the  gospel  among  the  tribes  ot 
Caledonia,'"''    and    among   the    borderers    of   the    Rhine,  the 

century.  See  Mariana,  (Hist.  Ilispan.  1.  vii.  c.  13,  torn.  i.  p.  285,  edit. 
Hag.  Com.  1733,)  who,  in  every  sense,  imitates  Livy,  and  the  honest 
detection  of  the  legend  of  St.  James  by  Dr.  Geddes,  Miscellanies,  vol. 
ii.  p.  221. 

"'  Jus,tin  Martyr,  Dialog,  cum  Tryphon.  p.  341.  Ircna>us  adv 
Hseres.  1.  i.  c.  10.     Tertullian  adv.  Jnd.  c.  7.     See  Moshcim,  p.  203. 

"*  Sec  the  fourth  century  of  Moshcim's  History  of  the  Church. 
Many,  thouji;h  very  confused  circumstances,  that  relate  to  the  conver- 
sion of  Iberia  and  Armenia,  may  bo  found  in  Moses  of  Chorcne,  1.  ii. 
c.  78— 80.» 

"*  According  to  Tertullian,  the  Christian  faith  had  penetrated  into 
parts  of  Britain  inaccessible  to  the  Roman  arms.  About  a  century 
afterwards,  Ossiau,  the  son  of  Fiiigal,  is  said  to  have  disputed,  in  his 


•  Mens.  St.  Ma  tin  has  shown  that  Armenia  was  the  first  nntum  that 
embraced  Christia  lity.  M<moires  sur  rArmoiiic,  vol.  i.  p.  30(j,  and  notes 
to  Le  Beau.  Gibbon,  indeed,  had  e.\i)resscd  his  intention  of  withdrawing 
(he  words  "of  Aimci.ia"  from  the  text  of  future  editions.  ( Vindication, 
Works,  iv.  .577.)  He  w;is  bitterly  taunted  by  Porson  for  iiciilec'ting  oi 
declining  t'J  fulfil  his  promise.     Preface  t)  Letters  to  Travia  •  -  M. 


'>F    THE    ROMAN    EMFIUK.  d83 

Danube,  and  tne  Euphrates.^^''  Beyond  the  last-mentioned 
river,  Edcssa  was  distinguished  by  a  firm  and  early  adher- 
ence to  the  faith.  181  From  Edcssa  the  principles  of  (^Jhris- 
tinnity  were  easily  introduced  into  the  Greek  and  Syrian  cities 
which  obeyed  the  successors  of  Artaxerxes ;  but  they  do  not 
appear  to  have  made  any  deep  impression  on  tl>e  minds  of 
the  Persians,  whose  religious  system,  by  the  labors  of  a  well- 
disciplined  order  of  priests,  had  been  constructed  with  much 
more  art  and  solidity  than  the  uncertain  mythology  of  Greece 
and  Rome.i'^2 

From  this  impartial  though  imperfect  survey  of  the  progress 
of  Christianity,  it  may  perhaps  seem  probable,  that  the  num- 
ber of  its  proselytes  has  been  excessively  magnified  by  fear 
on  the  one  side,  and  by  devotion  on  the  other.  According  to 
the  irreproacliable  testimony  of  Origen,'^-^  the  proportion  of 
the  faithful  was  very  inconsiderable,  when  compared  with  the 
multitude  of  an  unbelieving  world  ;  but,  as  we  are  left  without 
any  distinct  information,  it  is  impossible  to  determine,  and  it 
is  difficult  even  to  conjecture,  the  real  numbers  of  the  primi- 
tive Christians.  The  most  favorable  calculation,  however, 
that  can  be  deduced  from  the  examples  of  Antioch  and 
of  Rome,  will  not  permit  us  to  imagine  that  more  than  a 
twentieth  part  of  the  subjects  of  the  empire  had  enlisted 
themselves  under  the  banner  of  the  cross  before  the  impor- 
tant conversion  of  Constantine.  But  their  habits  of  faith,  of 
zeal,  and  of  union,  seemed  to  multiply  their  numbei-s;  and 
the  same  causes  which  contributed  to  their  future   increase 

extreme  old  ag;e,  with  one  of  the  forciijn  missionaries,  and  the  dispute* 
is  still  extunt,  in  verse,  and  in  the  Erse  lanp;uage.  See  Mr.  Macphcr- 
Bon's  Dissertation  on  the  Antiquity  of  Ossian's  Poems,  p.  10. 

"*"  The  (ioths,  who  ravat^ed  Asia  in  the  reign  of  Gallienus,  carried 
ftway  great  numbers  of  captives  ;  some  of  whom  were  Christians,  and  be- 
came missionaries.    Sec  Tillemont,  Mcinoires  Ecclesiast.  tom.  iv.  p.  44. 

'*'  The  Icf^cnd  of  Ab^arus.  fabulous  as  it  is,  affords  a  decisive  proof, 
tliat  many  years  before  Euscbius  wrote  his  history,  the  greatest  part 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Edessa  had  embraced  Cliristianity.  Their  rivals, 
the  citizens  of  Carrbx',  adhered,  on  the  contrary,  to  the  cause  of  Pa- 
ganism, as  late  as  the  sixth  century. 

'"*  According  to  Bardcsanes  (ap.  Euseb.  Pnepar.  Evangel.)  there 
were  some  Christians  in  Persia  before  the  end  of  the  second  cen- 
tury. In  the  time  of  Constantine  (see  his  epistle  to  Sapor,  Vit.  1. 
Iv.  c.  13)  they  composed  a  flourishing  church.  Consult  Beausobre, 
Hist.  Oiticjuc  du  Manicheisme,  tom.  i.  p.  180,  and  the  Bibliotheo* 
Drientahs  of  Assemani. 

'*^  Origcii  contra  Celsum,  1.  viii.  p.  42i. 


681  TH?:    DECLINE    AND    TAL.I. 

served  to  rtndei  their  actual  strength  more  apparent  and  moro 
formidable. 

Such  is  the  constitution  of  civil  society,  that  whilst  a  few 
persons  are  distinguished  by  riclies,  by  honors,  and  by  knowl- 
edge, the  body  of  the  people  is  condemned  to  obscurity,  igno- 
rance and  poverty.  -  The  Christian  religion,  which  addressed 
Itself  to  the  whole  human  race,  must  consequently  collect  a 
far  greater  number  of  proselytes  from  the  lower  than  from 
the  superior  ranks  of  life.  This  innocent  and  natural  circum- 
stance  has  been  improved  into  a  very  odious  imputation, 
which  seems  to  be  less  strenuously  denied  by  the  apologists, 
than  it  is  urged  by  the  adversaries,  of  the  faith  ;  that  the  new 
sect  of  Christians  was  almost  entirely  composed  of  the  dregs 
of  the  populace,  of  peasants  and  mechanics,  of  boys  and 
women,  of  beggars  and  slaves,  the  last  of  whom  might  some- 
umes  introduce  the  missionaries  into  the  rich  and  noble  fam- 
ilies to  which  they  belonged.  These  obscure  teachers  (such 
was  the  charge  of  malice  and  infidelity)  are  as  mute  in  public 
as  they  are  loquacious  and  dogmatical  in  private.  Whilst 
they  cautiously  avoid  the  dangerous  encounter  of  philoso- 
phers, they  mingle  with  the  rude  and  illiterate  crowd,  and 
insinuate  themselves  into  those  minds,  whom  their  age,  their 
sex,  or  their  education,  has  the  best  disposed  to  receive  the 
impression  of  superstitious  terrors.'^'* 

This  unfavorable  picture,  though  not  devoid  of  a  faint 
resemblance,  betrays,  by  its  dark  coloring  and  distorted  fea- 
tures, the  pencil  of  an  enemy.  As  the  humble  faith  of  Christ 
diffused  itself  through  the  world,  it  was  embraced  by  several 
persons  who  derived  some  consequence  from  the  advantago. 
of  nature  or  fortune.  Aristides,  who  presented  an  eloquent 
apology  to  the  emperor  Hadrian,  was  an  Athenian  philoso- 
pher.'^^ Justin  Martyr  had  sought  divine  knowledge  in  thf 
schools  of  Zeiio,  of  AristotI*'.  of  Pythagoras,  and  of  Plato, 
before  he  fortunately  was  accosted  by  the  old  man,  or  rather 
the  angel,  who  turned  his  attention  to  the  study  of  the  Jewish 
prophets."*'*  Clemens  of  Alexandria  had  acquired  much 
various  readings  in   the  Greek,  and    Tertullian   in    the   Latin, 

'*'  Miiiueius  Felix,  c.  8,  witVi  Wowoma's  notes.  Celsiis  aj).  ()riy;oi), 
L  iii.  p.  i;i8,  HI.     Julian  up.  Cyril.  1.  vi.  p.  20(),  edit.  Spaiilicim. 

"*  Eusel).  Hist.  E(a'loH.  iv.  .i.     llicronym.  lipist.  H'.i. 

'"•  The  story  is  prettily  told  in  Justin's  Dialafjues.  'rillemnnt 
(M6m.  EccU'Hiusi.  torn.  ii.  p.  384,)  who  relates  it  alter  hii  i,  in  surt 
that  tl  e  old  man  wu^  a  disgui^ied  aut<el. 


OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  585 

language.  Jiiliiis  Africanus  and  Origen  possessed  a  very 
considerable  share  of  the  learning  of  their  times  ;  and  although 
the  style  of  Cyprian  is  very  dilTcrent  from  that  of  Lactanlius, 
we  might  almost  discover  that  both  those  writers  had  been  public 
teachers  of  rhetoric.  Even  the  study  of  philosophy  was  at 
length  introduced  among  the  Christians,  but  it  was  not  always 
productive  of  the  most  salutary  effects ;  knowledge  was  as 
often  the  parent  of  heresy  as  of  devotion,  and  ihe  description 
which  was  designed  for  the  followers  of  Artemon,  may,  with 
equal  propriety,  be  applied  to  the  various  sects  that  resisted 
the  successors  of  the  apostles.  "  They  presume  to  alter  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  to  abandon  the  ancient  rule  of  faith,  and  to 
form  their  opinions  according  to  the  subtile  precepts  of  logic. 
The  science  of  the  church  is  neglected  for  the  study  of  geom- 
etry, and  they  lose  sight  of  heaven  while  they  are  employed 
in  measuring  the  earth.  Euclid  is  perpetually  in  their  hands. 
Aristotle  and  Theophrastus  are  the  objects  of  their  admiration  ; 
and  they  express  an  uncommon  reverence  for  the  works  of 
Galen.  Their  errors  are  derived  from  the  abuse  of  the  arts 
and  sciences  of  the  infidels,  and  they  corrupt  the  simplicity 
of  the  gospel  by  the  lefinements  of  human  reason."  ^^^ 

Nor  can  it  be  affirmed  with  truth,  that  the  advantages  of 
birth  and  fortune  were  always  separated  from  the  profession 
of  Christianity.  Several  Roman  citizens  were  brought  before 
the  tribunal  of  Pliny,  and  he  soon  discovered,  that  a  great 
number  of  persons  of  every  order  of  men  in  Bithynia  had 
deserted  the  religion  of  their  ancestors. '"^^  His  unsuspected 
testimony  may,  in  this  instance,  obtain  more  credit  than  the 
bold  challenge  of  TertuUian,  when  he  addresses  himself  to 
the  fears  as  well  as  to  the  humanity  of  the  proconsul  of  Africa. 
Dy  assuring  him,  that  if  he  persists  in  his  cruel  intentions,  he 
must  decimate  Carthage,  and  that  he  will  find  among  the  guilty 
many  persons  of  his  own  rank,  senators  and  matrons  of  noblest 

'"  Eusebius,  t.  28.  It  may  be  hoped,  that  none,  except  the 
heretics,  gave  occasion  to  the  complaint  of  Celsus,  (ap.  Ori);en,  1.  ii.  p. 
77,)  that  the  Christians  were  perpetually  correcting  and  altering  their 
Gospels.* 

'**  Plin.  Epist.  X.  97.     Fuerunt  alii  similis  amentiae,   cives  Romani 

- Multi  enim  omnis  tetatis,  omnia  ordinia,  utriusque  bcxQs,  ctiam 

rocantur  in  periculum  et  vocabuntur. 


•  Origen  states  in  reply,  that  he  knows  of  noie  who  had  a  tered  the 
Oospeis  oxrept  the  Marcioriites,  the  Valentiiii.'ms,  ind  uernap*  bomt  fol- 
lowers of  Lucanus.  —  M. 


586  ^HE    DEC:.INE    AND    FALL 

exti action,  and  the  friends  or  relations  of  bis  most  intimatw 
friends. isij  It  appears,  however,  that  about  forty  years  after, 
wards  the  emperor  Valerian  was  persuaded  of  the  truth  of  this 
assertion,  since  in  one  of  his  rescripts  he  evidently  supposes, 
that  senators,  Roman  knights,  and  ladies  of  quaUty,  were 
engaged  in  the  Christian  sect.^^"  The  churcli  still  continued 
to  increase  its  outward  splendor  as  it  lost  its  internal  purity  , 
and,  in  the  reign  of  Diocletian,  the  palace,  the  courts  of  justice, 
and  even  the  army,  concealed  a  multitude  of  Christians,  who 
endeavored  to  reconcile  the  interests  of  llie  present  with  those 
of  a  future  life. 

And  yet  these  exceptions  are  either  too  few  in  number,  or 
too  recent  in  time,  entirely  to  remove  the  imputation  of  igno- 
rance and  obscurity  which  has  been  so  arrogantly  cast  on  the 
first  proselytes  of  Christianity.*  Instead  of  employing  in  our 
defence  the  fictions  of  later  ages,  it  will  be  more  prudent  to 
convert  the  occasion  of  scandal  into  a  subject  of  edification. 
Our  serious  thoughts  will  suggest  to  us,  that  the  apostles  them- 
selves were  chosen  by  Providence  among  the  fishermen  of 
Galilee,  and  that  the  lower  we  depress  the  temporal  condition 
of  the  first  Christians,  the  more  reason  we  shall  find  to  admire 
their  merit  and  success.  It  is  incumbent  on  us  diligently  to 
remember,  that  the  kingdom  of  heaven  was  promised  to  the 
poor  in  spirit,  and  that  minds  afflicted  by  calamity  and  the 
contempt  of  mankind,  cheerfully  listen  to  the  divine  promise 
of  future  happiness ;  while,  on  the  contrary,  the  fortunate  are 
satisfied  with  the  possession  of  this  world ;  and  the  wise 
abuse  in  doubt  and  dispute  their  vain  superiority  of  reason 
and  knowledge. 

We  stand  in  need  of  such  reflections  to  comfort  us  for  the 


]89  Tertullian  ad  Scapulam.     Yet  even  his  rhetoric  rises  no  highei 
than  to  claim  a  tenth  part  of  Carthage. 
^^'  Cyprian.  Epist.  79. 

*  This  incomplete  enumeration  ought  to  be  increased  by  the  nnraes  of  sev- 
eral Piigiuis  converted  at  the  dawn  of  Christianity,  and  whose  conversion 
weakens  the  reproacli  which  the  historian  appears  to  snpport.  Sucii  are,  the 
Proconsul  Sergius  Paulus,  converted  at  Paplios,  (Acts  xiii.  7-12:)  I^ionysius, 
meniber  of  the  Areopagus,  converted,  with  several  others,  at  Athens, "{  Actj 
xvii.  34;)  several  persons  at  the  court  of  Nero,  (I'liilip.  iv.  2i:)  Kras;u.,  re- 
ceiver at  Corinth,  (Honi.  xvi.  23;)  some  Asiarohs,  (Ails  xix.  :;l.)  ,As  lo  ,iie 
philosopiiers,  we  may  add  Tatian,  Athenagoras,  I'lieopliiius  of  Antioch,  Ho- 
gesippus,  Melito,  Mil'tiades,  l'ant»nus,  Amnnonius,  &c.,  all  distinguii  lied  fof 
llieir  genius  and  learning.  —  G. 


Ot    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  58? 

I*)ss  of  some  illustrious  characters,  which  in  oui  eyes  migh 
tiave  seemed  tiie  most  wortliy  of  the  heavenly  present.  The 
names  of  Seneca,  of  the  elder  and  the  younger  Pliny,  of  Tacitus, 
of  Plutarch,  of  Galen,  of  the  slave  Epictetus,  and  of  the  em- 
peror Marcus  Antoninus,  adorn  the  age  in  which  they  flourished, 
and  exalt  the  dignity  of  human  nature.  They  filled  with 
glory  their  respective  stations,  either  in  active  or  contempla- 
tive life ;  their  excellent  understandings  were  improved  hy 
study  ;  Philosophy  had  purified  their  minds  from  the  preju- 
dices of  the  popular  superstition;  and  their  days  were  spent 
in  the  pursuit  of  truth  and  the  practice  of  virtue.  Yet  all 
these  sages  (it  is  no  less  an  object  of  surprise  than  of  concern) 
overlooked  or  rejected  the  perfection  of  the  Christian  system. 
Their  language  or  their  silence  equally  discover  their  con- 
tempt for  the  growing  sect,  which  in  their  time  had  diffused 
itself  over  the  Roman  empire.  Those  among  them  who  con 
descended  to  mention  the  Christians,  consider  them  only  as 
obstinate  and  perverse  enthusiasts,  who  exacted  an  implicit 
submission  to  their  mysterious  doctrines,  without  being  able 
to  produce  a  single  argument  that  could  engage  the  attention 
of  men  of  sense  and  learning.'^^ 

It  is  at  least  doubtful  whether  any  of  these  philosophers 
perused  the  apologies  *  which  the  primitive  Christians  repeat- 
edly published  in  behalf  of  themselves  and  of  their  religion  ; 
Dut  it  is  much  to  bo  lamented  that  such  a  cause  was  not  de- 
fended by  abler  advocates.  They  expose  with  superfluous 
wit  and  eloquence  the  extravagance  of  Polytheism.      They 


'9'  Dr.  Lardner,  in  his  first  and  second  volumes  of  Jewish  and 
Christian  t(;stiinonics,  collects  and  illustrates  those  of  Pliny  the 
younger,  of  Tacitus,  of  Galen,  of  Marcus  Antoninus,  and  perhap?  of 
Epictetus,  (for  it  is  doubtful  whether  that  philosopher  means  to  speak 
of  the  Christians.)  The  new  sect  is  totally  unnoticed  by  Seneca,  the 
elder  Pliny,  and  Plutarch. 

•  The  emperors  Hadrian,  Antoninus,  &c.,  read  with  astonishment  tho 
apologies  of  Justin  Martyr,  of  Aristides,  of  Melito,  &c.  (See  St.  HieroR 
Ad  mag.  oral.  Orosius,  Iviii.  c.  13.)  Eusebius  says  expressly,  that  the 
cause  of  Christianity  was  defended  before  the  senate,  in  a  very  elegant 
discourse,  by  Apollonius  the  Martyr.  UoAXfi  Xmapdi  iKcrciaavTof  tov  fitKaarou, 
ca!  )i.6yuv  ini  r^$  avyK^i'/Tuv  ^ouXijs  ahi'iaavToi,  Xoyiiararijv  bnip  ti(  ijiapThpti  viartut 
ivr't  nivTiav  itapaovuiv  diroXoy/av.  —  G. 

Gibbon,  in  his  severer  spirit  of  criticism,  may  have  questioned  the 
authority  of  Jerom-;  and  Eusebius.  There  are  some  dithcultie?  about 
Apol'onius,  which  Heinichen  (note  in  kc.  Eusebii)  would  sol»e.  bv  sup- 
poaing  him  to  h»ve  been,  as  Jerome  states,  a  senatcr.  —  M. 


S8S  THE    DECLINE   AND    FALL 

inteiest  our  compassion  by  displaying  the  innocence  and  suf 
ferings  of  their  injured  brethren.  But  when  they  would  de- 
monstrate the  divine  origin  of  Christianity,  they  insist  much 
more  strongly  on  the  predictions  which  announced,  than  on 
the  miracles  which  accompanied,  the  appearance  of  the  Mes- 
siali.  Their  favorite  argument  might  serve  to  edify  a  Chris- 
tian or  to  convert  a  Jew,  since  both  the  one  and  the  other  ac- 
knowledge the  authority  of  those  prophecies,  and  both  are 
obliged,  with  devout  reverence,  to  search  for  their  sense  and 
tlieir  accomplishment.  But  this  mode  of  persuasion  loses 
much  of  its  weight  and  influence,  when  it  is  addressed  to 
those  who  neither  understand  nor  respect  the  Mosaic  dispen- 
sation and  the  prophetic  style.^^a  In  the  unskilful  hands  of 
Justin  and  of  the  succeeding  apologists,  the  sublime  meaning 
of  the  Hebrew  oracles  evaporates  in  distant  types,  afTected 
conceits,  and  cold  allegories  ;  and  even  their  authenticity  waa 
rendered  suspicious  to  an  unenlightened  Gentile,  by  the  mix- 
ture of  pious  forgeries,  which,  under  the  names  of  Orpheus, 
Hermes,  and  the  Sibyls, '^^  were  obtruded  on  liim  as  of  equal 
value  with  the  genuine  inspirations  of  Heaven.  The  adop- 
tion of  fraud  and  sophistry  in  the  defence  of  revelation  too 
often  reminds  us  of  the  injudicious  conduct  of  those  poets  who 
load  their  invulnerable  heroes  with  a  useless  weight  of  cum- 
bersome and  brittle  armor. 

But  how  shall  we  excuse  the  supine  inattention  of  *he  Pagan 
and  philosophic  world,  to  those  evidences  which  were  repre- 
sented by  the  hand  of  Omnipotence,  not  to  their  reason,  but 
to  their  senses.?  During  the  age  of  Christ,  of  his  apostles, 
and  of  their  first  disciples,  the  doctrine  which  they  preached 
was  confirmed  by  innumerable  prodigies.     The  lame  walked, 

•**  If  the  famous  projjhccy  of  the  Seventy  AVeoks  had  been  alleged 
to  a  Roman  philosopher,  would  he  not  have  replied  in  the  words  of 
Cicero,  "  Quae  tandem  ista  auRuratio  est,  annorum  potiua  quam  aut 
mensium  aut  dierum  "  ?  De  Divina'ione,  ii.  30.  Observe  with  what 
irreverence  Lucian,  (in  Alexandro,  c.  13,)  and  his  friend  Cclsus  ap. 
Origen,  (1.  vii.  p.  327,)  express  themselves  concerning  the  Hebrew 
prophets. 

"  The  philosophers  who  derided  the  more  ancient  predictions  of 
the  Sibyls,  would  easily  have  detected  the  Jewish  and  Christian 
forgeries,  which  have  been  so  triumphantly  (juotcd  by  the  fathers, 
from  Justin  Martyr  to  Lactantius.  When  the  Sibylline  verses  had 
performed  their  appointed  task,  they,  like  the  system  cf  the  millenni- 
um, were  quietly  laid  aside.  The  Christian  Sybil  had  unluckily 
fixed  the  ruin  of  llome  for  the  year  195,  A   U.  C.  948. 


OF   THK    ROMAN    EMPIRF  589 

thn  b1in<l  saw,  the  sick  were  healed,  the  dead  were  raised. 
daMiions  were  expelled,  and  the  laws  of  Nature  were  frequently 
suspended  for  the  benefit  of  the  church.  But  the  sages  of 
(Jreece  and  Rome  turned  aside  from  the  awful  spectacle,  and, 
pursuing  the  ordinary  occupations  of  life  and  study,  appeared 
unconscious  of  any  alterations  in  the  moral  or  physical  gov- 
ernment of  the  world.  Under  the  reign  of  Tiberius,  the 
whole  earth, ^'■'■^  or  at  least  a  celebrated  prov"r^.e  of  the  Roman 
empire, '^^  was  involved  in  a  preternatural  Ou.kness  of  three 
hours.  Even  this  miraculous  event,  which  ought  to  have 
excited  the  wonder,  the  curiosity,  and  the  devotion  of  mankind, 
passed  without  notice  in  an  age  of  science  and  history. i'-*^     h 

'•*  The  fathers,  as  they  are  drawn  out  in  battle  array  by  Dom 
Calraet,  (Dissertations  sur  la  Bible,  torn.  iii.  p.  295 — 308,)  seem  to 
cover  the  whole  earth  with  darkness,  in  which  they  are  followed  by 
moBt  of  the  modernB. 

'»»  Origen  ad  Matth.  o.  27,  and  a  few  modern  critics,  Beza,  Le 
Clerc,  Lardncr,  &c.,  are  desirous  of  confining  it  to  the  land  of  Judea. 

'**  The  celebrated  passage  of  Phlegon  is  now  wisely  abandoned. 
When  Tertullian  assures  the  Pagans  that  the  mention  of  the  prodigy 
is  found  in  Arcanis  (not  Archivis)  vestris,  (see  his  Apology,  c.  21,) 
he  probably  appeals  to  the  Sibylline  verses,  which  relate  it  exactly  in 
the  words  of  the  Gospel.* 


*  According  to  some  learned  theologians  a  misunderstanding  of  the  text 
m  the  Gospel  has  given  rise  to  this  mistake,  which  has  employed  and 
wearied  so  many  laborious  commentators,  though  Origen  had  already  taken 
the  pains  to  preinform  them.  The  expression  o-icAtos  iyivtro  does  not  mean, 
they  assert,  an  eclipse,  but  any  kind  of  obscurity  occasioned  in  the  atmos- 
phere, whether  by  clouds  or  any  other  cause.  As  this  obscuration  of  the 
Bun  rarely  took  place  in  Palestine,  where  in  the  middle  of  April  the  sky 
was  usually  clear,  it  assumed,  in  the  eyes  of  the  Jews  and  Christians,  an 
importance  conformable  to  the  received  notion,  that  the  sun  concealed  a' 
midday  was  a  sinister  presage.  See  Amos  viii.  9,  10.  The  word  aKoroi  is 
often  taken  in  tliis  sense  by  contemporary  writer.s  :  the  Apocalypse  says, 
ioKoTiaOt)  4  i).\io<,  the  sun  was  concealed,  when  speaking  of  an  obscuration 
caused  by  smoke  and  dust.  (Revel,  ix- 2. J  Moreover,  the  Hebrew  word 
ophal,  which  in  the  LXX.  answers  to  the  Greek  oKoroi,  signifies  any  dark- 
ness ;  and  the  Evangelists,  who  have  moiifcutd  the  sense  of  their  expres- 
«ious  by  those  of  the  LXX..,  must  have  taken  it  in  the  same  latitude 
This  darkening  of  the  sky  usually  precedes  earthquakes.  (Matt,  xxvii.  .51.) 
Tlie  Heathen  authors  furnish  us  a  number  of  examples,  of  which  a  n^'rac 
ulous  explanation  was  given  at  the  time  See  Ovid.  ii.  v.  33,  1.  xv  v.  78o. 
Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  1.  ii.  c.  30.  Wetstem  bas  collected  all  these  examples  in 
his  edition  of  the  New  Testament. 

We  need  not,  then,  be  astonished  at  the  silence  of  the  Pagan  authors 
concerning  a  plicnomenon  which  did  not  extend  beyond  Jerusalem,  ana 
which  might  have  nothing  contrary  to  the  laws  of  nature  ;  although  the 
Christians  and  the  Jews  may  have  regarded  it  as  a  sinister  presage.  Sc« 
Michaelis,  Notes  on  New  Testament,  v.  i.  p  290.  Paulus,  Commentan 
jr.  New  Testament,  iii.  p.  760.  — G. 


590  DECLINE    AND    FALL    OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRK. 

happened  during  the  lifetime  of  Seneca  and  the  elder  Pliny 
who  must  have  experienced  the  immediate  efiects,  or  received 
the  earliest  intelligence,  of  the  prodigy.  Each  of  these 
philosophers,  in  a  laborious  work,  has  recorded  all  the  great 
phenomena  of  Nature,  earthquakes,  meteors,  comets,  and 
eclipses,  which  his  indefatigable  cariosity  could  collect.'^"' 
Both  the  one  and  the  other  have  omitted  to  mention  tVie 
greatest  i)henomenon  to  which  the  mortal  eye  has  been  wit- 
ness since  the  creation  of  the  globe.  A  distinct  chapter  of 
I'liny  ^^^  is  designed  for  eclipses  of  an  extraordinary  nature 
and  unusual  duration  ;  but  he  contents  himself  with  describing 
the  singular  defect  of  light  which  followed  the  murder  of 
Caesar,  when,  during  the  greatest  part  of  a  year,  the  orb  of  the 
sun  appeared  pale  and  without  splendor.  This  season  of  ob- 
scurity, which  cannot  surely  be  compared  with  the  preternatu- 
ral darkness  of  the  Passion,  had  been  already  celebrated  by 
most  of  the  poets  ^^^  and  historians  of  that  memorable  age.^"" 

'*'  Seneca,  Quaest.  Natur.  1.  i.  15,  vi.  1.  vii.  17.  Plin.  Ilist.  Natur. 
I.  ii. 

""•  Plin.  Hist.  Natur.  ii.  30. 

=**  Virgil.  Georgic.  i.  466.  Tibullus,  1,  i.  Eleg.  v.  ver.  75.  Ovid. 
Metaniorph.  xv.  782.  Lucan.  Pharsal.  i.  540.  The  last  of  these 
poets  places  this  prodigy  before  the  civil  war. 

*""  See  a  public  epistle  of  M.  Antony  in  Joseph.  Antiquit.  xiv.  12. 
Plutarch  in  Caesar,  p.  471.  Appian.  Bell.  Civil.  1.  iv.  Dion  Cassiuja, 
i.  xlv.  p.  431.  Julius  Obsequens,  c.  128.  His  little  treatise  i«  ao 
stetract  of  Livy's  prodigies. 


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